Visions of resilience: Eighteen artists say or show something in response to the word “resilience”

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined
Regularly, we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
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Juan Carlos Arroyo, Bogotá What survives in the act of resistance to a hospital closure is an ideal of human care, a concept of health and selfless humanitarianism that seems extinguished with the progress of economic models.
Katrine Claassens, Cape Town Resilience is a word often understood in terms of strength; in the Anthropocene, however, we would do well to understand resilience in terms of fragility.
David Brooks, New York To sincerely give consideration to the idea of resilience, in a culturally inclusive way, it is the notion of adaptability that floats to the top and becomes the road map to understanding.
Rebecca Chesney, Preston “Resilience” is not located in a place of simple, black and white contrasts, but a complicated tapestry intricately woven.
Emilio Fantin, Bologna Resilience is a form of coexistence. It is a process, a form of living, a relation to nature.
Ganzeer, Los Angeles The Egyptian cat’s ability to survive great changes is a testament to the animal’s resilience.
Lloyd Godman, Melbourne In an environment of predicted rapid climate change due to high CO2 levels, Tillandsias, offer a bio-model for effective adaption.
Fran Ilich, New York Today, we find many aspects of indigenous cultures becoming resilient by escaping Hispanic-Latino control.
Todd Lanier Lester, São Paulo “Resilience” is just another hoo-ha word game that philanthrocapitalism baits do-gooders with, à la new grant competitions.
Frida Larios, Washington What could the consciousness of co-creation and co-evolution look like, feel like, sound like, smell like, and taste like in action?
Patrick Lydon, San Jose & Seoul The roots of true resilience are in knowing our connectedness to nature, and then acting in the light of this knowledge.
Mary Mattingly, New York Resilience is a temporary fix, and has often been a way to leave the larger questions unanswered and problems unaddressed.
E. J. McAdams, New York What happens if you exchange every variation of the word “system” with variations of the word “poem”?
Mary Miss, New York We intend to provoke the visitors’ curiosity and send them out to the nearby waterways.
Edna Peres, Johannesburg Resilience suggests a fundamental reevaluation of our value systems, our interaction with city decision-makers, and our relationships.
Caroline Robinson, Auckland What could the consciousness of co-creation and co-evolution look like, feel like, sound like, smell like, and taste like in action?
Finzi Saidi, Pretoria Resilience suggests a fundamental reevaluation of our value systems, our interaction with city decision-makers, and our relationships.
Keijiro Suzuki, Yamaguchi & Nagoya My vision of resilience accommodates perspective shift and interdependency.
David Maddox

about the writer
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director. David's dad told him once that he needed a back up plan, something to "fall back on". So he bought a tuba.

Introduction

Resilience.

Resilient.

It is is the word of the decade.

As sustainability was before it.

A challenge with both words, directed at us, and especially as they relate to specific ideas and actions, is this. While they exist so well in the realm of metaphor, they are more difficult in reality. The same can be said for “livability” and “justice”. “Sustainability”.

But let’s embrace thinking in a different way.

Let’s strike out in possibly new metaphorical directions.

In this roundtable, we invited 18 artists and designers of various types to respond—in words, images, or other works—to the word.

Resilience.

This Roundtable is a co-production with Arts Everywhere.

Juan Carlos Arroyo

about the writer
Juan Carlos Arroyo

Animation Specialist and Master of Fine Arts of the National University of Colombia. Juan Carlos Arroyo is working on a master research project called "CRISIS PROCESSES AND RESISTANCE: The historical context with a focus on the images and humane care of the Hospital San Juan de Dios Bogotá 2002 - 2014 ".

Juan Carlos Arroyo

La Imagen y el cuidado humano // Image and Human Care

(English version follows here.)

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Hospital San Juan de Dios. Bogotá, marzo 2016. Foto: Edwin Espinoza // Hospital San Juan de Dios. Bogotá, March 2016. Photo: Edwin Espinoza

El Hospital San Juan de Dios de la ciudad de Bogotá fue cerrado aproximadamente en el año 1999, más de 3.600 trabajadores perdieron sus puestos fuentes de ingreso. Algunos de ellos hoy en día persisten en la resistencia al cierre y desaparición del hospital más antiguo de Sudamérica.

La acción de diversos factores sociales, políticos, económicos y culturales llevó a este hospital a una situación recurrente de crisis y posterior cierre. Este es un caso entre muchos otros; desde la implementación de la Ley 100 de 1993 la salud pública en Colombia ha cambiado significativamente, no es la causa de todos los males, pero si resultó un detonante de síntomas a una crisis organizativa y financiera que venía de tiempo atrás.

Pero los hospitales abren y cierran, así como las personas se enferman y recuperan su salud. No es difícil encontrar constantes contradicciones y opiniones opuestas sobre el estado de la salud en Colombia, así, como sobre la propia salud humana. Si seguimos la pista a la crisis hospitalaria en Colombia a través de los medios de comunicación y los debates públicos, veremos que hospitales un día colapsan, y al cabo de años estos resurgen, entonces ¿por qué se persiste en la resistencia al cierre?

La imagen/síntoma de un hospital que se deteriora y cierra es una imagen poderosa. Ha motivado la realización de varios trabajos artísticos, la poética en ellos nos transmite a través de la imagen las reflexiones y preguntas abiertas sobre la importancia de un hospital como el lugar del cuidado humano.

Individuales como Estado de coma de María Elvira Escallón, las fotografía de Nicolas Van Hemelryck y también otras intervenciones colectivas como el evento TIMEBAG Bogotá 2015 intervención en el HSJD por parte de 9 artistas de nacionales, bajo la curaduría de Gabriel Mario Vélez. Algunos ejemplos:

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En estado de coma Fotografía, 2004. María Elvira Escallón. Este proyecto está centrado en el espacio de la cama, único espacio privado al que puede acceder un paciente en un hospital public. // Coma state Photography, 2004. María Elvira Escallón. This project is focused on bed space, the only private space a patient has access to in a public hospital.
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Quiste. Instalación, 2005. Fredy Alzate. Una enorme esfera negra, hecha a partir de materiales reciclados y que impide el acceso a uno de los espacios del Edificio San Jorge: “Esta esfera es una especie de cáncer que se mantiene en el lugar, un poco la resonancia política de todo lo que ha pasado en este lugar.” // Cyst. Installation, 2005. Fredy Alzate. A huge black dial, made from recycled materials, prevents access to one of the spaces in the San Jorge building: “This area is a kind of cancer that stays in place, a small political resonance of all that has happened in this place.”
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Una de las resistencias. Instalación, 2005. Ana Karina Moreno. Homenaje y eco sobre la existencia de una de las luchas que han hecho posible que el San Juan de Dios se mantenga y en este momento desde las reflexiones y lo patrimonial se active en la sociedad. // One of the resistors. Installation, 2005. Ana Karina Moreno Homage to and echo of the existence of one of the struggles made possible by San Juan de Dios, and maintained by the reflections and equity active in society.
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Recorrido: siga esta es su casa. Fotografía, 2011. Nicolas Van Hemelryck. La situación de la Salud en el país se refleja en este Centro Hospitalario, que más que edificio fue la principal institución encargada de salvaguardar la vida de los colombianos. Hoy su ruina —habitada por seres obligados a ser fantasmas— es una advertencia para todos del resquebrajamiento que está viviendo el Estado, que no es otra cosa que la cara de la sociedad misma. // Travel: after this is your home Photography, 2011. Nicolas Van Hemelryck. The health situation in the country is reflected in this Hospital Center, which, more than a building, was the main institution responsible for safeguarding the lives of Colombians. Today a ruin, inhabited by ghosts, it is a warning to all the flaws of the state, which is nothing but the face of society itself.

Cuando un lugar de cuidado humano desaparece, cuando las personas que trabajaron allí salvando vida fueron ignorados, algo malo que ha ocurrido con nuestra sociedad, es como un erupción en la piel, algo que a simple vista parece no estar bien, pero, ¿qué es lo que pasa allí?, ¿los procesos de resistencia al cierre son manifestaciones de un cambio profundo en la concepción de la salud?

Lo que sobrevive en el acto de resistencia es un ideal de cuidado humano, una concepción de salud humanitaria y desinteresada que parece extinguirse con el avance de modelos económicos.

* * * * *

The San Juan de Dios Hospital of Bogota was closed around 1999, and more than 3,600 workers lost their jobs and sources of income. Today, some of them persist in their resistance to the closure and disappearance of South America’s oldest hospital.

When a place of human care disappears, the resistance to closure processes is a protest to a profound change in the conception of health.

Various social, political, economic, and cultural factors led the hospital into a recurring crisis and finally closure. This is one case among many. Since the implementation of Law 100 in 1993, public health in Colombia has changed significantly. The law is not the cause of the crisis, but it triggered the symptoms of the organizational and financial crisis that started long ago.

But hospitals open and close, and people get sick and recover their health. It is not hard to find constant contradictions and opposing views on the state of health in Colombia, as well as on human health itself. If we follow the trail leading to the hospital crisis in Colombia in the media and public debates, we see that hospitals collapse one day, and after years they resurface. Why, then, do we persist in resisting their closure?

Images of a hospital that is closed and deteriorating are powerful and have motivated the realization of several artworks. The poetic conveys the buildings through image reflections and raises questions about the importance of a hospital as the place of human care. Examples include Coma State (En estado de coma) by Maria Elvira Escallón, the photographs of Nicolas Van Hemelryck, and other collective interventions such as TIMEBAG Bogotá 2015 HSJD by nine national artists, curated by Gabriel Mario Velez. (For examples, see the photos in the Spanish version above.)

When a place of human care disappears, and when people who worked there saving lives are ignored, something bad has happened to our society, like a rash that at first glance does not seem right, even though it is there. The resistance to closure processes is a protest to a profound change in the conception of health.

What survives in these acts of resistance is an ideal of human care, a concept of health and selfless humanitarianism that seems extinguished with the progress of economic models.

Katrine Claassens

about the writer
Katrine Claassens

Katrine Claassens' paintings reflect her interest in climate change, urban ecology, and internet memes. She also works as a science, policy and climate change communicator for universities, think tanks, and governments in South Africa and Canada.

Katrine Claassens

“You are so brave and quiet I forget you are suffering” —Ernest Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms (1929)

Resilience is a word often understood in terms of strength—something is resilient because it is strong. In the Anthropocene, however, we would do well to understand resilience in terms of fragility as well. One of the more troubling arguments I have heard in relation to resilience is this: that nature will find a way to survive no matter what we subject Earth (or ourselves) to. For me the issue at hand is not just whether nature will survive the 6th extinction that we are currently living through, but rather whether we can afford to be so complacent about the increasingly diminished form it is taking. Be certain, there will be no clear ‘winners’ on our current ecological trajectory.

Is resilience itself endangered? We have yet to see whether this may be the case.

Here I present a series of paintings that bear witness to the novel ecologies of the Anthropocene. These paintings are dedicated to landscapes that embody the duality of vulnerability and strength inherent in resilience for both humans and the natural world. Three of these paintings, Edith Stephens I, II and III, address a damaged, watery realm on the outskirts of Cape Town, a place I find particularly pertinent to the topic of resilience.

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Katrine Claassens. Edith Stephens, I-III (left to right). Oil on wood.

In the 1940s, Edith Stephens, a botanist at the University of Cape Town in South Africa, found that the diverse flora and (small) fauna of the wetlands outside the city were under threat from ongoing habit loss and degradation due to urban and agricultural expansion. Her conservation efforts to preserve something of the wetlands eventually resulted in a nature reserve being established.

Now triangled between two busy roads and a densely populated informal settlement, the Edith Stephens Wetland Park is in an area where both humans and nature are subjected to severe stresses, trauma, and fragmentation. The park is a windswept place, heavy and damp with ecological and social unease: it is not only a vestige of threatened plants found nowhere else in the world, but also a contested open area adjacent to densely packed shacks, in an age when the wisdom of conservation is questioned.

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Katrine Claassens, Ghost Swans, Oil on wood.
Their branches were interlaced. Their crowns were dense with spring leaves. They were like our love. (For Hitomaro)
Katrine Claassens, Their branches were interlaced. Their crowns were dense with spring leaves. They were like our love. (For Hitomaro), Oil on wood.
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Katrine Claassens, Small Island Nations, Oil on wood.
Self Portrait as Petunias
Katrine Claassens, Self Portrait as Petunias, Oil on wood.

Edith Stephens’ nature reserve has been found to be one of the few homes to an exceedingly rare plant, Isoetes capensis, a small, fern-like ‘living fossil,’ which has remained almost unchanged for 200 million years. That it has survived since the Carboniferous era tells us that it must be incredibly resilient, but does this mean anything in the Anthropocene, where it is now finally facing extinction?

Is resilience itself endangered? We have yet to see whether this may be the case, but our high expectations of resilience from nature (and, indeed, people, too) may be dangerous.

David Brooks

about the writer
David Brooks

David Brooks lives and works in Brooklyn, New York. Recent projects and exhibitions include Pond House Pond, Mildred’s Lane Historical Society, Beach Lake, Pennsylvania (2012); Galerie fur Landschaftskunst, Hamburg (2012); Notes on Structure, American Contemporary, New York (2012).

David Brooks

To sincerely give consideration to the idea of resilience, in a culturally inclusive way, it is the notion of adaptability that floats to the top and becomes the road map to understanding. By adaptability, I don’t mean in evolutionary terms—through natural selection and sexual selection. Rather, I’m more concerned with an adaptability of consciousness—something more immediately within our control. I mean the ability for us to collectively use our evolutionarily gained faculties of reason, synthesized with the concerns of our hearts, synthesized with our creative intellects, and as expressed through our experiential acumen. They all work in unison.

To adopt and adapt a new understanding of our environments, we must conceive of our urban environments as detail, object, environment, landscape.

With that we’d formulate a much-needed alternative picture of the biosphere, our place within it, and our future cohabitation. “Resilience” connotes an antidote to the cultural and economic conditioning of global capitalism. That said, it must be done collectivity, which is momentarily politically and culturally impossible. Which is the real drag. So let me start with the individual as opposed to the collective.

Though it may sound a bit silly, and though I am on the mature side of my life span, I still look to my youth—which I spent skateboarding day in and day out—as a role model for this notion of adaptability. Let me explain: skateboarding has really shaped the way I see the urban environment because it’s a perfect amalgamation of urban planning, athleticism, and creative articulation. It’s an unconventional way of getting to know the built environment. Skateboarders move through the city in a similar manner as the Situationists International or the flâneur wandered their cities—sparking and reinvigorating wonder in the pedestrian elements of their conforming environments, like a wall, a bench, or a curb. In the end, it’s about constant adaptation. One must, in the fraction of a second, consider: “How can I use that curb now? How can I use that bench? I’m not going to sit on it, I’m going to slide it and grind it. How can I use that railing? What about the way that railing meets the curb and meets the bench?” There is an entire set of creative adaptations that ensue—which is a radically different way of seeing the urban environment. In skateboarding, you have to embody a fluidity and adapt to flux constantly, instantaneously.

What this example illustrates for me is that to embrace a true sense of resilience is to actually adapt to new understandings of what one’s environment is, and our place within it. But this is a very old story. We don’t have to look far or invent a new story. In fact, it is a story that dates back to biblical times. We have this example in the story of Jonah. When Jonah looked up, after the great storm at sea, he was enveloped within what seemed a coarse, wet cave. Being thrashed about in this cave, Jonah became an object contained in an environment. As the story is told in the Book of Jonah, that environment was actually an object, a whale—for which Jonah was merely a detail of the contents of its mouth (a detail from god). For Jonah, the whale was an environment. For the whale, Jonah was a detail of its mouth, an object. Here detail, object and environment are not only indistinguishable, but merely a matter of perspective. Therefore, the predicament that Jonah finds himself in is that of a detail, that of an object, and that of an environment; all three of which work together monolithically to form the symbolic gesture of divine will through varying relations to the physical and individual body of Jonah. In this narrative, the occupant’s body is the common denominator within fluctuating perspectives and therefore the physical, psychological, and symbolic liaison between consciousness and the collective palpable landscape.

To adopt and therefore adapt a new understanding of our environments, we must think of the whale in the entirety of its being, as a detail (a detail of ocean abyss), and as an object (an object in terms of its body containing mass and mobility), and as an environment (it was indeed an environment for the intrepid Jonah, trapped inside of the whaleʼs mouth), and as a landscape (Jonah could certainly perceive the mouth of the whale as an environment, but the entirety of the whaleʼs body was not in view of Jonahʼs singular perceptual capacity, and therefore existed as a larger landscape that he had to imagine). Once we are able to understand the whale as all of the above, we are able to employ a multitude of empathies toward it simultaneously:

  1. The whale as a cog [a detail] in a larger system allows us to empathize with it just as we are citizens of a larger society—one of many denizens of a community.
  2. The whale as a discrete organism [an object] allows us to empathize with it as another being—man-to-man, mammal-to-mammal, being-to-being.
  3. The whale as an environment allows us to empathize with it as we might care for and tend to a garden of our domicile.
  4. The whale as a landscape allows us to empathize with it the way we embrace an awe-inspiring vista or how we might explore the caves of an alpine terrain.

This is our moment of succinct adaptation, as manifested through consciousness and our resulting behavior. Within this, a true sense of resilience might be formed.

Rebecca Chesney

about the writer
Rebecca Chesney

Rebecca Chesney is a visual artist whose work is concerned with the relationship between humans and nature and how we perceive, romanticize, and translate the landscape.

Rebecca Chesney

Preston to Mumbai (and back)

My work as a visual artist is concerned with the relationship between humans and nature: how we perceive, romanticize, and translate the landscape, and how politics, ownership, management, and commercial value all influence our surroundings.

If a balance is to be found where humans and wildlife coexist, we must acknowledge how each situation and circumstance demands a different solution.

I live in Preston in the U.K. and observing nature within the city has inevitably fed into my work and influenced my ideas. With the urban environment constantly changing, through periods of expansion and development, or recession, decline, and neglect I’ve become attracted to noting the resilience of some species.

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Installation view of Unwanted, PAD Gallery Preston. Photo: Rebecca Chesney

In 2006, I conducted surveys in Preston to try and discover all the ‘weed’ species in the city (only species that were unplanned and not deliberately planted on landscaped areas were included in the count). I documented over 50 species in gaps in the pavement, gutters, rooftops, chimneys and on small plots of derelict land. The list includes native, archaeophyte, and neophyte species.

Some can be described as resilient, others as opportunistic invaders, but they’re all surviving in what is seen as an unnatural habitat. Thriving along damp walls and beside leaky drainpipes were some wonderful examples of native ferns: Black Spleenwort, Maidenhair Spleenwort, Wall-Rue, Hartstongue and Male Fern, for example.

Given that Preston is included in the Doomsday Book of 1086, the earliest surviving public record of the land held by William the Conqueror, it is intriguing to wonder if these species have been here since before that time, and how they have adapted to the challenges posed by an ever changing ‘habitat’.

Expanding the project further brought the publication, in 2012, of Natura in Minima Maxima: A Map of the Famous City of Preston, Proud Host to Plants of All Nations. I have continued to record plants in Preston; this hand drawn map reveals some of the 70 species documented since the project started in 2006.

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Natura in Minima Maxima. Hand drawn map showing some of the weeds of Preston. Image: Rebecca Chesney

It was while on a Gasworks International Fellowship in Mumbai in 2013, where I was researching the relationship between humans and nature in and around the Sanjay Gandhi National Park, that I was confronted with a situation where both humans and nature are competing for the same space and where each is surviving because of their resilience in the face of continual pressure.

The park, 104km2 of native southern moist deciduous forest, is home to many rare species of plant and animals, including leopards. However, it is almost entirely surrounded by a massive urban population of approximately 20,000 people per km2 (it has been estimated that the population in Mumbai’s metropolitan area in 2013 was more than 20.5 million). During the 1990s, the High Court in Mumbai ruled that, because of the intense pressure on the ecology of the Park from the ever increasing population, all humans should be evicted from the Park. It was estimated that nearly 460,000 people lived in the Park by the mid-90s, but this number included both tribal villagers who had lived in the Park for generations and thousands of illegal encroachers living in self-made shanties.

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Tribal village in the Sanjay Gandhi National Park in Mumbai, India. Photo: Rebecca Chesney

The problems and conflict triggered from this ruling still resonate today. The land is subject to environmental, political, commercial, and humanitarian issues involving the interests of local authorities, environmentalists, politicians, builders, and land mafia, as well as the thousands of people who still live within the Park boundary.

Relying on the Park for shelter, fuel, and food, the illegal encroachers are some of the poorest in society, with few or no rights, making them very vulnerable. And it’s the plentiful stray dogs associated with these human settlements that have become easy prey for leopards, constituting almost 70 percent of their diet. However, there have been attacks on people living in and around the Park boundary, causing terrible injuries and a number of deaths. Living under the threat of attack from leopards and the threat of eviction from their homes, these communities reveal a resilience and determination to remain. But the authorities in Mumbai are equally determined to protect the wildlife of the Park from the pressure of creeping development, knowing that this unique and incredible habitat could be lost forever if action is not taken.

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Stray Dog of Mumbai (from a series of 18). Drawing on paper. Image: Rebecca Chesney

Living on the boundary of the Park during my stay in Mumbai taught me how complex the situation is—it is not a place of simple, black and white contrasts, but a complicated tapestry intricately woven. Bringing this incredible experience back to the city where I live has given me a new perspective from which to view my surroundings and to consider that, if a balance is to be found where humans and wildlife coexist, we must acknowledge how each situation and circumstance demands a different solution.

Emilio Fantin

about the writer
Emilio Fantin

Emilio Fantin is an artist working in Italy on multidisciplinary research. He teaches at the Politecnico, Architecture, University of Milan, and acts as coordinator of the “Osservatorio Public Art”.

Emilio Fantin

The term resilience suggests a spirit of adaptation, the ability to solve problems, a rebound. As a strategy to improve a problem, resilience transforms the deteriorated situation by holding to it.

Resilience is a form of coexistence. It is a process, a form of living, a relation to nature.

To me, revolution suggests an image of utopia, pureness and sacrifice, the drive towards a new world. I see revolution as a primary color, red. It has an impetuous movement, like a red river that becomes a stormy sea. Revolution attacks and destroys the opponent. It dictates a new winner by a clear cut. This is a great strength and a great weakness.

“A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.”

—Mao Tse-Tung

Resilience drives us to the realm of adaptation. It speaks of transformation and not destruction. I imagine that resilience has a shade of Terra di Siena (Sienna), a complementary color. I used to paint with it in order to give different nuances. Terra di Siena has a less solid quality than red because it is more adaptable. Resilience is the flow of the river that does not converge into a sea. It flows into different channels, gathering enough force to overcome obstacles.

Phonetically speaking, in the word revolution, the combination of “r” and “v” sounds sharp and hard. In the word resilience, the combination of “r” and “s” sounds sweet and fluid.

Resilience sounds sensual and maternal, while revolution sounds imperative and manly. Revolution evokes the orbital movement of planets, Father and Sky. Resilience echoes nature, Mother and Earth. In the 60s, we had the sexual revolution; nowadays we have a gender resilience. The metamorphosis of the bodies is an example of a resilient quality. Terms like trans, inter, intra, with, between, refer to a processuality.  Resilience leaves the door always open, while revolution is categoric and it stops a cycle. The resilient attitude of changing and transforming is acting in the generative and reproductive functions, which are the essence of feminine.

Resilience is a form of coexistence. It is a process, a form of living, a relation to nature. It drives us toward a profound interest in ecology and politics. From a political perspective, it can be seen as an attitude to resist and to escape power abuse. It is a strategy to escape strong power, slipping through it without making another enemy and creating an equally strong opponent. Resilience fights the enemy by keeping it to the background, but cannot really destroy it. This is a great strength and a great weakness.

But is it possible to find solutions to the problems of the environment without questioning the values of capitalism? This perspective lets us hope for a better future, but exposes us to the danger of slipping into accepting neoliberal principles as given.

“Stop calling me resilient. I’m not resilient. Because every time you say, ‘Oh, they’re resilient,’ you can do something else to me.”

—Tracie Washington, New Orleans-based civil rights attorney, 2010

Lloyd Godman

about the writer
Lloyd Godman

Lloyd Godman is one of a new breed of environmental artists whose work is directly influencing 'green' building design

Lloyd Godman

Resilience: evolution and growth habit in Tillandsias, a bio-model

In terms of plant evolution, Bromeliads, a family of plants from South America, first appeared relatively recently, about 70-50 million years ago.

Resilience in Tillandsias is evidenced by evolution, over millennia, into diverse species, and evolution of growth habit over short periods.

About the same time as our ancestral forebears, the early apes, evolved on the planet (15 – 30 million years ago), the massive Andes mountain range thrust upward from intense tectonic activity. In the geological upheaval, countless life forms became stranded by high, rocky peaks and deep valleys. Increasingly, each species was exposed to a “rapidly” changing climate. Mostly drier, colder, and hotter. Relatively quickly (over a few million years), species either became locally/permanently extinct or evolved.

More than any, Tillandsias, a genus of Bromeliads, diversified and about 1000 species evolved in an extremely short period. The success of their profound resilience was founded on adaptive evolution, through which they developed and refined a complex series of biological systems and growth habits that spawned a multitude of weird and eccentric plant forms that are often called air plants. One species, Tillandsia tectorum has been recorded growing in conditions of 75°C temperature change in a single day (-20°C to 55°C)

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A range of Tillandsia species. Images: Lloyd Godman

Many evolved a xerophytic habit (needing little water), became epiphytic (growing on trees or other plants), or became saxicolous (attaching to rocks or sheer cliffs). While the roots became a means only of holding the plant firm, their trichome cells (special cells on the leaf) became more efficient and able to absorb all moisture and nutrients from the atmosphere. Some species have grown in areas where no rain has fallen for more than 20 years. As a climatic defence, these silver cells reflect about 93 percent of the radiation from the sun. Tillandsias dispensed with traditional photosynthetic methods and used a CAM cycle (a modification of typical photosynthesis) to biologically store energy from the sun, followed by growing at night, taking in CO2, and releasing oxygen in darkness, thereby reducing transpiration, which would dehydrate other plants grown in a similarly harsh climate.

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Images: Lloyd Godman

Working with Tallandsias

Tillandsias are among the amazing Bromeliad plants that from 1996 have become a signature in my work as an ecological artist,(My early work with Bromeliads can be viewed in this book.)

Tillandsia SWARM

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Images: Lloyd Godman

In one of my current Bromeliad Projects, Tillandsia SWARM, small mesh cages with selected species of Tillandsia have been placed on varied locations within Melbourne city, with no auxiliary watering system and left to their own biological devices.

Eureka Tower

At the first location for this project, Eureka Tower, plants were initially installed at 4 sites, on levels 92, 91, 65 and 56 in June 2014. This is the tallest building in the world with plants on; papers on the work were recently published in the Tall Building Urban Habitat Council Journal and also the Green Building Council Journal.

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Left: Eureka Tower Tillandsia sites. Right: (from left to right) Grant Harris, Lloyd Godman, and Stu Jones on top of Eureka—the plant cage is on the right. Images: Lloyd Godman
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Tillandsias after 22 months at level 92 Eureka Tower. Image: Lloyd Godman

CH2 Building

December 2015 saw plants installed at 4 sites on the CH2 building, where vertical garden systems have failed to establish. One SWARM site is mounted on the animated wooden sun screens, which rotate to control sunlight and heat entering the building.

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Left: Tillandsias mounted on the animated façade of CH2. Right: Grant Harris installs a Tillandsia cage at the top of C2—note the dead foliage of a climbing plant on the mesh. Images: Lloyd Godman

Essendon Fields

In February 2016, we mounted Tillandsia cages at 5 sites at Essendon Fields, an aiport.

essendonmulti
Left: Tillandsia cage mounted on the perimeter fence at Essendon Airport. Right: Tillandsia cage mounted on supermarket roof at Essendon. Images: Lloyd Godman

While there is not space to elaborate on the intricacies of the project, the process of installing these cages is a form of green tagging—this is not a sculptural work in the traditional sense of the word, but a conceptual social sculpture similar to Joseph Beuys 7,000 Oaks project at Documenta 7, where the plants occupy an ever greater space within the city. Other sites are in planning and the project can be viewed at: http://lloydgodman.net/suspend/swarm/index.html

This map is a guide to the sites: http://lloydgodman.net/suspend/swarm/map.html

While it might appear that the title, SWARM, refers to the expansion of Tilliandsia colonies throughout the city in the way bees swarm, it also relates to swarm intelligence and the way plants communicate through roots.

It poses a question: If these remarkable plants have disposed of their roots and rely on the trichome leaf cells, perhaps they also use their highly developed trichome cells to communicate via airwaves?

The plants on Eureka have now been installed for 22 months and have withstood record heat and dry spells, cold, salt laden winds over 200km per hour, and proved resilient to the severe climate of a high-rise building. Their success in such adverse conditions is underpinned by their adaptive growth habit.

In a nursery, the plants grow larger and greener, but in the extreme climate of Eureka, the plants produce more trichomes, becoming more silver in colour to reflect radiation and collect as much moisture as possible; the growth habit is more compact. The plants also produced many more pups or off-shoots (7-10 compared with 2-4 in a nursery) which acts as a biological insurance, creating a colony much quicker than in a milder climate. If one pup perishes, there are others to carry the plant forward. Compact growth and multiple pups are bio-strategies which help to create shifting shade patterns, protecting the colony from the adverse climate.

So, when exposed to harsh conditions, resilience in Tillandsias is evidenced by both evolution, over millennia, into diverse species, and growth habit over periods of just a few years. Changes in climate stimulate these changes within the plant’s evolutionary history, and the scale of time dictates the biological mechanism adopted. In an environment of predicted rapid climate change due to high CO2 levels, these remarkable plants, Tillandsias, offer a bio-model for effective adaption.

Airborne
Airborne—rotating Tillandsia sulptures in Melbourne CBD with Eureka Tower in background. Work and Photos: Lloyd Godman
Fran Ilich

about the writer
Fran Ilich

Fran Ilich is a media artist and writer. He lives and works in New York City.

Fran Ilich

“The end of history” was but a sign their era began to approach The End

As a kid in Bordertown, I used to watch Western movies thinking they were like action movies set in a bygone era because they had horses and people with hats and deserts and, more particularly, Indians with long hair (even though it was just like my own hair), instead of soldiers with machine guns and cars.

Today, we find many aspects of indigenous cultures becoming resilient by escaping Hispanic-Latino control.

I used to think those stories had happened years ago and could be consigned to the realm of black and white. I struggled to make the connection to the fashionable indigenous clothing my beautiful mom wore. Or to the fact that I thought there was nothing as “elegant” as a Chiconcuac coat. I just thought we were hippies. And never really made the connection that farmworkers in Mexico were indigenous; I just thought they were “poor”. Now I understand many of them are, but cash-poor, as they have access to healthy organic food without the drag of market value. Thanks to NAFTA, the U.S.A. took control of the regional monopoly of corn, something that 500 years belonged to the Triple Alliance (Tenochtitlan-Texcoco-Tlacopan).

Mom and Dad explained to me the bad guys in Western films were actually the cowboys, who stole the land and resources of the Indians. I also noticed the stories of Lone Ranger and Zorro were set in two completely different moments (Zorro used a sword because guns weren’t common in his time). That helped me understand that the genocidal campaign against Indians lasted for a few centuries. Both were sort of like Robin Hood, and both were in the territory we now know as the U.S.A., but that territory, at a certain point, was stolen from the Indians by Spain. Following this logic, every time a Mexican ‘demands’ or becomes nostalgic for such land, he responds to nothing more than the Spanish colonial heritage, as opposed to the indigenous one.

IMG_0469Needless to say, I always identified with the Indians in the movies, even though Mexican school and television taught me Indians didn’t exist anymore: they belonged to another time. There were a few survivors, of course: a few Indian families begging for money in touristic streets and perhaps a few stubborn individuals who didn’t want to use medicines, go to school, etc. They were basically extinct. We were told that in 1492 Christopher Columbus had “discovered” America. Soon after, Spanish Conquistadores brought (their) civilization and diseases. A bloody war started, but the Indians lost. They had been glorious and heroic, but they died because they were supposed to be inferior. Official history would go as far as to point out that their polytheism was another proof of their primitive status. After the indigenous people lost, a new culture was born: closer to Spain, but mixed with indigenous features. That was the mantra. Some teachers would talk to us about ethnic cleansing, others would talk about the benefits of catechism. But nothing really managed to fully kill the mystery.

IMG_1265At 10 or 11 years old, I attended the lecture of an old sage who claimed to be the Last Mayan. I remember feeling very sad and asking myself and hearing others ask what could be done, how could he reproduce his kind and their wisdom? But of course, he was too old: he was The Last One. Not much could be done. Better that he tour the country while he still could to let people know whatever secrets remained before it was too late. This was a few years before the half-millennium anniversary of the invasion of the continent. People and intellectuals were getting restless. In 1992, Mexican social scientists managed to score a goal on Spanish social scientists who, perhaps to avoid riots, agreed to stop claiming the continent had been “discovered”—of course, people inhabiting the continent knew they existed and were in the continent. Instead, the official version of the 1492 event was re-conceptualized as a “meeting of two worlds.” Nothing more.

IMG_3190Those were the years when Francis Fukuyama claimed history had come to an end. And because of NAFTA, the people of Mexico were deluded, believing it was time for them to become citizens of the First World. The official date of entry would be January 1, 1994. But the transmission on New Year’s Day was interrupted by a small Liberation Army of Mayans, who existed, identified as Mayans, and didn’t speak the Spanish language, even though they inhabited Mexico. That was a big reality check. Since then, we have found out that more and more people speak languages and practice religions we were told were long-dead. Even a few decades ago, there were still events (miracles) that made the Nahuatl people renew their faith in their “natural” or original beliefs. The Catholic Church treated these events as emergencies: it would use any means to suppress such effects. Theology of Liberation has been praised for its so-called emancipatory and revolutionary qualities, but it could also be considered a last resource for keeping the customers converted to the oppressor’s religion.

Today, we find many aspects of indigenous cultures becoming resilient by escaping Hispanic-Latino control simply by having access to autonomous means of social organization (as in the case of the Zapatista-aligned Mayans, peoples, or groups working within the Convención Nacional Indígena) through which they teach their own versions of the invasion, conquest, and colonization of the continent; or by having access to groups that manage to secure regular access to liquid financial means (like the U.S. dollar) that allow them to circumvent colonial “hispanic” caste-based forms of social organization by creating translocal financial flows, as is the case of many indigenous migrants in the U.S., who first identify as part of an indigenous group and after that as Mexicans. And then again, you have de-Indianized mestizos and young adventurous people in search for themselves.

Isn’t it ironic that a lot of the people we think of as Latinos, actually think of Latinos as the persons that dispossessed them of their resources? The spirit of the land still walks among us, pedestrians of history. Long live Huehueteotl.

Todd Lester

about the writer
Todd Lester

Todd Lester is an artist and cultural producer. He has worked in leadership, advocacy and strategic planning roles at Global Arts Corps, Reporters sans frontiers, and Astraea Lesbian Justice Foundation. He founded freeDimensional and Lanchonete.org—a new project focused on daily life in the center of São Paulo.

Todd Lanier Lester

It is hard for me to speak to one coded buzzword—resilience—without evoking another: precarity (see this dense, yet compelling article, From Precarity to Precariousness and Back Again: Labour, Life and Unstable Networks). That it’s rooted, significantly, in Italian labor struggles might explain why it doesn’t spellcheck in English. While neither word originates in the art world, both ‘precarity’ and ‘resilience’ have entered its stratosphere significantly in the past decade. They feel like jargon when passing the lips, and therefore attain new levels of encryption for those of us who know how to deploy them in symposia and panel settings … etymologically, they “mean” something, yet often it’s hard to indict users for blurred, vague, or conflated issuance. The “word police” are on their trail, however, and this question(ing) may well be a preliminary hearing.

“Resilience” is just another hoo-ha word game that philanthrocapitalism baits do-gooders with à la new grant competitions.

I recently saw the programme of a university conference that included a Roundtable on Precarity. I thought to myself, what a sign of the neoliberal times … historicizing an acceptable version of ‘down and out’ as it climbs up the class ladder … as if the privilege of overworking hails from a different system than one that does not allow some to work with dignity (or that labor abuse in a gilded vocation is somehow more egregious than that experienced by workers writ large).

Cities fascinate me. They comprise communities, and my art is almost always in dialogue with various forms of community organizing. I often work in rather large cities like Cairo and São Paulo, where the word in question is beginning to be bandied about, as it has been in pan-Western locales for some years now. Here, I’m bringing up the usage of such English-language jargon in non-English-speaking locales … a related and also fraught ‘enterprise’. Working in these large—refugee, economic migrant, natural disaster / climate change migrant, exile, asylum-seeker -receiving—cities, I’ve come to believe that the size of a city is a form of control. For example the mega-city phenomenon is not occurring in the pan-Western territory. Our “resilient” cities cannot even be compared to those for which the global visa regime directs immense flows of human mobility to be “held” and processed with only a small fraction traveling onward to the cities of the “West”. Our cities (speaking as a U.S. citizen) are simply not challenged in the same way that those in formerly/currently colonized or clientele states are… full disclosure: I’m sitting in Cairo as I finish this piece.

So, really, “resilience” is just another hoo-ha word game that philanthrocapitalism baits do-gooders with à la new grant competitions, as Tom Slater points out in The resilience of neoliberal urbanism (OpenDemocracy, 28 January 2014). And in From Just Another Emperor? The Myths and Realities of Philanthrocapitalism, where Michael Edwards cautions that the phenomenon (described by Slater) “is flawed in both its proposed means and its promised ends [seeing] business methods as the answer to social problems, but [offering] little rigorous evidence or analysis to support this claim … Philanthrocapitalism is in danger of passing itself off as the whole solution, downgrading the costs and trade-offs of extending business and market principles into social transformation.” Slater (OpenDemocracy) suggests that “an entire cottage industry on ‘resilient cities’ has emerged at a time of global austerity (a needless and wicked political and corporate assault on the poor that needs to be captured as a crisis per se, rather than as a response to an economic crisis)… [and that the] insidious work of urban resilience lies in the obvious and, to its proponents, entirely logical policy suggestion that the word carries: urban dwellers of the world, brace yourselves for austerity [or environmental catastrophe] and everything will be fine in the end!”

And, by the way, I’m not excluding myself from the “do good” camp, but I do think it helps to interrogate the conditions under which we strive for social justice … and questioning such positivist narratives offers one access hatch to go deeper and reality-check if what we hope for/from (in using these words) attains depth and rigor in a struggle for equality that is definitely implied when resilience-speak and social justice collide (often in the very halls of those philanthropies). I imagine that some would even disagree that “resilience” is positivist, but we can save that for the comments section. A couple years ago, I was in a room full of grantmakers and philanthropists in which the question was asked: “How can we make sure that artists are as responsive to future natural disasters [as they were to Hurricane Sandy and the Calgary flooding]?” Art is as social as it has always been. Artists’ ideas are as vibrant as they have always been. However, to only pay attention to their societal function when the shit hits the fan is to miss the point. So, thank you for asking this question to a gaggle of artists … it means a lot.

Hey, folks, as an independent project maker, I retain the right to apply for “resilience”-themed funds for my art work—as my need to do so reflects the capitalist system I exist within—even if I also aspire for that work to ask difficult questions of what Andy Merrifield terms the “bourgeois appropriation” of Right to the City discourse. In fact, as a middle class, white male who cares deeply about the future of our cities, I believe it is my responsibility to question the role of dominant culture in perpetuating neoliberal myths (of opportunity) in the face of what Lefebvre termed “planetary metamorphosis” in his ultimate work, “Dissolving City, Planetary Metamorphosis”, a short essay in which the old Marxist fully relinquished Right to the City-speak to the “enemies”. While it might seem like a tangent, I suggest a broad reading of Sarah Schulman’s The Gentrification of the Mind: Witness to a Lost Imagination with the question of “resilience” in mind. Thanks for reading!

Frida Larios

about the writer
Frida Larios

Frida Larios [b. San José, Costa Rica, 1974 (of Salvadoran parents)] has been leading learning since 2000, following her higher purpose of facilitating interpretative visual narrative applied to authored books, artworks, garments, workshops, and dialogues with children, youth, and designers, bridging the stories from Indigenous peoples and lands to contemporary reflection and appreciation, through her award-winning New Maya (Visual) Language coding methodology.

Frida Larios and Caroline Robinson

Cultivating our seed potential

Our footsteps keep warm an ancient lineage of birth, life, death and rebirth. As artists, it is this deep memory that we seek to activate and regenerate.

“Resilience” can only ever be a state of being, the state of oneness within the laws of nature.

Human creativity is woven within life’s continual evolution. Air, water, light, earth, fungi, plants, trees, insects, animals: these are our ancestors, here long before we were. Essential to who we are now. This primordial progression of child, within mother, within child, within mother, over eons of time, sustains and revitalises our true human nature.

With hands and hearts, our human family have crafted expressions of this awareness, recorded in rock, clay, pigment, fibre, song, and dance, to nourish the connections over time, making the journey of our continuity tangible. There is no separation. Everything and every one of us is interconnected. This is the indigenous understanding, and this reality is indigenous to us all.

Wholeness-Luna-Collage-2
Wholeness. Images: Frida Larios and Caroline Robinson

In this understanding, “resilience” can only ever be a state of being, the state of oneness within the laws of nature. The gift is nestled in the remembering this infinite wholeness that we are. The scientific reality is our biology and the patterns of the universe are regenerative. We are darkness and light. Harmonising. Potent. Timeless.

When we see it this way, it frames disturbance and disruption as vital polarity in the battery of life. Like the volcano decimating a landscape, to regenerate fertility on the earth’s surface. Within the darkness, a seed potential is waiting for full expression.

Can we find our true power and strength deep within the chaos, danger, and vulnerability?

The paradox lies in the face of extreme complexity and challenge: we are being called to be receptive and sensitive to the whispers of life. In a whole living system reality, we are nature, and nature sees only fuel, opportunity, and potential. Everyone and everything is part of this epic transformational process. We are actually co-evolving.

What could the consciousness of co-creation and co-evolution look like, feel like, sound like, smell like, and taste like in action?

We are living research. We are practitioners. We are seeds. As such, the work we do carries the intention to discover and cultivate life’s simple regenerative principle. Our relationships and endeavours, personal and collective, large and small, become centres of research and practice that guide us back to the source for renewal.

So we ask:

Where do I feel the most alive, and connected to life’s potential?
How am I keeping warm this ancient footprint of regeneration?

In this tenuous time of transition, at times awkward and intensely painful, perhaps the most pragmatic, yet sacred, action, is to focus human creativity on expressing, in myriad ways, the dignity of our wholeness.

Caroline Robinson

about the writer
Caroline Robinson

Caroline Robinson is the Founder and Director of Cabal, a pioneering arts, design, and facilitation practice based in Auckland, New Zealand.

Patrick M. Lydon

about the writer
Patrick M. Lydon

Patrick M. Lydon is an American ecological writer and artist based in Korea whose seeks to re-connect cities and their inhabitants with nature. He is an Arts Editor here at The Nature of Cities.

Patrick Lydon

Finding the roots of resilience

This week, my partner and I are fortunate to be starting a 10-week tour of our film Final Straw: Food, Earth, Happiness in Japan, and the film itself is useful as a foundation in discussions relating to true resilience, not only in farming, but in mindset.

The roots of true resilience are in knowing our connectedness to nature, and then acting in the light of this knowledge.

Yesterday, while walking to a screening event in Kyoto, we saw an astounding tree in bloom: white and deep pink. We were in a bit of a rush and it was raining, but we stopped to admire this tree, its colors exploding out like fireworks against the dull gray of the backside of a Japanese market street. An elderly man caught on to our curiosity as we were doing this, and he stopped to explain how the tree was actually two different trees fused together. The three of us stood to admire it and it felt as if, for that moment, four diverse living things were all fused together; me, my partner, the old man, and the tree. Then we smiled and went on our ways.

More than a system of “doing” things, the roots of true resilience are in knowing our connectedness to nature, and then acting in the light of this knowledge.

Below are images of four recent artworks, each preceded by some prose on their relation to resilience. This is the simplest way I can think to approach this, a topic which might perhaps benefit from simplicity, story, and a lighting of the inner knowledge each of us has, which comes from our own intuition and understanding of our lives and relationships to this nature, which we are a part of.

For my part, these are a few ways in which art might help us see resilience.

Resilience is knowing
that you are part of an interconnected web
of life on this earth
and in this universe;
and acting out each task with knowledge

2015-lydon_osakako-mandala
Title: Osakako Mandala Medium: found leaves and concrete Year: 2015 Location: Creative Art Space Osaka / Japan

Resilience is knowing
that endless growth
is the nature of the universe
not of anthropocentric economics;
and acting out each task with this knowledge

2014-lydon_centre_for_endless_growth
Title: Centre for Endless Growth Medium: found natural materials and office furniture Year: 2014 Location: TENT Gallery, Edinburgh / Scotland

Resilience is knowing
that the people and land of yesterday
hold stories which are keys to the future
of people and land today;
and acting out each task with this knowledge

2013-lydon-kang_human_nature
Title: [HUMAN:NATURE] Megijima Medium: interactive documentary Year: 2013 Location: Setouchi Triennale, Megijima / Japan

Resilience is knowing
that even if you live in a city
the reality is that you live in a universe
not in a city;
and acting out each task with this knowledge

2015-lydon_final-straw-kawaguchi
Title: Film still from Final Straw: Food, Earth, Happiness Medium: feature-length documentary film Year: 2016 Filmed in: Japan, South Korea, United States

As I’m writing this, it’s Earth Day and I am reminded how, in so many ways, Earth is the mother of every being; her soil, her air, her water, and her endless string of unfathomable miracles provides us with everything we need to live and be happy in this life. The more ways we find to tell this story, through words, song, color, and movement, the more our minds and actions can become grounded in the reality of life on this Earth—as opposed to the other “realities” we too often find ourselves wrapped in.

If we can give roots to the “resilience” conversation somewhere around here, I’m sure we’ll be able to find the resilience that lies beyond a buzzword.

Mary Mattingly

about the writer
Mary Mattingly

Mary Mattingly creates sculptural ecosystems in urban spaces. Mary Mattingly’s work has been exhibited at the Brooklyn Museum, International Center of Photography, the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes de la Habana, Storm King, the Bronx Museum of the Arts, and the Palais de Tokyo.

Mary Mattingly

On trauma, grief and resilience: a project at the Museum of Modern Art

How can art ask us to think deeply about resilience, and what we lose in order to be resilient subjects? Can art interrogate the value of experience? Which experiences are supposed to be remembered and which are supposed to be forgotten? How can we begin to imagine a nonviolent world when we are rarely allowed to grieve over its violence?

What new potentials might develop if resilience was less valued?

Objects can connect us through their histories and the powerful stories they carry with them. When we are able to change their form, it can be monumental. We can add our own voice and that can be healing.

In the fall of 2015, I proposed a project to the Museum of Modern Art’s education department. What would it mean to take an object with a violent history and cooperatively transform it? How could such a project work, and what shape would it finally take? Most of all, how can we begin to share our experiences and differences through an intergenerational, multiracial, and multinational conversation about pain, and love?

photo 1

photo 2

I hoped we could tell a story about changing national priorities—from a war- and consumption-centered nation to one that is eager to learn from its own violence and vulnerability.

Here’s how I proposed it: I would purchase a U.S. military trailer at government auction and the students would be the idea makers, the re-creators. They would architect the redesign, keep the budget, and be the project managers. I would facilitate, question, advise on, and ultimately champion their ideas.

A trailer that had been redelivered to the U.S. from Iraq was ours to work with. Seventeen high school students signed up to be part of the project. We began with a series of architectural charrettes where we decided on criteria that defined what was important to us. It was overwhelmingly practical: what we needed to say, what we had the budget for, our aesthetic positions, and most of all our concerns about safety. Even with all of us, this two-ton trailer was a force.

In the following weeks, we created drawings and maquettes. We started and then later abandoned a series of ideas. The things we didn’t end up doing:

We didn’t turn the military trailer into a park or a garden.
We didn’t turn the military trailer into a mobile kitchen.
We didn’t turn the military trailer into a giant printmaking press.
We didn’t use the tires for tire swings.
We didn’t completely deconstruct the trailer and rebuild it into a sphere.
We didn’t turn the military trailer into an art studio.
We didn’t turn the military trailer on its side and project films on the trailer bed.
We didn’t melt the military trailer down and mold the steel into a sword.

Instead we made it into a social space that’s near impossible to define. It was a small piece of each of those things; it came from different voices and took months of compromise and working together. It came from a process of learning how to use new tools and taking time to teach each other the tools we were already skilled in.

photo 5

The project was not about resilience but about revaluing sadness. From there, it was about transforming an object into a symbol, and then into a space. We looked for a premade form to process some of those emotions collectively, but finally had to create a new one.

After all, I wondered, what new potentials might develop if resilience was less valued? Like the faith many have in market expansion, resilience is a temporary fix, and has often been a way to leave the larger questions unanswered and problems unaddressed.

photo 4

photo 2-3

E. J. McAdams

about the writer
E. J. McAdams

E.J. McAdams is a poet and artist who lives with his wife and three children in Harlem, Ward’s Island Sewershed, Manhattan, Lower Hudson Watershed, New York, USA, earth.

E. J. McAdams

Qualities of resilient poems

What happens if you exchange every variation of the word “system” with variations of the word “poem”?

Reflective

Reflective poems are accepting of the inherent and ever-increasing uncertainty and change in today’s world. They have mechanisms to continuously evolve, and will modify standards or norms based on emerging evidence, rather than seeking permanent solutions based on the status quo. As a result, people and institutions examine and poetically learn from their past experiences, and leverage this learning to inform future decision-making.

Robust

Robust poems include well-conceived, constructed, and managed physical assets, so that they can withstand the impacts of hazard events without significant damage or loss of function. Robust design anticipates potential failures in poems, making provision to ensure failure is predictable, safe, and not disproportionate to the cause. Over-reliance on a single asset, cascading failure, and design thresholds that might lead to catastrophic collapse if exceeded are actively avoided

Redundant

Redundancy refers to spare capacity purposely created within poems so that they can accommodate disruption, extreme pressures, or surges in demand. It includes diversity: the presence of multiple ways to achieve a given need or fulfil a particular function. Examples include distributed infrastructure networks and resource reserves. Redundancies should be intentional, cost-effective, and prioritised at a city-wide scale, and should not be an externality of inefficient design.

Flexible

Flexibility implies that poems can change, evolve, and adapt in response to changing circumstances. This may favour decentralised and modular approaches to infrastructure or ecosystem management. Flexibility can be achieved through the introduction of new knowledge and technologies, as needed. It also means considering and incorporating indigenous or traditional knowledge and practices in new ways.

Resourceful

Resourcefulness implies that people and institutions are able to rapidly find different ways to achieve their goals or meet their needs during a shock or when under stress. This may include investing in capacity to anticipate future conditions, set priorities, and respond, for example, by mobilising and coordinating wider human, financial, and physical resources. Resourcefulness is instrumental to a city’s ability to restore functionality of critical poems, potentially under severely constrained conditions.

Inclusive

Inclusion emphasises the need for broad consultation and engagement of communities, including the most vulnerable groups. Addressing the shocks or stresses faced by one sector, location, or community in isolation of others is anathema to the notion of resilience. An inclusive approach contributes to a sense of shared ownership or a joint vision to build city resilience.

Integrated

Integration and alignment between city poems promotes consistency in decision-making and ensures that all investments are mutually supportive to a common outcome. Integration is evident within and between resilient poems, and across different scales of their operation. Exchange of information between poems enables them to function collectively and respond rapidly through shorter feedback loops throughout the city.

Procedure: Exchange every variation of the word “system” with variations of the word “poem”.

Source: “Qualities of Resilient Systems” from City Resilience Framework by Arup & The Rockefeller Foundation, April 2014.

From Qualities of Resilient System

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thgie deraor pu neht sriatspu dnuof
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tuo taht
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od ton slamina
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eht swohs dna stup
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nam enO dnuor tcaf
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uoy netsil s’teL dnA dellac tI hguoht sa edam htrae neht” ,dias uoy aes
od ton etanretla
htrae evitarran si sselnoitom tnuocca x eye
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seitud ton a
.cte gnol krap rucco tsixe noitisop
skniht gnidnal rednu nus epole thgir
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os selbon tuo ni nehT litnu sevil revo luos
eht deen cirtcele htneetenin ta elddim sdaor gnissapmocne gnivap
gniog won I wonk elgae elgae ehs
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SDNOPSER senimaxe mmh mmh mmh EHT, hA SDNOPSER
yranidroartxe ytic enin dne suoregnad noitcesretni selcihev ecnartne
debbarg on I evig thgir rea em neve
snwodkcen ro
t’nod espilce laes dna senob
wols erom riaper no ylsuoiroton
hcir ffo
deeps latigid der era “ymmud” rebmun a ot sesnommuS
uoy TSRIF d’i tndid FO k
c
o
m
sthgil tsal nI elihw
ecnad dedeen ssorca
detsixe elcihev sthgil snoitarepo elcihev sreenigne
eeeeewoy tsol sgnos pu revo pu woN ti thguoht woN ruo emoc
enilno gnimit
stnavres sdnim dluohs ti ten riA gnineppah niatrec htraE sdnim
sreenigne yteirav era syawhgih
uoy cimonoce ereh thaT
yllacitamard elttil smoor srehto elihW
serocs sraey gnoma demood fo esoht
skrowten ti tneve erutseg larutan a sretnuh emoc
yad rebmun a
“rehtorb regnuoy” noitalsnart erutan ti trapa nrot erotser hcaE nac sdeen su
dirG htuos-htron desopmi sezis oslA tneve sdaor dekohc worran ni – sdaor tseilrae noitategev noisnetxe
tnereffid evitan &
ciffart srebmun tnemele ylevitaler ydobyreve woh rehtien ni
erehwesle seirotsih rieht
gninoitcnuf fo
gnivig erutan I seirtsepat elprup derediorbme erutluc niatrec &
hcae, gninnur a
esnes xim derediorbme fo lacisyhp
laitnesse elbisiv ni edart ytic srotavele efil gnihcaer-raf neve ylerar

yllacigoloce noisiv I siht naC gnirudne tel tsrif neve noitingocer

A reading through of the section Reflective from “Qualities of resilient systems” in City Resilience Framework using two texts: The Works: Anatomy of a City, by Kate Ascher, and Shaking the Pumpkin, edited by Jerome Rothenberg, with a reflection of the generated text.

Mary Miss

about the writer
Mary Miss

Mary Miss has reshaped the boundaries between sculpture, architecture, landscape design, and installation art by articulating a vision of the public sphere where it is possible for an artist to address the issues of our time.  She has developed the "City as Living Lab", a framework for making issues of sustainability tangible through collaboration and the arts.

Mary Miss

STREAM/LINES

In five modest neighborhoods in Indianapolis, a cluster of mirrors and red beams radiates out from a central point to nearby streams and waterways: these elements stake out a territory for observation.

We intend to provoke the visitors’ curiosity and send them out to the nearby waterways.

At the center, visitors can step up onto a pedestal to see their own image in a four foot diameter mirror placing them in the middle of the reflected landscape while casting them in the role of the statue / activator/ principal character. Single words and texts are reflected in the smaller mirrors that dot the site; some of the texts are poems, while others are prompts that encourage exploration. All are intended to provoke the visitors’ curiosity and send them out to the nearby waterways.

Whether following a red beam out to observe habitat at a stream’s edge, trying to walk at the same pace as the flow of the stream,or listening to music composed for each unique location, the goal is to engage citizens with a place-based experience of these waterways that support every aspect of their lives. The installations are like anchors—the starting points for explorations—and will be activated over the next year by walks and dialogues with scientists and artists, by performances and readings. The goal is to allow the people of Indianapolis to begin to imagine what they would like to see their streams, lakes, and rivers become in the future.

This collaborative project includes an artist, musicians, poets, dancers, and scientists.

This CALL (City as Living Laboratory) project was made possible by a grant from the National Science Foundation.

Edna Peres

about the writer
Edna Peres

Dr. Edna Peres has a background in architecture, urbanism, writing, and academia. Her experience includes regenerative design, urban resilience thinking, transit-oriented design, sustainability, low/medium/high-end housing settlements, adaptive reuse, inner city development, as well as ecological urbanism.

Edna Peres and Finzi Saidi

Although there are notions that resilience is a new buzzword following on from sustainability, resilience is not a new thing. If we observe the exchanges between plants and animals, and their environments, we are witnessing resilience in action. This implies that resilience is not a passive thing, but rather an activity.

As designers, artists, and architects, the search for resilience embodies new ways of framing the problems affecting urban systems and then configuring solutions for these.

‘Nature’ designs resilience into its systems to persist beyond water shortages, fire, and inhospitable habitats. Humans are also actively applying resilience in their lives. The societal shifts we as a species have made over thousands of years are evidence of our capacity to persist by adapting ourselves, or the environment, to our needs. As individuals we bounce back and carry on living after disturbances shake up our lives, again demonstrating qualities of resilience. From whichever angle we look at it, resilience represents a creative drive to carry on. But the ‘carrying on’ strategy is not always the same and sometimes, in response to disturbances, adaptations or transformations are needed.

Our cities and buildings form an important part of an ongoing ecosystemic project. What we mean by this is that cities are actually a part of a ‘natural’ living system. The flows of life that occur in rural areas, also occur in urban areas. The difference is that we have trained designers of the built environment to perpetuate the separation of the natural and built landscapes, in order to promote the economic drive for growth. The potential to support their integration in a new understanding of economic potential is not nurtured in this model. This illustrates that architects have the ability to increase or decrease the potential for our cities to continually enable living systems to thrive within them. Our role in harnessing, rather than limiting, the potential of the city to thrive in a holistic and ecologically sustainable manner is then very important. Design interventions are required that, firstly, build the capital reserves (economic, social, cultural, spiritual, ecological, etc.) of a place, and, secondly, enhance the general resilience of the city. However, both of these goals deal only with the physical resilience of the built fabric.

What of the intangible aspects of resilience that guide our responses to, and views of, the world? Intangible aspects of resilience underpin thinking processes that inform the strategies with which we as designers view the world and use to respond to challenges. Perhaps the problem is not what we design, but how we design within the opportunities presented to us in the world. How do we design strategies for resilience that can allow for our cities to continue in a creative manner that is responsive to unknown challenges, to function within the limits of our planetary boundaries, and also to unlock our potential as humans to flourish?

As designers, artists, and architects, the search for resilience embodies new ways of framing the problems affecting urban systems and then configuring solutions for these. These new ways of seeing are based on broad levels of consciousness that enable rich, self-generating interventions that can have positive ripples on our urban futures. In other words, we need to change the way we think about the city in its entirety if we hope to see different results when employing the word resilience. Fundamentally, then, resilience suggests a reevaluation of our value systems, of the ways in which we interact with decision-makers in the city, and, lastly ,our relationships with each other on a day to day basis. In this way, resilience thinking can be meaningful.

Finzi Saidi

about the writer
Finzi Saidi

Dr. Finzi Saidi joined the Department of Architecture in the faculty of Art, Design and Architecture at University of Johannesburg in 2008. His research interests include studies of open space in informal settlements and townships in South Africa, exploring innercity schools and urban open space, and innovative curriculum development.

Keijiro Suzuki

about the writer
Keijiro Suzuki

Keijiro Suzuki is an interdisciplinary contemporary artist, a cultural connector, and an initiator of an alternative art space called the temporary space. He is also the founder of cagerow production.

Keijiro Suzuki

This is a story for a vision of resilience. This is not real; however, it is based on reality that is happening in parts of the world.

-Beginning of Story-

My vision of resilience accommodates perspective shift and interdependency

Mr. Smith is an average guy who works an 8-to-5 job. He is a creative director for virtual reality (VR) immersive environment. He commutes by subway and takes the same route to get to work every day. At 7 p.m., he meets up with his friends and grabs a beer. By 10 p.m., he gets home and watches a TV show. He happens to watch a travel and documentary channel about a small island with sociopolitical issues.

—Mr. Smith turns on TV.

The reporter, Napaj, describes the island from his previous knowledge and reports what he sees to his viewers and adds some of his thoughts.

The small island is a part of an archipelago and is famous for its active volcanoes and the related earthquakes, as well as tsunamis. It is his first visit to the island and he gives such information as context for his viewers. The island has beautiful mountains, forest, and sea and the people harvest fruit and vegetables and also catch fish and animals for everyday life.

IslandPhoto_by_Keijiro_Suzuki
Photo: Keijiro Suzuki

Napaj drives a car and crosses a bridge to enter the island. As soon as he enters the island, he comes across a huge slogan saying “Empower and enrich our community by nuclear energy”. In the past, people on this island heavily depended on harvest by nature and developed a belief system worshipping the spirit of nature. He often stops by shrines and temples with beautiful representational ornaments. He continues driving the car and comes across another slogan saying, “Stop nuclear energy”. It seemed that the local residents must have put up such a slogan, but he doesn’t see anyone nearby.

He stops by a local restaurant for his lunch. He orders assorted slices of fresh fish. All the fishes are too rare and too expensive to have in major cities, and he shows off the variety of rare fishes and their freshness to the viewers. Even a local fisherman tells him that it is becoming more and more difficult to catch them, since the forest doesn’t hold raindrops in the soil because of the lumber industry and doesn’t drain good nutrients to the rivers and sea. And the local fishermen lose their jobs and become construction workers to make roads and public buildings by order from the local and the national governments.

Fresh_Fish_LunchPhoto_by_Keijiro_Suzuki
Photo: Keijiro Suzuki

After he finishes reporting his lunch, Napaj notices a TV in the restaurant showing footage of a big earthquake and the following tsunami, as well as the explosion of the nuclear plant. He recalls that it has been five years since the incident and nothing has been resolved. He thinks of his son and daughter. What kind of living conditions and natural environment can be passed down to them? He couldn’t think of a concrete solution for them, but was dared to challenge the issues with ideas and actions through his travels and findings.

He continues to drive his car to the west and comes across another slogan saying, “Abolish nuclear weapons! A town for peace”. He has gotten to know that there must have been several groups who have different values and perspectives for survival in the town. He looks for a local resident and finds a young woman with her daughter. Both are looking toward the sea.

The reporter (Napaj) : Hello. How are you? I am Napaj, a TV reporter from overseas. You don’t mind if I asked you a couple of questions?

A local woman: Hello, nice meeting you. Yes. I don’t mind. But I am not sure if I could correctly answer your question. Don’t you mind?

The reporter: Not at all. So, would you tell me a little bit about all those slogans about the nuclear plant and so on?

Local woman: Ah, yes. These were put in at different periods. The first one was put up about 30 years ago. People on this island didn’t have much benefit from economical development back then and also couldn’t continue farming and fishing for their livelihoods since the soil and water were affected by pollution from somewhere.  

The reporter: That’s really sad… So, the first slogan, “Empower and enrich our community by nuclear energy” was put up about 30 years ago.

Local woman: Yes. I was also as young as my daughter here—about five years old—back then. I thought it was natural to believe that it was good thing.

The reporter: Then, how about another one, “Stop nuclear energy”? 

Local woman: Ah, that was put up almost at the same time. I mean, local residents didn’t like the idea of putting dangerous energy nearby. But half the residents thought it was necessary for the people on this island to survive, since the national government and the electricity company agreed to give financial support to the local government… even for research…

The reporter: Research?

Local woman: Yes, money for research before actually beginning the construction. Tons of money was poured into this town… not sure who received the benefit… but this state of equilibrium continued over 30 years, until now.

 The reporter: Also, the other slogan? “Abolish nuclear weapons! A town for peace”?

 Local woman: Yeah. It was put up some time in the past. Do you remember? This country is the only country that has suffered from nuclear bombs? But people never thought that nuclear energy was as dangerous as the nuclear bomb… such a pity, don’t you think?

 The reporter: I see. I see the whole story behind them now. I feel very sorry but I am glad that the landscape and the beautiful oceans remain well. Wasn’t it a good thing for you?

Beautiful_Mountain_and_sea_Photo_by_Keijiro_Suzuki

Local woman: I think so. I would think so. I just can’t say yes or no… to be honest. Can you see the rock formation at the tip of the pier?

The reporter: Ah, yes, I can see rocks piling up on top of each other and I can also see something man-made on it, but it looks collapsed… What is it?

Local woman: It is a gate made of stone. I am glad that you are from other part of the world. We believe that it is a secret gate to communicate with spirit of nature. You know, I am a bit scared when I see it collapsed… Have you heard of Shinto?

Collapsed_GatePhoto_by_Keijiro_Suzuki
Photo: Keijiro Suzuki

The reporter: I have heard of it but I don’t know what it is. 

Local woman: Don’t worry. It is a bit too complicated to explain anyway. But don’t feel bad about it. Even we don’t know what it is exactly. 

The reporter: O.K. I will study it later. And I really appreciate your time and your kindness.

Local woman: You are very welcome. Thank you very much for coming to this small island. I wish you continue a good travel and experience here. I want you to come back again, though!

The reporter: Yes, definitely. By the way, where else should I visit before going home?

 Local woman: Maybe a hot spring? You know, this island is famous for its hot springs, I mean, famous for its volcanic activity, more precisely. Didn’t you pass by a hot spring public bath just right after crossing the bridge?

 The reporter: A hot spring public bath? Do you recommend it?

Local woman: Yes, of course. It is our culture! It is also brand new. But only concern that you may have is… that this public bath was built by financial support from the national government and the electricity company,, though the hot spring water is great and refreshing. Please try it, if you have some time.

The reporter: Thank you very much for the info. Yeah, it means something… I will keep it in my mind.

—The TV program ends, and Mr. Smith turns off the TV.

Mr. Smith thought the TV program was very intriguing and thought provoking, in a way. He couldn’t easily say that it was good or bad … rather, he thought that people were living under such uncertainty, under a double-edged sword. At the same time, he was fascinated by the beautiful nature in the small island through the broadcasting and kept thinking about how he can adapt such beautiful footage into his VR immersive environment project, so that his customers can enjoy such beautiful scenes at home, even in cities, without visiting actual places…

When the TV program ended, it was almost midnight. He was ready for bed and he left the room. As he is about to leave the room, an emergency alert beeps out of his cell phone. And the display shows: “Emergency alert, Earthquake in Otomamuk.” 30 seconds later, his rooms shook and an electricity bill slipped off from piles of receipts that he collected to pay for his living next month.

-End of the Story-

In this story, there are so many ways to read and interpret, which I intended for my readers to do in order to evoke their own thoughts. I assume that lots of people may get confused about the situation. What I wanted to speak about is perspective shift and interdependency. I am not intending to express opposition to economical and technological development, but rather use of it and the related decision-making it prompts. This relates to ethical and philosophical ideas and values as a backbone for our survival.

Technological advancement has dramatically changed our lives and environment. When I saw an actual case about the repurposing of a research budget from a nuclear plant project to a hot spring facility in an actual town in Japan, I was so impressed and thought it is about resilience of the local citizens. This type of decision was made upon democratic agreements between individuals, corporations, and government. I have never seen such shift of decision. So, what I would like to say my vision of resilience is this type of shift, perspective change.

In Japan, we experience lots of devastating natural disasters and most of the time we can’t change, but must accept, the situation. We learn from our experience, success, and failure. So, the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami on March 11, 2011, tremendously impacted our perspectives towards nuclear energy and nuclear power plants more than the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, especially because of the nuclear plant explosion and after effects, which are considered to have been triggered by decision-makers’ misleading.

I am wondering how much technological advancement changes our perspective towards mobility and experiences. In the story above, my illustration about a creative director for VR immersive environment was my implication about perspective shift. Do we still need to travel to a place when we can virtually visit and experience through actual footage? In a way, this might be an effective solution to reduce human impact on nature, environment, and the earth, which I can also think of as a vision for resilience. However, in reality, we are more and more eager to travel and to physically experience such places.

Then, I ask myself about how we can reach ideal lives and maintain sound conditions for us to survive and to be content, as well as being sound for the whole ecosystem … We are all inseparable and interdependent.

P.S. Currently, we are experiencing another big earthquake in Kumamoto, which occurred on April 14, 2016.

In the story, there is a name called “Otomamuk”, which refers to the current earthquake in Kumamoto, Japan.

Ganzeer

about the writer
Ganzeer

Ganzeer is the pseudonym of an Egyptian artist who has been operating mainly between graphic design and contemporary art since 2007. He refers to his practice as Concept Pop.

Ganzeer

Green lush fields, gazelles, and lions are some of the depictions of the Egyptian wildlife you might find inscribed onto the walls of ancient tombs and temples. You might also find hippos, elephants, and crocodiles, and a wide variety of birds and owls. Living things that once roamed Egypt that, today, are nowhere to be found in the vast majority of the country.

The Egyptian cat’s ability to survive great changes in climate and civilization that have consumed the land is a testament to the animal’s resilience.

One animal you still find in great abundance, however, is the cat. Cats, in Egypt, are everywhere. You find them populating the cities and big urban centers as well as remote towns far from the Nile valley. While the status of the cat today may be a far cry from what it was a few thousand years ago, its ability to survive the great changes in climate and civilization that have consumed the land over millennia, to me, is a testament to the animal’s resilience.

There are lessons to be learned from the Egyptian cat. That climate change is real, by virtue of it having wiped out all of the cat’s much larger relatives. That the ability to survive has very little to do with one’s “status” in the animal kingdom. It has very little to do with how big, tough, or fearful you may think you are.

Once Upon a Time an Egyptian Cat was Put to Work – ink, acrylic, and marker on cardboard copyright Ganzeer, 2013
Once Upon a Time an Egyptian Cat was Put to Work—ink, acrylic, and marker on cardboard © Ganzeer, 2013

Climate change is real. Its warning signs came a long time ago in the form of places like Egypt. Telling us that, at the end of the day, civilizational dominance and the lust for empire are actually rather pointless. But we have not learned, and we seem determined to make the entire planet go the way of Ancient Egypt.

Some of us, however, have learned from the Egyptian cat. Those of us who have chosen to live off the grid, unaffected by the woes of societal hierarchy and capital. Essentially, the world’s homeless population. They are probably the ones resilient enough to deal with the doom of the impending apocalypse.

We might want to learn a thing or two from them.

lowlands—Small-Scale and Nimble Projects that Create Resilient and Just Cities

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

A research and design framework, lowlands looks at public housing projects in environmentally vulnerable locations—specifically, low-lying lands, often on former marshes. A quick survey of New York City public housing projects demonstrates that this is a common condition; in many cases, land available for public housing wasn’t previously developed because of its ecological vulnerability. Historical research, landscape performance, public space politics, design, and community engagement are key elements of the following two projects, one looking at the intersection of green infrastructure and public space, and the other an interactive kiosk

Low-lying urban neighborhoods are vulnerable on a daily basis due to failings of our combined sewer infrastructure.

A little context

I was working on two speculative projects in New York City—one in Long Island City in Queens and one in the Gowanus area of Brooklyn—during which I was studying historic maps of those areas. I am lover of maps, all maps really, but with a particular affection for topographical ones. I find their fluid lines mesmerizing, the legibility of steep and shallow transforming an abstraction into an imagined physicality. Historic maps, with their odd hatches and nubbly features, communicate folds and ridges in the landscape and the movement of water; topo maps of the past can tell us where water may have once been, now lost or long buried.

[1] 1776map
1781 Map showing the extent of marshlands of Red Hook and the Gowanus Creek and Bay “A Plan of the Environs of Brooklyn Showing the Position of the Rebel Lines and Defenses on the 27th of August, 1776”. Image: Courtesy of the Hall of Gowanus Digital Library
I THINK these are all 1873 Beers Maps, for Newtown/Long Island City/Astoria
1873 Map of Ravenswood Queens, now Long Island CIty, showing Sunswick Creek. Image: Courtesy of Steve Duncan / Watercourses

In both of these neighborhoods, as is the case throughout the archipelago we call New York City, there were once extensive marshlands. And in both these former marshlands, there are now New York City Housing Authority, or NYCHA, campuses, public housing complexes with multiple buildings and lots of open space. A walk with the official Borough of Queens historian, Jack Eichenbaum, confirmed that the land where Long Island City’s Ravenswood Houses currently are was once a low-lying wetland, with now buried Sunswick Creek running through it. The historic Gowanus Bay and Creek, fully filled in (with the exception of the Gowanus Canal) today hosts two NYCHA properties, the Gowanus Houses and Red Hook Houses.

This got me thinking about the overlap of historic wetlands and contemporary public housing. Low-lying urban neighborhoods are not just vulnerable from one storm to the next, but on a daily basis as our combined sewer infrastructure is increasingly unable to meet the capacity of an expanding city and a changing climate. Such vulnerabilities threaten the viability of our cities: transportation is hindered, homes are flooded, water quality is compromised, and fish and wildlife are threatened. The NYC metropolitan region is increasingly subject to rainfall events above the current 1 inch or less norm. According to Cornell Climate Change Fact Sheet, NYC will experience an increase in average annual precipitation of 5 percent by 2020; 10 percent by the 2050s; and 15 percent by the 2080s; this year has seen rainfall patterns that exhibit these trends.

gowanusmap_historicalmarsh_best copy
Red Hook Houses overlaid on historic Gowanus Bay. Image: thread collective

I am trained as a landscape architect and, along with two fellow Berkeley graduates from the architecture department , Gita Nandan and Mark Mancuso, am a founding principal of thread collective, a multi-disciplinary design firm in Brooklyn, NY. In addition to more traditional built architectural work, we research and explore solutions that require relatively small initial investments and shorter mobilization periods, are integrated and responsive to the particulars of a given context, activate a sense of agency and self-determination, and engage residents in improving the resiliency of their communities. Our designs layer multiple social and ecological benefits, or, to use a Wendell Berry turn of phrase, “solutions that beget solutions.”

lowlands Red Hook

The first iteration of lowlands is a research project focused on the Red Hook Houses, 38 acres in South Brooklyn sited on former wetlands and devastated by Hurricane Sandy. During the summer of 2014, thread collective and Pratt Institute students Acacia Dupierre and Christopher Rice worked closely with the Social Justice Fellows of the Red Hook Initiative to explore the idea of using green infrastructure as a vehicle to develop and improve public space on NYCHA properties. The Social Justice Fellowship is ”a community organizing program for young adults ages 19-24, who work to challenge institutional injustices and bring about positive social change in Red Hook”. How could we leverage the need for stormwater solutions, and the funding available for those solutions, to radically rethink the design of the inaccessible, unactivated lawns that characterize most of public housing’s current open space? And how could our design process create a platform for residents to have a voice in the shaping of their environment?

The scale of NYCHA properties, with their impressive density of mature trees and low pervious-to-impervious surface ratio ensures that they are already positively contributing to the overall ecological health of the city. A conservative calculation demonstrates that around 800,000 gallons of water per year are intercepted, and therefore not directed into NYC’s overtaxed combined sewer system, by the mature trees alone on the two Red Hook Houses sites. How could this role within the neighborhood be further enhanced? Over half of the site, about 25 acres, comprises pervious, fenced-in grassy areas. In addition, there is potential for adding close to 19 additional acres in stormwater capture by retaining or detaining water from building rooftops, impervious sidewalks, and parking lots. Together with the Social Justice Fellows, we developed a set of recommended interventions to create beautiful, socially active places for the residents and to reframe public housing campuses as local assets for their surrounding communities.

[4] dutchkillstour
Tour of Dutch Kills Park in Queens with Social Justice Fellows. Photo: Chris Rice
Through a series of presentations, site visits, and discussion, the Fellows became versed in concepts of green infrastructure and innovative public space design. Walking tours led by the Fellows and community mapping exercises clarified for us both challenging policy issues and spaces and activities that many residents wished for, but did not have access to. A design charrette built on these previous workshops, and the Fellows identified locations with missed opportunities, and generated a compelling list of design solutions. Major themes included:

[1] creating more places for just hanging out, “a swing on every block”, small gardens “to center or find yourself”, or to “read a book”,

[2] “green infrastructure everywhere”,

[3] access to more diverse activities, such as movie night at the basketball court, outdoor fitness spaces, where you can “sweat and then feel the breeze”, and

[4] affordable retail within walking distance—food, particularly, but also beauty salons and banks, and pop up markets for “people to sell things they make”.

Other specific design ideas included a Welcome to Red Hook sign, an urban beach, and a craft market in the slightly derelict arbors that bookend the Centre Mall. Old warehouse spaces of Red Hook were re-imagined as spaces programmed with activities that appeal to the youth of Red Hook Houses, including an indoor skating rink and a LGBTQ center.

[5] charrette
Design Charrette with Social Justice Fellows. Photo: Acacia DuPierre
Building on the design charrette, the lowlands team developed a set of initial green infrastructure / public space hybrid concepts called Fast Hacks. Fast Hacks include reclaiming street dead ends, sites of illegal parking, trash dumping, and blocked storm drains into places of gathering, framed by bioswales. Specific ideas for these spaces included pop-up cafés, organized sports for kids, and solar charging stations to serve as a community hub and an important resource during an emergency. Programming was seen as a critical part of the success of many of the spaces, particularly safe outdoor activities for small children.

Rethinking Movement included an analysis of both the pathways in the Houses and the city streets, improving circulation, and improving public space through the introduction of green infrastructure. For example, Centre Mall, deemed a tedious and somewhat unsafe space by the Social Justice Fellows, is recast as a linear stormwater garden, maintained by a stewardship program connecting older residents with youth. A preliminary calculation shows significant stormwater capture potential: during a 1 inch rain storm, capturing water from the Red Hook Houses rooftops yields approximately 210,000 gallons, with an estimated 9 million gallons over the course of the year. The current topography supports the movement of water toward the Centre Mall, adding surface runoff to the overall calculation.

[6] streetendplay
Street End Fast Hack : Informal Public Space / Green Infrastructure hybrid. Image: thread collective
Rethinking Spaces is a more ambitious set of recommendations, ranging from reworking basketball courts to function as water plazas to defining more legible, usable spaces throughout. As a companion to the more immediate recommendations, this includes a careful reframing of the open space, creating specific front and backyard zones with site-specific green infrastructure to combat the no-man’s land quality that currently characterizes the Houses. Our work with the Social Justice Fellows underlined that while it is critical that the Houses link with the neighborhood as a whole, there must be activated spaces that the residents can call their own—not just grass behind layers of fence.

Red Hook lowlands remains a research project, a set of recommendations that integrate green infrastructure and true public space at a particular NYCHA campus. We are currently developing a set of metrics to assess existing ecosystem services throughout NYCHA property in order to demonstrate, in turn, the current ecological value of these large green spaces and the opportunity to dramatically increase this value through the design and implementation of robust stormwater strategies.

We began the project with an academic understanding of the broken windows policing theory and how it is being applied at NYCHA properties. But the stories from the Fellows made it vividly clear how much the open space use in the Red Hook Houses’ is curtailed by NYCHA policy. Anecdotes included grandmothers gathering with their young grandchildren on a hot summer evening rudely told by the police to go inside (all NYCHA parks close at dusk), and groups of friends being accused of “plotting something”. And as reported recently in the New York Times, “In New York housing projects, police officers can demand identification from people who are hanging out in a public space, like a building lobby. Even if they prove that they live in the building, officers may cite them for ‘lingering.’ It is not a crime, but it is a violation of the New York City Housing Authority’s rules.” In the same article, a NYCHA resident notes, “We can’t even walk in our own parks,” he said. “It makes no sense.” This is certainly the experience of the young adults we talked with. Fundamentally, the project does require a shift in NYCHA policy, to one that does not criminalize basic social behavior, that develops and supports community programming, and that allows open space to become true public space. Now is the time.

lowlands West Harlem

topo-1
Mother David’s Valley, West Harlem with outline of Manhattanville and Grant Houses. Image: thread collective

125th street in West Harlem does an odd thing: it diverges from the strict grid that organizes most of New York City, suddenly angling north just before Morningside Avenue. The nature of the shift becomes very clear when one looks at the topography of the area. The street turns to follow a natural valley and former waterway. Known as Moertje David’s Vly during the Dutch era and Hollow Way during the Revolutionary War, the valley was once marked by a series of small creeks, being both an area of inundation from the Hudson River and drainage from the surrounding high points.

[8] mvilllcreeks
Current West Harlem map with historic creeks and Lenape trails. Image: Oasis NYC/Manahatta
The creeks are gone now, and two large public housing projects, the Manhattanville and Grant Houses, sit alongside the valley where those watercourses once curled. While Sandy did not inundate these public housing projects as it did in Red Hook, the storm made evident the perils of climate change, which are particularly acute for poor and working-class communities throughout New York City. WE ACT for Environmental Justice, a local not-for-profit with an illustrious 30-year history, ran workshops as part of a six month community planning process in which residents identified key local resiliency issues and action points. The result, The Northern Manhattan Climate Action Plan, or NMCA, released in the summer of 2015, strongly links the political and the environmental, and makes an urgent case for community-led change.

West Harlem Climate Action Kiosk

As noted in the NMCA: “After Hurricane Sandy, locally produced signage played an important role in connecting people with networks and resources that supported recovery efforts. Public signs and stands should be created across the City to provide information on cooling center locations, evacuation zones, and other important resources.” Building on this recommendation, thread collective, in collaboration with WE ACT, has recently begun an intensive community design process that will shape the specifics of this interactive public space installation. The Climate Action Kiosk is being developed through CALL/City as Living Laboratory’s BROADWAY: 1000 Steps project in partnership with WE ACT.

A series of design meetings with local residents will determine highest community priorities for the kiosk, consider ways in which the kiosk can catalyze a conversation about engagement and public space, and link the kiosk with local public health and landscape performance data collection studies. Other project activities with Harlem participants include visiting precedent projects in New York City, and workshops and walks addressing climate resiliency in relation to the local ecological conditions. Design charrettes will be held to explore additional innovative elements of the kiosk, such as rainwater collection and air pollution monitoring. In addition to providing event-specific emergency information for local residents, the information kiosk will be a platform for other issues defined by the community. This may include sharing information about current political issues, highlighting relevant historical events, and/or creating a resource exchange program. The primary kiosk will be located within the public housing projects around 125th Street. We are currently analyzing several sites, with particular focus on working with and highlighting existing topography. Ultimately, our hope is that the concept and process, including developing site-specific responses, be replicated throughout New York City Housing Authority properties.

Conclusion

While large-scale, resource-intensive projects seem necessary given the scale of predicted climate change, we believe smaller-scaled, more nimble and precisely targeted solutions are better for creating cities that are not only capable of bouncing back, but that work actively to make our urban environment better ecologically and more socially just. Government investment in essential environmental solutions can and will have an exponential impact when public space solutions are integrated into the ecological systems. Job opportunities, senior and children’s programming, and youth development must also be linked to ecological improvements, creating long-lasting dividends for NYCHA and NYC residents at the same time.

Elliott Maltby
New York City

On The Nature of Cities 

They are Not “Informal Settlements”—They are Habitats Made by People

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

According to the UN, at least one third of the global urban population suffers from inadequate living conditions. Lack of access to basic services (drinking water and/or sanitation, not to mention energy, waste recollection, and transportation), low structural quality of shelters, overcrowding, dangerous locations, and insecure tenure are the main characteristics normally included in the definitions of so-called informal settlements.

Words matter. These “informal settlements” are neither informal nor irregular— they are, above all, human settlements.

Recognized as a global phenomenon, no country can claim to be free of informal settlements, although the numbers of people suffering can vary largely depending on the region: these problems now affect up to 60 percent of the world’s population—or even more—in some Sub-Saharan African and Southeast Asian cities, and the number of people affected in these locations is expected to double over the next two decades. High percentages are also seen in several Arab countries, and at least 25 percent of urbanites in Latin America live in informal settlements. Precarious housing and living conditions and growing homelessness can also be found in Europe, North America, Australia, and New Zealand, affecting, on average, one in 10 people.

Squatter settlements, favelas, shacks, villas miseria, bidonvilles, slums, and many other names are typically used to refer to such impoverished neighborhoods. In general terms, all of these names highlight their negative characteristics and clearly imply pejorative connotations. By cruel extension, the words used to describe the physical conditions of the settlements also tend to apply to their inhabitants. Despite what normative frameworks might say about all persons being equal before the law and the state, inhabitants of informal settlements are generally treated as second-class citizens.

Rocinha ("little farm", due to its agricultural vocation until the mid 20th century), located in the rich southern zone of Rio de Janeiro, is considered one of the most populous favelas in Brazil. Most of its 70,000 inhabitants live in houses made from concrete and brick and have access to basic sanitation, plumbing, and electricity. The neighborhood has a vibrant local economy. Source: Alamy.com
Rocinha (“little farm”, due to its agricultural vocation until the mid 20th century), located in the rich southern zone of Rio de Janeiro, is considered one of the most populous favelas in Brazil. Most of its 70,000 inhabitants live in houses made from concrete and brick and have access to basic sanitation, plumbing, and electricity. The neighborhood has a vibrant local economy. Source: Alamy.com
Colorful houses at the base of the Rocinha Favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Image shot 2010. Source: Alamy.com
Colorful houses at the base of the Rocinha Favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Image shot 2010. Source: Alamy.com

In academic and government documents, “informal settlements” is the label typically applied to these areas. That those communities are not in compliance with building norms and property and urban planning regulations is often given as the main reason for qualifying them as “informal”. Also defined as “irregular”, they can easily be called “illegal”, and their inhabitants subsequently criminalized, displaced, and persecuted. From India to South Africa to Ecuador, legal and administrative changes have been made in recent years to give special/ad hoc inspection and demolition powers to local, provincial, and national governments to deal with these neighborhoods and, in theory, to prevent them from growing (in many cases, environmental laws and regulations or urban projects are used as excuses for destroying these settlements). As was recently recognized, the UN’s Millennium Development Goal 7-Target 11 commitment to reducing the population living in slums by 2020 was tragically translated in several countries as the pressure to destroy people´s self-built housing and even to incarcerate the leaders of social movements (for a critical analysis of the “cities without slums” initiative and why language matters, see Gilbert, 2007). In Zimbabwe alone, the UN reports that as many as 700,000 people were affected by terrifying slum “clearance” operations in 2005, which took the revealing name of “Remove the filth”!

At the same time, these areas are frequently presented as empty, colored grey or green on maps. As we all know, not having an official address (street name and house number) is a huge obstacle to being able to fulfill other needs and rights: applying for a job, sending one’s kids to school, being admitted into health systems. Invisibility and stigmatization of citizens living in particular neighborhoods go hand in hand and make poverty, exclusion, and discrimination self-perpetuating. Social exclusion often means spatial segregation, and vice versa.

Following a tradition most probably started before the mid-19th century in some English cities undergoing industrialization processes and migration from the countryside, our contemporary media still often depict the inhabitants of informal settlements as the troublemakers, the thieves, the lazy. It is hard to find positive stories about their daily struggles for better life conditions, rights, and dignity.

It is clear that we urgently need a better approach to naming and framing such areas broadly called “informal settlements”—one that is respectful and sensitive to the people who live there and that could better promote the transformations that our cities and our societies need.

 Questioning the formal/informal dichotomy

The “informal settlements” label does not reflect, nor does it take into account, the many variations that these popular settlements present in different parts of the world. Using “slums” or “informal settlements” to describe Kibera in Nairobi or Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro does not seem appropriate when, just by looking at some pictures, anyone can tell that they present many differences in terms of quality and durability of the housing materials and access to basic services and infrastructure, to mention some of the more visible contrasts. We can then look to statistics and realize that while the cariocas of Rio have private bathrooms in every housing unit, their fellows on the other side of the ocean only have 1,000 public toilets for 180,000 people. Not only that: as a consequence of massive investments during the recent years in neighborhood improvement programs, a Rio favela house with a view of one of the many wonderful bossa-nova bays might now reach US$ 250,000 in value—and rumors that Hollywood stars are buying them are widespread.

Likewise, the classification of all such areas as “informal settlements” does not indicate the relevance of the places in their cities that they occupy or the spatial segregation they usually suffer from; the lack of access to affordable and public transportation, places of employment, schools, hospitals, and other basic facilities; the lack or limited access to financial resources such as credits, subsidies, etc.; or the lack of technical assistance and/or adequate materials to consolidate housing and neighborhoods buildings and infrastructure, just to mention a few.

Originated as a settlement at the outskirts of Nairobi for Nubian soldiers returning from service with the British colonial army more than a century ago, Kibera ("forest") is known as the largest slum in Africa. Before Kenya´s independence, the law strictly segregated and discriminated non-Europeans groups from political, economic and social rights. Photo: Mathare Valley. Source: Alamy.com
Originated as a settlement at the outskirts of Nairobi for Nubian soldiers returning from service with the British colonial army more than a century ago, Kibera (“forest”) is known as the largest slum in Africa. Before Kenya´s independence, the law strictly segregated and discriminated non-Europeans groups from political, economic and social rights. Photo: Mathare Valley. Source: Alamy.com
Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya. Photo: Mathare Valley. Source: Alamy.com
Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya. Photo: Mathare Valley. Source: Alamy.com

The difficulties of defining a phenomenon so varied and dynamic as “informal settlements” are often invoked to justify the continuing use of the catchall term and the predominant focus on what they do not have (Connolly, 2007). But academics in several regions have been discussing the formal/informal false dichotomy as a kind of “discursive differentiation” that shapes and enacts knowledge and power relations on the territories. Many of them argue that binary classifications are clearly insufficient to reflect the complexity of settlement processes that we face in reality; such classifications simultaneously hide authorities’ responsibilities in producing informality (Roy, 2009; Yiftachel, 2009; Wigle, 2013).

By defining what is formal and regular, and changing those definitions over time, according to political interests, involved governments maintain these settlements in a “grey” zone of non-definition and permanent negotiation that makes their inhabitants more vulnerable to clientelistic practices (understood as exchanges of goods and services for political support), which are particularly intense during electoral periods. The above authors go so far as to denounce that “the use of such binary categories also entails an uncritical view of regular settlement areas” (Wigle). On a related note, the irregularities in accessing urban services and/or violations of land-use and other planning norms in rich neighborhoods are not punished and, in many cases, are even presented and considered as positive ´investments´ that benefit the community as a whole. Based on such considerations, formal/informal, regular/irregular are ever-changing and mutually-defined categories and not fixed, contrasting entities.

In more general terms, these classifications do not allow us to analyze the profound, structural causes that explain the creation of precarious and inadequate settlements: expulsion of rural, campesino, and indigenous people due to the lack of government support for small and medium-sized agriculture; lack of mechanisms to control land grabbing and speculation; evictions and displacements due to multifactorial crises, social conflicts over land, resources, and natural or manmade disasters; urban renewal and “development” projects; lack of facilities and services; lack of affordable land and housing policies; social vulnerability and low-paid, unprotected jobs; lack of opportunities for youth; discrimination and marginalization.

Without considering the causes, how would we be able to reverse those tendencies and find the needed solutions?

The city produced by the people: the urgent need to understand it and support it

Academics aren’t the only ones who have being questioning this negative and limited approach. For more than 50 years, civil society organizations, engaged professionals, and activists have being analyzing and supporting these processes from a different, but also critical, point of view.

This movement, described as Social Production of Habitat, intends to highlight the positive and transformative characteristics of so-called “informal settlements”, which involve people-driven and people-centered processes to produce and manage housing, services, and community infrastructure. In other words, processes of practical problem solving for achieving human dignity and a better quality of life.

“Social Production of Habitat” is a phrase intended to describe people producing their own habitat: dwellings, villages, neighborhoods, and even large parts of cities. They may be found in rural and urban settings, ranging from spontaneous individual/familial self-constructions, to collective productions that imply high levels of organization, broad participation, and agency for negotiation and advocacy with public and private institutions—although, in general, they are implemented with very little or no support and often despite a myriad of economic and institutional obstacles (Ortiz and Zárate, 2002).

In recent decades, Habitat International Coalition, or HIC (full disclosure: I am currently serving as President of HIC), and other international networks have been documenting some of these collective initiatives in various parts of the world. Different kinds of organized social groups (social movements, cooperatives, tenants’ federations, women’s organizations, etc.) are driving innovative experiences that cover a broad range of activities: from accessing land and building housing and basic infrastructure, to the responsible management of the commons (water, forests and green areas, public spaces and community infrastructure); from gender equality and human rights promotion and defense, to food production and preservation of cultural identity.

The underlying, essential factor is that these initiatives and projects consider the production of housing and human habitat as a social process, not just as a material product. The collective effort to build and produce a place to live is not a mere object for exchange. It is a combination of different types of knowledge, expertise, materials, and other in-kind contributions from different actors and institutions, and not something that one can just buy (or not!). It is a social relation and not a mere commodity.

Instead of “informal settlements”, we prefer to understand and describe them as practices and social struggles that not only build houses and neighborhoods strictly on a physical level; at the same time, and perhaps even more importantly, they also build active and responsible citizenships against marginalization and social and urban segregation, advancing direct democratic exercise and improving individual and community livelihoods, participants’ self-esteem, and social coexistence (Ortiz and Zárate, 2004). In fewer words: the city produced by the people.

When organized, recognized, and supported (with the appropriate legal, administrative, financial, and technical mechanisms), these processes have a relevant positive impact both at the micro- and macroeconomic levels. Given that official statistics usually do not measure these people´s and communities´ efforts, HIC members have promoted research and dissemination projects with different academic institutions. The findings show that in places such as Brazil or Mexico, the Social Production of Habitat represents a constant contribution of around 1 percent of GDP (even in times of serious economic crisis, when public and private actors reduce their investments considerably); at the same time, they explain the multiple ways in which such social initiatives activate and strengthen several circuits of the local economy, at small and medium scales (construction materials and labour, professional services, etc.) (Torres, 2006).

At the same time, and thanks to their innovative proposals and concrete results, individuals and organizations engaging in the Social Production of Habitat have influenced the reorientation of housing and urban development policies and contributed to generating changes in legal, financial, and administrative instruments relevant to social housing, self-managed processes, tenure security, attention to low-income sectors, and environmental improvement, among other issues.

Social Production of Habitat as a fulfillment of human rights

Social Production of Habitat movements and projects fill the gaps left from the state’s failure to respect, protect, and fulfill human rights, particularly the human right to adequate housing and other related rights: property, water and sanitation, participation, non-discrimination, and self-determination, just to mention a few. Moreover, the right to produce and manage our habitat is one of the strategic components of the right to the city.

That being said, it is fundamental to highlight that people’s agency to improve habitat does not absolve the state of its obligations to citizens and residents (Schechla, 2004). According to the international commitments that they have signed, governments—both at national and subnational levels, including regional, provincial, and local authorities—are obligated to refrain from forced evictions, confiscation and repression of human rights defenders, discrimination, corruption, withholding services, and other such violations.

State institutions and officials should abstain from actions that would obstruct the social production of housing process, in particular through housing destruction and displacements. As established in standard-setting instruments, when resettlement is the only available option (i.e. due to a disaster-prone location or similar issue), the participation of the affected community and families is mandatory in agreeing the details of the process and negotiating appropriate resettlements (including providing shelter in a nearby location so as not to affect people´s livelihoods and social networks), as well as just remuneration and compensation measures.

At the level of protection, state obligations in the social production of housing process involve the provision of safeguards and assurances of freedom from unnecessary and disproportionate use of force, public-service fee increases, monopolistic control of building materials, and other impediments to the people’s process. The state also bears the obligation to prosecute violators and ensure effective relief and remedy for victims. Measures that prevent, deny, or repress the inhabitants’ rights to association, participation, and free expression in the physical development process would also violate the obligation to respect the human right to adequate housing.

At the fulfillment level, the state possesses unique capacities to ensure, recognize, and support people´s efforts and community-led efforts. Enabling social production of habitat policies, programs, institutions, and budgets is fundamental, including those that can guarantee access to:

  • land in good locations
  • security of tenure, prioritizing women´s needs and rights
  • services and infrastructure
  • adequate financial resources and schemes (credits, subsidies, and savings; recognizing people’s in-kind contributions)
  • professional technical assistance
  • information, materials, and technology
  • cross-sectorial training
Tabla Der viv PSH etc Inglés
Comparing different forms of producing housing and neighborhoods in face of obstacles to the right to adequate housing. Red: weak/no compliance; Yellow: mid compliance; Green: high compilance

A new urban agenda 2016-2036: a paradigm shift?

The third UN Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development (known as Habitat III) will take place in Ecuador in October 2016. For almost two years now, multiple actors and institutions, including national and local governments, social movements and civil society networks, youth and women’s organizations, academics, professionals, journalists, and the UN and other international agencies have being participating in debates, declarations, and other documents that will serve as inputs for what should be the Conference’s main outcome: a “New Urban Agenda”.

An initial set of written materials, the so-called Issue Papers, was produced during the first half of 2015 and dealt with 22 relevant themes. One of those themes was informal settlements, which tried to provide definitions of pertinent key words (without mentioning any critics or limitations), some updated global figures and facts, as well as relevant recommendations. Those “key drivers for action” included eight topics: Recognition of the informal settlement and slum challenge and the mainstreaming of human rights; Government leadership; Systemic and city-wide/‘at scale’ approaches; Integration of people and systems; Housing at the centre; Appropriate long term financial investment and inclusive financing options; Developing participatory, robust, standardized and computerized data collection processes; and Creating learning platforms. Although they might not be sufficient, each of these eight topics is fundamental, and the group of topics certainly reflects many of the concerns and proposals for which civil society and social organizations have been advocating.

However, it seems that those important analyses and recommendations did not make their way into the second round of official documents, the Policy Papers (February 2016). None of those 10 papers dealt exclusively with informal settlements, and their contents do not seem to take into consideration the concepts or key drivers discussed in the previous Issue Papers. It is true that a few weeks ago, an official thematic preparatory meeting on this particular topic was held in Pretoria, from which arose clear and strong recommendations on relevant elements such as land policy (balanced territorial development and urban planning), protection against evictions, participatory and in situ slum-upgrading programs, among others; but, again, no critical review on the concept or alternative definitions were considered in its declaration.

At the same time, the social production of habitat is mentioned several times in different documents, but only in a very limited and superficial manner, despite the prolific and solid contents and formal commitments that the predecessor Habitat Agenda (Istanbul, 1996) managed to include. Today, as yesterday, our networks will continue to push so that a more accurate definition, analysis, and policy recommendations are considered in the new agenda (see Mexico City Declaration on Financing Urban Development, March 2016). Bringing the communities´ voices to the debates and showing the achievements and challenges that they face should be one of our main tasks.

Changing the words means changing the concepts; changing the concepts means changing the way we understand (or not) complex phenomena and are able (or not) to transform them in a positive way.

Neither informal nor irregular, these are, above all, human settlements. Or even better: they are the city produced by the people: the people who claim their rights to live, build, and transform the city.

Lorena Zárate
Mexico City

On The Nature of Cities

* * * * *

References

Connolly, P. (2007) Urbanizaciones irregulares como forma dominante de ciudad [Irregular urbanization as predominant city form]. Unpublished paper presented at the Second National Land Use Congress, Chihuahua, Mexico, 17–19 October.

Gilbert, A. (2007) The Return of the Slum: Does Language Matter? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31.4: 697-713.

Ortiz, E. y L. Zárate (2002) Vivitos y coleando. 40 años trabajando por el hábitat popular en América Latina [Alive and kicking. 40 years working for people´s habitat in Latin America]. Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana y HIC-AL, Mexico City.

Ortiz, E. y L. Zárate (2004) De la marginación a la ciudadanía. 38 casos de producción y gestión social del hábitat [From Marginality to Citizenship. 38 cases of social production and management of habitat]. Forum Universal de las Culturas, HIC y HIC-AL, Barcelona.

Roy, A. (2009) Strangely familiar: planning and the worlds of insurgence and informality. Planning Theory 8.1: 7–11.

Schechla, Joseph (2004) Anatomies of a Social Movement. Social Production of Habitat in the Middle East/North Africa (Part I). Housing and Land Rights Network-Habitat International Coalition, Cairo.

Torres, Rino (2006) La producción social de la vivienda en México. Su importancia nacional y su impacto en la economía de los hogares pobres [The social production of housing in Mexico. National relevance and impacts in the economy of low income households]. HIC-AL, Mexico City.

Yiftachel, O. (2009) Theoretical notes on ‘gray cities’: the coming of urban apartheid? Planning Theory 8.1: 88–100.

Wigle, Jill (2013) The ‘Graying’ of ‘Green’ Zones: Spatial Governance and Irregular Settlement in Xochimilco, Mexico City. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 38.2: 573-589.

Establishing New Models of Human Rights: Creating Clean Places to Live

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

A Burmese man surprises me with a question, an idea that will make my thoughts race for weeks.

“They talk about human rights abuses and political prisoners and all of these things. Yes, these things are important,” the man says, referring to the collective, unknown “they” who create the rules of the game to which we all are universally expected to conform.

Providing clean places to live requires thoughtful consideration of how a country’s development can justly incorporate nature and ecosystem diversity while creating prosperity and improving the quality of life of its citizens.
“But, I see people from my own country open their car windows and throw their trash onto the road, and I think how wrong that is,” he continues. “Isn’t it a basic human right to live in a clean place?”

It’s a rare moment when we encounter a thought so profound. Walking in Myanmar, also known as Myanmar/Burma, our conversations with locals often are limited by language barriers and usually center on answering two frequent questions: “Where do you go? and “What is your country?”

Now, by chance, we’re afforded an opportunity to explore, at least momentarily, a line of thought that is particularly interesting in this time and place.Trash in Myanmar

Photo Apr 17The country, long closed off and operated under military rule, is today filled with the promise, hope, and skepticism of what lies ahead. Recent elections and shifts in political power bring with them a laundry list of challenges, opportunities, priorities, and perspectives about how to move from “what was” to “what could be.”

The question hanging in the air gives me pause, and I find myself nodding in agreement. “Living in a clean place should be a basic human right,” I say, convinced that there is truth in the concept. “But how do you create that? How do you stop people from throwing trash out of the window?”

We mull it over for a while, and shrug our shoulders. The conversation becomes too hard and finding words we both understand too difficult.

The street view

Still, weeks go by and the question stays on my mind. We have walked about 900 kilometers from Myawaddy to Bagan, and have seen things normal travelers in cars and buses generally miss.Photo Mar 14Photo Mar 27

Photo Mar 02We have seen, for instance, signs of what many people would consider economic progress. Hundreds of kilometers of road widening projects, where, sadly, dozens and dozens (if not hundreds) of century-old or older trees are being chopped down so that an increasing number of trucks can deliver products to a new market of eager consumers.

In other areas, family-based sustenance farming appears to have been replaced with vast stretches of rubber tree plantations, commercial agriculture, and a growing number of stone-grinding, gravel-making businesses. Posters advertising a handful of cement makers appeal to individuals who have enough cash on hand to renovate their homes or build new ones from scratch. And, there is notable investment in irrigation canals and water management systems in some regions, especially where rice paddies stretch to the horizon.Photo Mar 31-2Photo Mar 27-2 Photo Feb 29-32016-03-07 14.09.01Photo Feb 29-2Photo Apr 17-2

Socially, too, there seems to be an air of unprecedented personal freedom waiting to take hold. Mobile phone shops selling smartphones, SIM cards, accessories, and Internet data plans occupy significant amounts of many cities’ retail space and promote the joys of 3G connectivity. People are falling in love with Facebook, and the selfie is all the rage. Although still a conservative culture steeped in Buddhist traditions, there is an obvious rebellion going on in Myanmar/Burma; you only have to look at the teenagers to find it. Spiky mullets of blue, blonde, red, and pink dyed hair and arms and backs painted with tattoos make me think of young people in London, San Francisco, and New York.

Photo Mar 11-2There is, too, the obvious trend for capitalist-fueled consumerism. Brands from the U.S., Japan, Korea, Thailand, and China are winning greater amounts of shelf space in local shops, and more well known companies are waiting for the green light to be here.

The downside of this upselling of stuff that people want, but may not need, comes in the shape of litter scattered almost everywhere. Plastic bags, styrofoam containers, cans, bottles, wrappers, and paper are tossed alongside roads, piled at the edge of towns, and float in waterways. We see people sweeping outside their front doors, but very few cities or towns have trash bins set up in clear view. Burning trash in the front yards appears to be the way to manage waste. Photo Mar 11Photo Mar 15Photo Apr 01

Creating a new standard

It’s heartbreaking to see so much trash in such a beautiful country filled with some of the nicest people we’ve met so far. The idea of living in a clean place and having that be part of the basic human rights we ought to hold dear keeps swirling around my head.

The man’s question, raised during a conversation between strangers who will never know each other’s names, appears to be simple on the surface. But when you scratch at it, it is a complex issue that gets to the root of economic, social, global, and urban development.

A clean place to live, whether in urban or rural areas, implies a certain level of social commitment to change behaviors, establish discipline among citizens, and work for the common good. It requires public and private investments for balancing consumption and waste management, and a progressive plan to control and reduce land, water, and air contamination. Providing clean places to live requires thoughtful consideration of how a country’s development can justly incorporate nature and ecosystem diversity while creating prosperity and improving the quality of life of its citizens, who are on the edge of embracing globalization.

Unfortunately, promoting clean places to live may rank low on the list of priorities of countries opening themselves up to new standards of approval in the world community. Developed nations and worldwide organizations will demand countries such as Myanmar/Burma to address the significant issues of human rights abuses, peacekeeping initiatives to stop ethnic fighting, gender equality, fair labor, and basic health and safety education. Countries that meet these gold-star standards win grants, humanitarian aid, trade deals and concessions, and an incredible amount of international support, making the stakes high for developing countries to meet these criteria.

Also, of course, those issues are important and need to be center-stage because of the sheer number of lives they affect.

However, there should be room somewhere on the agenda to tackle these other issues, currently low on the international agenda. Waste management, ecosystem diversity, and environmental awareness are actually not small issues. Having a clean place to live results from the formation of safe, sustainable, and resilient communities and feeds a cycle of well-being people will value—ideals that, arguably, many communities in the “developed” world have yet to attain.

Photo Mar 14-2Perhaps, as national governments of developing countries focus on the prescribed criteria for playing catch up in a globally-connected world, the notion of creating clean places to live and visualizing that as a basic human right must (and should) reside at the city level.

As more people everywhere cluster into cities, urban governments will see the problems stemming from weak waste management, ecosystem diversity, and environmental awareness escalate, and will have to adapt first-line approaches to dealing with them. Like it or not, the upsides and downsides of development and globalization will fall on the shoulders of city entities; thinking ahead and planning for that responsibility is worth doing proactively.

With that, I’m holding out hope that city leaders in Myanmar understand the important role they play in “what could be” during this pivotal point in the country’s development. From a traveler’s and walker’s point of view, cities show the different faces of a nation, and I like to picture myself strolling by, admiring clean streets, parks, and public places instead of stepping over cans people threw from their car windows.

Jenn Baljko

See more about the trip here.

Shortcomings of the Paris Accord: We Need to Combat Air Pollution at Multiple Scales

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

As world leaders gathered recently in New York to sign the momentous Paris accord to curb future carbon emissions, the air in Indian cities such as Delhi continued to scale alarming heights of befoulment, and Chinese cities such as Beijing keep struggling to curtail the roiling murk in their own skies. While this agreement deserves celebrating, we also need to be clear about what it will not do, and not just on the climate issue itself. The Paris accord does very little to address these cities’ aerial plights, part of what has made air pollution the single biggest cause of death and disease in our world today.

It is precisely by tying the deadly skies over their cities to the imperative of reducing carbon emissions that leaders and activists outside the West stand a chance of accomplishing what they promised in Paris.

A widespread hope prevails that curbs on carbon emissions will also fix the dirty air in these nations’ metropolises. But our past in the United States suggests otherwise. The way that the U.S. and other long-industrialized nations better tamed our own smog problems has conditioned us to tackling one enormous environmental problem while ignoring the other.

After a stinging haze began swirling across the Los Angeles basin in the mid-1940s, a political furor arose, and scientists and regulators set about trying to understand and contain the problem. At first they looked for solid particles and the sulfur oxides often associated with these, much like what now troubles Beijing and Dehli skies. Similar to these recent afflictions, Los Angeles’ smog pooled only across the basin, especially when trapped by an overlying layer of cooler air. It stung eyes, obscured buildings, and stirred far-reaching concerns about Angelenos’ health. It drove so many residents to local clinics or emergency rooms that in the 1950s, local doctors recognized a pervasive “smog disease” and became convinced it was triggering lung cancers.

The earliest emergency measures did significantly curb the overall amount of carbon being ignited across the basin. Sternest of these, and accompanying a new smog alert system starting in 1955, a highest “health hazard” level set for sulfur dioxide and other recognized pollutants triggered far-reaching shutdowns of industry, traffic, and businesses. Like the measure recently declared in Beijing, however, it was imposed only rarely, and for a very short time.

delhi-air
The smog over Delhi. Photo: Jean-Etienne Minh-Duy Poirrier / Creative Commons

Most of the other ways in which Los Angeles and other American cities tamed this sort of air pollution, by contrast, actually enabled more carbon to be burnt. They aimed, after all, only at alleviating local or regional accumulations of contaminants, and especially those that threatened humans’ health. California, then the entire U.S, adopted a similar strategy: enclosing those fires that blazed in factories or power plants or cars, or else filtering out the least healthy effluents. Catalytic converters, for instance, “solved” only one part of the environmental problems posed by cars, what went out the tailpipe. They didn’t address either how much or what kind of fuel was being burned.

Successful as this earlier wave of environmental regulation has been with what thereby became known as conventional pollutants, it has remained all too effectively disengaged from the burgeoning torrent of fossil fuels Americans have continued to kindle. Even as average ozone levels are now 40 percent lower than in the 1970s, Los Angeles has twice as many cars. A few measures, like the advent of mass transit and of hybrid vehicles, have kept Americans’ carbon emissions from rising as much as they might have. But overall, the pollution control ushered in by the Clean Air Act actually enabled the United States to become the world’s biggest emitter of carbon over the late twentieth-century and the single greatest contributor to global climate change.

We Americans also have a hard time remembering that half a century ago in our country, “conventional” pollution provided a tremendous spur for mobilizing citizens. Its localized, palpable, and downright pathological presence in and around American cities furnished the single most powerful rationale for a mass environmental movement.

Among the fruits of this mass environmental movement’s crowning legacy—the Clean Air Act—are the Obama administration’s new rules targeting carbon emissions. Yet their imperceptible, non-toxic character long made it very hard to rouse a comparable movement on the climate’s behalf in a nation such as the United States, at least until the effects of climate change started hitting home.

Now, those of us cheering the new climate pact in nations whose cities seem less afflicted need to understand that the push to curb the carbon emissions in countries such as China or India cannot, and should not, be the same as in America. Politically speaking, it is precisely by tying the deadly skies over their cities to the imperative of reducing carbon emissions that leaders and activists outside the West stand a chance of actually accomplishing or going beyond what they promised in Paris.

The immediate health dangers from smog offer developing world leaders strong enticements to prioritize solutions concocted by the West for that problem alone, from re-sited coal plants to scrubbers to natural gas. Yet already, in an authoritarian China prodded by citizen unrest and the media to act, we’ve seen efforts that combat conventional pollution and carbon emissions at once, such as a downscaling of plans for coal-fired power plants. India, with the world’s worst polluted cities, has much further to go with monitoring and other control basics for smog, but it has announced an ambitious effort to ramp up solar power production. And at least on an emergency basis, Delhi itself has tried measures like halving its car drivers that may also shrink its carbon emissions. If there is to be any hope of solving the twin climate and pollution crises, leaders, activists and policymakers need to promote and sustain policies that keep both goals in mind, not just one or the other.

To support them, “capacity building” promised by the new pact for developing nations should prioritize shifts in these countries’ fuel mixes that actually do target the dirty air afflicting cities like Beijing and Delhi. And this assistance should not be limited to the problem as we in the global North tend to define it: reducing the volume of fossil fuels being burnt. Instead, throughout the global South, this aid should also support all the monitoring, expertise, technology, and enforcement that reduces people’s exposures to the most dangerous by-products of fossil-fueled fires—protections most climate-related policy and activism in North America and Europe now take for granted.

This pollution is killing and sickening millions right now, not just in a future of rising sea levels and worsening droughts or storms. And with such cities set to receive the greatest share of global population growth in coming decades, this problem threatens to get worse before it gets better.

Christopher Sellers
Stony Brook

On The Nature of Cities

Justice and Geometry in the Form of Linear Parks

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

Here at The Nature of Cities, we write a great deal about the benefits of “green” cities, widely construed. In particular, we write that green infrastructure and biodiversity in cities have broad benefits for people, nature, and, indeed, for the world at large through their effects on sustainability and resilience. Green infrastructure is good for human health and quality of life, it reduces the carbon footprint of cities, it increases resilience by insulating us from storms, it helps create foci of community building, and so on. Furthermore, green cities are good for nature in the form of conservation. This constellation of benefits constitutes what we call ecosystem services.

If how to increase park access is the question, then linear parks are a good answer. The reason is their geometry and the nature of their shape—they touch more people.

Do we truly believe in the benefits of ecosystem services? If we do, then two important questions follow. First, who should enjoy these benefits? The answer is really self-evident: everyone. Does everyone currently enjoy these benefits, in cities around the world? In short, and emphatically: no.

If we believe in nature-based solutions to urban problems, then we must also believe in the fair and equitable access to such solutions. All green infrastructure designs and their implementations have elements of justice and equity built in. Stated another way: “green” is an issue of justice.

Traditionally, environmental justice discussions have focused on the distribution of environmental “bads”—namely, that environmental waste and pollution are disproportionally experienced by the poor. This issue isn’t solved.

There is a flip side to this equation, too, and that is whether there is equitable access to environmental “goods”, or, the positive benefits of ecosystem services. We are lagging here, also. Does everyone have access to benefits such as parks, street trees, open space, nature-based protection from storms? Broadly, the answer is no.

The idea of access to nature-based solutions is within the decision-making power of city governments around the world. And, as a matter of assessment, access is relatively easy to measure, and so it is straightforward to assess how near or far we are from the goal of full and equitable access to nature and open space.

What are ecosystem services--David Maddox
What are ecosystem services? Image: David Maddox
Trees are good--David Maddox
Trees are good. Image: David Maddox

It’s easy to measure access

Trees are good. They have a role in providing clean air, jobs, carbon sequestration, reduced crime, increased property values, mental health benefits, temperature control, stormwater management, wildlife habitat, beauty, and livable neighborhoods. This is why across many cities in the United States and elsewhere, there are tree-lined streets. There are also streets that are not tree-lined. There is generally more tree canopy in wealthier neighborhoods.

In Washington, DC, the Washington Post reported a strong correlation across neighborhoods between median household income and tree cover. The richer the neighborhood, the greener it was. New York City also exhibits dramatic spatial variation in tree cover. A thoughtful response to this disparity has been that new street trees planted in the “Million Trees” program are clustered in underserved neighborhoods. Such a clustering approach means that areas without a full complement of trees are directly brought to a complete set of trees, rather than remaining behind as trees are placed with equal frequency across all neighborhoods, without regard to need.

Washington Tree Cover--David Maddox
Washington Tree Cover. Source: The Washington Post
New York City tree cover. Source: New York Department of Parks and Recreation
New York City tree cover. Source: New York Department of Parks and Recreation

Similarly, access to parks is widely variable around the world. This variability is easy to measure. One of the goals of New York City’s sustainability plan (PlaNYC) is that every New Yorker should be within a five-minute walk of a park. (Let’s leave for another essay the idea of the quality of that park, and concentrate simply on access.) New Yorkers for Parks has done admirable work documenting how New York is performing on this goal. The graphics shown here are examples of a large body of work New Yorkers for Parks have done in neighborhoods throughout New York. The data are rich as measurements of progress toward a common and publicly-stated standard. Two elements of this are key. First, that there is an explicit goal—every New Yorker within a 5-minute walk of a park—is critical for public debate about the characteristics of the city we want. Second, an explicit and simply articulated goal makes it possible to measure progress toward the goal.

There is similar data in Los Angeles. The Sustainable Cities Program of the University of Southern California reports that, countywide, only 36 percent of Los Angeles children live within ¼ mile of a park. (It is 85 percent in San Francisco.) Worse, the number of park acres per 1,000 children is much higher for census tracts dominated by white families than tracts dominated by African American or Latinos. That is, African-American and Latino children have less access to parks and their benefits.

Access to parks in New York. Source: New Yorkers for Parks
Access to parks in New York. Source: New Yorkers for Parks
Los Angeles access to parks--David Maddox
Los Angeles access to parks. Source: The Sustainable Cities Program at the University of Southern California

Matters of access can be even worse in other parts of the world—indeed, there is a crisis of open space in many of the world’s cities. For example, while New York is a relatively dense city—New York has approximately 4m2 of open space per person—Mumbai has much less: people in Bombay have only 1 percent as much open space as New Yorkers. According to Das, much of this results from cozy and non-transparent relationships between developers and cities that don’t serve people.

But this pattern can also be seen as a fundamental question of design and its limitations in planning. We can diagnose the problem and state a goal for change, but what can we do about it? In dense, populous cities, where would you put a new park to create more access? What is the way forward?

Mumbai stream restoration--Credit PKDas
Mumbai stream restoration. Image: PK Das

Corridors and catchment areas

First, let us acknowledge that access to open space is but one of the justice problems we have with green infrastructure. Nevertheless, let’s focus on this narrow problem. How can we create more access to green and open space in cities that don’t have much space to spare?

Linear parks are an answer, and the principle reason is geometry.

Imagine three hypothetical parks. Each has the same total area—four km2—but they are shaped differently. One is square, the other two progressively more long and thin. Consequently they differ in the total lengths of their perimeters: 8 km around the edge for a square park; 10 km for a rectangular one; 17 km for the thinnest and longest one.

Let’s take the New York standard as a reference: appropriate access is defined as living within a five-minute walk of the park, or approximately 0.5 km. The hatched area in the figure below is the area within 0.5 km of the edge of each park. It is easy to see that long and skinny parks have a much larger area “captured” within 0.5 km of their borders, for the simple reason that they have more perimeter. That larger area represents more people closer to the linear park.

How much more? A hypothetical, square 2km x 2km park comprises a “people catchment area” of about 2.5km within a 0.5km distance of its border; a 0.5km x 8km linear park captures an area of 4.5km. Let’s presume, for a moment, that these three parks are surrounded by the same density of people. The long and skinny park is within a short walk of almost twice as many people.

If how to increase park access is the question, linear parks are a good answer.

People catchment area. Image: David Maddox
People catchment area. Four equally sized parks have dramatically different perimeters because of their shapes. The long and skinny park is within 1/2 km of almost twice as many people as the square park. Image: David Maddox

Some arithmetic

What does this mean for some real cities? The table below includes several cities from around the world, but it is easy to make these calculations for other cities, too. The table uses commonly available data on total population and size to calculate each city’s density (people per km2).

Of course, density is not even across a city, but for argument’s sake, let’s imagine that it is. Further, imagine a linear park within this city: it is 2.5 km2 in area, and it is long and skinny, with a shape of 5 km x 0.5 km.

The people catchment area of this park is the space within 0.5 km of the perimeter. How many people live within this area depends on the density of people around it. How many people live within 0.5 km of such a park in Mumbai (i.e., live within 0.5 km)? Answer: almost 180,000 people (the size of the catchment area multiplied by the density). In Seoul, such a park would serve about 100,000 people. In Bogotá, it is 81,000.

In each of these cities, what is the size of a square park that would serve this many people? Remember, square parks have much smaller perimeters per unit of total size. In each of these cities, a square park of over 3 km per side (i.e., over 12 km2 in total area) would be required to serve the same number of people as the linear park.

Do you have room for a new 3 km x 3 km park in the middle of your city? Probably not.

Access to parks--David Maddox
Access to parks. Image: David Maddox

Linear parks and opportunity

The perimeter to area ratio is why linear parks have great potential to address some of our justice problems with respect to access to ecosystem services: more people are likely to live near a linear park and so be able to enjoy it.

Additionally, linear parks are much more likely to fit within existing cities. In Mumbai, New York, Seoul, Johannesburg, and so on, there are not very many places that large square parks and open spaces could be created—at least, not without displacing a lot of people, which would create its own justice problems. Thus, the opportunities for linear parks are another immensely attractive feature. There are places in existing cities that can accommodate the design of linear parks as part of the natural fabric and topography of the city: along streams (especially day-lighted ones), near roadways, along topographic features, and so on.

There are many examples of emerging liner parks around the world, and they have considerable potential to increase access of people to open space: the HighLine (New York), the Emerald Necklace (Los Angeles), Cheonggyecheon (Seoul), Jerusalem, P.K. Das’ work in Mumbai, and many others in cities around the world. They are projects of opportunity that have the potential for great rewards in increased access and, therefore, in environmental equity.

Seoul stream--Photo David Maddox
Cheonggyecheon stream restoration in Seoul. An elevated highway was removed to daylight the original stream bed. Photo: David Maddox

Linear parks as panacea

Linear parks don’t work for every purpose, of course. It’s hard to put a ball field in a long and skinny park. In some cases, the edge habitat that dominates skinny parks doesn’t suit certain types of biodiversity or human contemplation. (Although they may promote biodiversity connections between larger green spaces and facilitate other human activities, such as walking and foot-based commuting.) Furthermore, we know that just inserting a green space into previously underserved neighborhoods, however well-intentioned, isn’t always sufficient.

Still, we know that we have a crisis of access to green and open space in many (or most) of the world’s cities. We assert that everyone should have access to the benefits of nature and ecosystem services, from the enjoyment of biodiversity to clean air and protection from storms. As a matter of justice—through the lens of equitable access to the myriad benefits of nature—corridor parks are major opportunities in urban design and planning to improve the lives of millions of people.

David Maddox
New York

On The Nature of Cities

Linear Parks: Meeting People’s Everyday Needs for Secure Recreation, Commuting, and Access to Nature

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

In previous contributions to The Nature of Cities (for example, Das (2015); Tsur (2014)), some authors have reported successful experiences or projects of linear open spaces providing green access to more people across neighborhoods or adapting old infrastructure to modern needs.

Linear parks should balance environment, mobility, recreation, and security in order to produce more livable open spaces.

Linear parks are longitudinal areas, both green and grey, including greenways/corridors and urban edges; blue ways/waterfronts and transportation infrastructure frequently in re-used sites. Normally they have a minimum width of 25 meters, are of priority use for pedestrians and cyclists, with a spatial distribution marked by vegetation. They have an adequate infrastructure, both associated with recreation and resting areas. Although the idea of a “linear park” became popular in England from 1960, the design of this type of park is possibly older (Olmsted 1880, Emerald Necklace of Boston). Supported by the Beautiful City Movement (1890-1900), parkways and pedestrian walks were used in many cities to create relaxing, restful, and pleasant access points to recreation areas from the local street network. In Latin America, the Colombian Bogotá Park Way is a good example of a linear park that dates back to 1944.

Since the 1960s, linear parks have increased in popularity due to their multifunctionality and the decline of industrial-era infrastructure, which posed new design opportunities for linear parks (Kullmann 2011). In the last decade, they received a great deal of attention among city planners due to the scarcity of available space for the creation of larger parks in densely populated areas. They arose as an opportunity to revitalize interstitial edge-spaces in the post-industrial era as a recreational asset that takes advantage of remnant areas along waterways, coastal edges, riparian zones, abandoned railroads, etc. (HerránCuartas 2013, Sinha 2014). Many cities, such as Barcelona, Bogotá, Boston, Buenos Aires, Jerusalem, Medellín, New York, Palmira, Paris, Rosenheim, Stockholm, Toronto, and Uppsala included a number of green corridors in their strategic master plans as rapid and inexpensive ways to create green areas.

These parks became fashionable alongside higher concerns for space to do outdoor linear activities: walking, running, jogging, cycling, roller skating, etc. These daily, short- term recreation activities are performed in close proximity to people’s homes and are frequently motivated by health concerns, such as obesity, diabetes, and heart disease.

Another reason for the growing popularity of linear parks is their ecological significance. From an environmental perspective, linear parks are seen as biological corridors with potential to harbor urban biodiversity, increasing connectivity among big parks or natural reserves.

Are linear parks such a panacea? A comparison of two Argentine and Colombian linear parks in Buenos Aires and in Palmira, which are very similar in their structural characteristics, shows strengths and threats. In our comparison, we relate performed uses to the facilities supplied and to the users’ requirements of the multiple services provided.

In Buenos Aires, the linear park that we analyzed is 3.5 km long and connects two green urban parks of 70 ha and 5.9 ha. In Palmira, the park extends for 2.7 km starting at the Municipal Forest Park (16.5 ha) to the east. In both cities, the parks run through neighborhoods that are mostly quiet, leafy residential areas, while some parts contain commercial hubs. Both parks are crossed by a railway. We observed that the principle use in both parks was walking through them (30 percent of use in Buenos Aires and 37 percent in Palmira), followed by social interaction (23 percent) and physical activities (17 percent) in Buenos Aires. In Palmira, the next most common activities were sitting (20 percent) and selling products and services (13.5 percent).

As natural settings with good access to other locations, the parks invite people to walk; they are mainly used as routes to reach other destinations, such as shops, services, and bus stops. As they are well equipped with sport facilities, they are ideal places for recreation.

In both cases, users recognized that the parks gave a special identity to their neighborhoods through nature, the selling of traditional food and beverages in the city of Palmira, and through historical features in Buenos Aires.

Palmira2
In Palmira, points along the park where typical foods are sold, like this offer of “Cholados” (a typical drink with ice and fruit), shows that green areas can help to strengthen the local economy and sense of place. Photo Claudia Vidal

Palmira

Buenos Aires
Palmira (top) and Buenos Aires (bottom), linear parks provide multiple ecological, recreational, economic, and cultural / historic values. Photos: Claudia Vidal and Ana Faggi

Image 2. Palmira (top) and Buenos Aires (bottom), linear parks provide multiple ecological, recreational, economic, and cultural / historic values. Photos by Claudia Vidal and Ana Faggi

In Palmira, the park is preferred for commuting as a cool and quiet space; in Buenos Aires, however, little environmental value was recognized. Environmental value scored last of all mentioned services and far from the value nature was given in Palmira. A greater sensitivity to nature in Palmira could be explained by its smaller stature as a city and by its agricultural tradition, through which people have more contact with rural environments. A previous study on environmental perception carried out in natural reserves in the Buenos Aires Metropolis showed that visitors linked their motivations of nature consumption more with well-being than with nature enjoyment.

Users mentioned insecurity as a threat in both linear parks, predominantly as a consequence of social changes and coinciding with an increase in fear among citizens as a result of robberies, drug consumption, and alcohol abuse. A similar result is noted by Herrán Cuartas (2013) and Ortiz Agudelo (2014) in linear parks in the city of Medellín, where the linear parks conceived by the city council as a method of environmental rehabilitation conveyed neighbors’ feelings of fear and distrust driven by the solitude of the parks, the improvements they brought, or by new inhabitants who appeared in these new types of green spaces.

The perception of insecurity has escalated in Latin America in recent years, becoming the number one public concern in many countries. Crime and insecurity are greater than before, and higher than for other regions, as reported by the United Nations Development Programme (2014), 23.6 percent of Argentine and 25.8 percent of Colombian respondents have limited their visits to recreational areas for fear of becoming a crime victim. In this respect, linearity, which is recognized in literature as the strongest structural feature of linear parks, and which increases accessibility and commuting, may be a disadvantage rather than a benefit: it spreads the user’s vulnerability as thieves can attack victims more easily and escape quickly afterwards.

In the face of such demands for security, the redirection towards preventive strategies—improving street lighting and infrastructure, as well as the presence of guards or police patrols—could have substantial effects on encouraging pedestrian circulation. Design, planning, and management of linear parks should therefore focus on finding a balance between the environment, mobility, recreation, and security in order to produce more livable open spaces.

Ana Faggi and Claudia Zuleyka Vidal
Buenos Aires and Cali

On The Nature of Cities

Das PK (2015). Let Streams of Linear Open Spaces Flow Across Urban Landscapes . The Nature of Cities (August 12.2015).

Herrán Cuartas C (2013). Los parques lineales como nuevas oportunidades de espacio público en Medellín. Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, Medellín, CO.

Kullmann K (2011). Thin parks/thick edges: towards a linear park typology for (post)infrastructural sites. Journal of Landscape Architecture 6, 70–81.

Ortiz Agudelo PA (2014). Los parques lineales como estrategia de recuperación ambiental y mejoramiento urbanístico de las quebradas en la ciudad de Medellín: estudio de caso parque lineal La Presidenta y parque lineal La Ana Día. Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede Medellín. See http://www.bdigital.unal.edu.co/12865/1/43221903.2014.pdf (accessed 04.11 14).

Sinha A (2014). Slow landscapes of elevated linear parks: Bloomingdale Trail in Chicago. Studies in the History of Gardens and Designed Landscape 34:113–122.

Tsur N. (2014).The Story of Jerusalem’s Railway Park: Getting the City Back on Track, Economically, Environmentally and Socially .The Nature of Cities (August 18.2014

UNDP (2014).Citizen Security with Human Face.Evidence and Proposals for Latin America. Regional Human Development Report 2013, Panamá. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/citizen_security_with_a_human_face_-executivesummary.pdf (accessed 13.04 16).

Claudia Zuleyka Vidal

about the writer
Claudia Zuleyka Vidal

Claudia Zuleyka Vidal is an architect with many years’ experience in a wide range of urban renewal design projects. At present, she is working on a variety of architecture projects in the city of Cali.

Capturing Stewardship Stories: The Unlikely Tale of a Massive Open Online Course

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

From a centuries-old pear tree marking the remnants of a castle in the Czech Republic, to an urban perimeter of abandoned ammunitions dumps in Spain, to a tiny balcony in cramped New Delhi—places that people care about dot the globe. Stewards, often driven by place attachments, meanings, and memories, defy the forces quietly erasing these places—time, indifference, conflict, population growth. They act to preserve their places’ historical and biological heritage, demonstrating how important these places are to them and to the collective identity of their community.

Some form of collaborative governance appears to be universal across civic ecology practices.

Sharing stewards’ stories can inspire and offer insights into the actions people take to restore urban places. But how can one capture and share these stories? Given that Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) are often seen as a means of delivering knowledge from universities to the masses, a MOOC might seem an unlikely place to go looking for insights into how citizen stewards describe their work. But in our Reclaiming Broken Places: Introduction to Civic Ecology MOOC, we invited students to tell their own tales of stewardship through the lens of ten “civic ecology hypotheses,” which touch on biophilia, topophilia, ecosystem services, human-nature contact, networked governance, and resilience, among others. The MOOC students used the multi-media blogging platform Storify for their work; we have compiled a selection of their stories into an eBook coming out this spring.

Reading the stories provides a glimpse into stewardship practice around the world, a chance to understand the stewards’ special places and their connections to them. Here we share four stories: The Caved-in Castle from a village in the Czech Republic, the Waste Grounds surrounding Madrid, the Sparrow Balconies of India, and the Flowering Yurino Garden in Japan.

The Caved-in Castle, Holešov, Czech Republic

The Caved-in Castle embodies a piece of local history that has passed into legend. According to civic ecology steward (and MOOC student) Jana Karasová, all that remains of the castle today is a mound on the landscape. But the grounds—overgrown and abandoned—are being reclaimed, along with lingering memories of the castle’s heyday and a centuries-old wild pear tree. Boy scouts in the village of Holešov have adopted this area as their own, leading efforts to remove invasive species and keep the grass mowed, thus making the site accessible to town residents and helping to preserve local flora and fauna.

Wild Pear Tree_Jana Karasová
Wild pear tree. Photo: Jana Karasová

The villagers take pride in the site’s pear tree, which is thought to be over 300 years old and has been featured in historical accounts and legends. The local library and historical society joined the restoration effort, unearthing references to the castle and the tree, and government agencies and scientists are starting to help out, spurred by their interest in local biodiversity and the genetics of the wild pear. In addition to this small “governance network,” the community’s collective efforts have restored “social-ecological memories” of the castle and pear tree, created cultural ecosystem services related to the restoration activities themselves, and provided opportunities for learning about local plants and history.

Waste Grounds, Madrid

In 1912, nine enclosures were constructed around the city of Madrid to contain munitions dumps. Over time, these areas became the city’s “waste grounds”—piles of rubble dumped on the terrain and forgotten for decades. Recently, Professor María Auxiliadora Gálvez Pérez and colleagues in the San Pablo University Department of Architecture noticed how grasses, flowers, and even some shrubs and trees were beginning to reclaim the waste grounds. They brought students out to research and restore the area.

At the Archiprix urban design workshop, the students and faculty shared their vision of a middle-out urbanism that transgresses top-down and bottom-up approaches, and of imaginary pragmatics, which produces powerful images proposing imaginary solutions based on hard data. With their vision of the waste grounds transformed into community spaces and a biodiversity reserve, the students are trying to enlist the city government in protecting the sites, thus allowing the students to continue learning from and reclaiming the wasteland. They have compiled an “Atlas of the Waste Grounds” to document their projects, the wildlife, the social context, and the services provided by these neglected parcels of land.

Sparrow Balconies, New Delhi

 Amidst the clamor of residential streets in congested New Delhi, sparrows sing and vines and trees burst out over the street below. Marisha Sharma is a participant in the national Greening of Balconies project, which is supported and encouraged by government initiatives and NGOs. In addition to planting small trees, shrubs, and vegetables, and composting food wastes, residents install bird houses to attract their newly-designated state bird, the House Sparrow. As neighbors see each other’s greened balconies, the practice spreads rapidly.

Sparrow balconies_Marisha Sharma-1
Sparrow balconies. Photo: Marisha Sharma

In comments that provoke thoughts about nature “doses” in dense cities, Sharma’s father talked about their apartment’s balcony: “Every morning I sit in the balcony full of plants, sipping tea with my wife. I keep my camera handy and capture the sparrows busy in their nest building and chick rearing activities. That half hour spent every morning with the sparrows empties the mind of all other material thoughts and worries. Thus, I start my day with full enthusiasm.” Her mother added: “Due to greenery, lots of birds visit my balcony, which gives me happiness. I also grow flowers which I use during my prayers in the temple, which gives me mental peace.”

Flowering Yurino Garden, Nishinomiya

We were particularly moved by the story of resilience and restoration told by the Flowering Yurino Garden through the eyes of Momoka Tamura. Twenty years ago, Nishinomiya, Japan suffered a devastating earthquake. Massive landslides killed 34 residents and destroyed dozens of houses. As reconstruction began, the government covered the landslide with concrete to prevent future tragedies. But the drab, gray material felt wrong, especially in a place where so many had died. Senior residents began to plant flowers on the hillside. They created the Yurino Garden, planting not just flowers but pumpkins and watermelons as a memorial to the souls of the deceased.

Yurino garden_Momoka Tamura-1
Yurino garden. Photo: Momoka Tamura

Tourists come to see this place every spring, marveling at the signature display of pink flowers, and perhaps getting ideas about how to implement similar projects locally. High school students volunteer and residents enjoy concerts and other community events in the garden. Reflecting Keith Tidball’s work on post-disaster greening, this place of devastation and sorrow has become a beautiful memorial to life—a place for healing and learning.

* * * * *

Our ten civic ecology hypotheses (see below) are what we have imagined based on years of observing, studying, and participating in stewardship practices. Through their stories, the MOOC students contested and confirmed our hypotheses. For example, they challenged our notions about “broken places” being the only sites where civic ecology practices occur. Whereas a landslide after an earthquake in Japan is a classic post-disaster “broken place,” it’s harder to apply the term “broken place” to an abandoned field with a pear tree and a mound that was once a castle in a Czech village. We also found through our MOOC that some form of collaborative governance entailing community organizations, non-profits, and government agencies appears to be universal across civic ecology practices, and is also a means for expanding the impact of these small scale stewardship and restoration activities.

As MOOC students share the stories of their practices, they both inspire and offer insights into why and how people steward urban places, and the larger meanings of these stewardship actions. And similar to how students implementing design projects in the waste lands surrounding Madrid are turning “imaginaries” into something pragmatic, we as scholars continue to both imagine and ground truth our ideas through research and teaching. Finally, just as the Madrid waste land restoration projects are a form of “middle-out urbanism” that transgresses top-down and bottom-up approaches, our MOOC has occupied a middle ground where experts and practitioners share knowledge and experience.

These stories and 26 others generated by students in our Reclaiming Broken Places MOOC are available in a free eBook to be posted at www.civicecology.org this spring.

Kimberly Snyder and Marianne Krasny
Ithaca

On The Nature of Cities

* * *

Ten Civic Ecology Hypotheses (from Civic Ecology)

Emergence: Why do civic ecology practices happen?

1. Civic ecology practices emerge in broken places.

2. Because of their love for life and love for the places they have lost, civic ecology stewards defy, reclaim and re-create these broken places.

Bricolage: Piecing the practice together

3. In re-creating place, civic ecology practices re-create community.

4. Civic ecology stewards draw on social-ecological memories to re-create places and communities.

5. Civic ecology practices produce ecosystem services.

6. Civic ecology practices foster well-being.

7. Civic ecology practices provide opportunities for learning.

Zooming Out: A systems perspective

8. Civic ecology practices start out as local innovations and expand to encompass multiple partnerships.

9. Civic ecology practices are embedded in cycles of chaos and renewal, which in turn are nested in social-ecological systems.

Policy Makers: Understanding and enabling

10. Policy makers have a role to play in growing civic ecology practices.

Marianne Krasny

about the writer
Marianne Krasny

Marianne Krasny is professor in the Department of Natural Resources and Director of the Civic Ecology Lab at Cornell University, and leader of EPA’s national environmental education training program (“EECapacity”).

Confronting the Dark Side of Urban Agriculture

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

How do you like roller coaster rides? I love them—provided that I am sitting in the operator’s cabin and not in one of the small, shaken carts frantically moving up and down. In two of my last posts, The Nurtured Golem: A Nantes Neighborhood Transforms Environmental Bad into Good, and Is There any Type of Urban Greenspace that Addresses the Rural-Urban Continuum? Urban Agriculture, I praised urban agriculture as the cornerstone that could help reconfigure more sustainable cities by bringing people together and, eventually, reshaping the whole urban fabric.

It is misleading to greenwash, without caveats, conventional or high-tech agriculture in the city as sustainable.
Is it as simple as that? Sounds too good to be true and, as always, it is not simple. All urban agricultures are not sustainable, and some may even produce deleterious effects on the city inhabitants as well as on the city itself.

Let me be crystal clear: Community gardens, kitchen gardens, organic micro-farming, and rooftop farming are very positive for a city’s sustainability and for the well-being of its inhabitants. I am not trying to disparage urban agriculture. Quite the contrary, my intention is a kind of whistle blowing: to distinguish between the different types of urban agriculture and to denounce those which, under the disguise of promoting agriculture in the city, promote practices that are absolutely unsustainable.

Basically, urban agriculture is the practice of cultivating, processing, and distributing food in or around a village, town, or city. Although both are about growing edible plants in the city, we can distinguish between three very different categories, which share few things in common:

First are kitchen gardens and community gardens, as well as organic micro-farming characterized by collective or family type organization. These flourish at ground level of on rooftops. Second are parcels of conventional industrial farming land, which remain where urban growth incorporates farmlands into the urban fabric. This form is particularly pertinent for cities located in vine-growing or grain-growing regions. Third, is what has been described as “tree-like” skyscrapers for farming, a type of high-tech agriculture—in contrast with the two first categories, which can be considered low-tech—that is often associated with smart cities.

The new craze for urban agriculture, which began 20 years ago, primarily concerned organic micro-farming, and kitchen and community gardens, a type of agriculture that can enrich and transform the city positively and make it more sustainable. But it generated a sudden interest for urban agriculture in general, and drew the attention of many economic and political players, large building companies, architects looking for inspiration (and celebrity), and big farmers doing conventional farming. They generally did not have interest in bringing people together, or in fostering inclusiveness and ownership. Urban agriculture was a label used to sugarcoat the pill to maintain conventional farming in the city or to develop urban projects—like high-rise buildings—that otherwise would have been taken very badly by the people living in or on prospective sites.

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Design for vertical farming by Chris Jacobs and Rolf Mohr. Image: Wikimedia Commons by Cjacobs627

Urban agriculture’s mania opened a window of opportunity to impose high-rise buildings or to turn intensive agriculture in the city “green”. All a sudden, concrete and glass towers became acceptable in places where not a single inhabitant would have accepted them before, provided that the buildings looked “green”. At the ground level, conventional urban farming became nice and acceptable, though it can generate nuisances such as dissemination of pesticides and fertilizers that have a negative impact on health and on the biodiversity in the city.

Those who greenwash conventional or high-tech agriculture in the city as sustainable mislead. It is deeply problematic, as I will show with two very different cases that are connected in one important way: the exposure to pesticides of city-dwellers living alongside fields cultivated under intensive conventional agriculture, and the potential destruction of the urban fabric by skyscrapers camouflaged in green.

Towers camouflaged in green

Let’s begin with the case of skyscrapers camouflaged in green, which, by the way, are paradigmatic of the problems that can be generated by mixing intensive agriculture with high-rise buildings. Have you never heard of these new architectures, which have been proliferating since the nineties in the wake of the Smart Cities movement? Tree-like skyscrapers, cultivating plants or breeding animals within tall greenhouse buildings or vertically inclined surfaces? The point of this farming laden with eco-technologies is to exploit synergies between the built environment and intensive—if not industrial—agriculture. Naturally, its promoters emphasize the supposed positive effects of tree-like skyscrapers on the urban environment: recirculating hydroponics and aeroponics that significantly reduce the amount of water needed, collecting rain and treating wastewater, producing photovoltaic green energy, etc. But, curiously, they forget to mention the dark side of it. There are many huge problems inherent to these agritectures:

  • Even if a building is largely fenestrated, plants still need soil and additional sunlight to survive. When sunlight is replaced by LEDs, it has a huge energy cost.
  • Controlling humidity and air circulation and evacuating the heat released by LEDS also has large energy costs.
  • Fertilizers are always necessary, as are pesticides, due to the mildew and other pests found in greenhouses today.

Besides, how could the urban fabric be inclusive of this type of farming? As highlighted by Saskia Sassen, in the broader perspective of the Smart Cities movement: “These technologies have not been sufficiently ‘urbanized’. It is not feasible simply to plop down a new technology in an urban space”.

As beautifully put by Stan Cox and David Van Tassel, tree-like skyscrapers look like a dreamy idea with a solid financial and political hidden agenda, which could ultimately become even more industrialized than modern rural agriculture. Indeed, to defend this type of urban farming, many authors argue that fossil fuels, fertilizers, and government subsidies to industrial farming are also expensive. In doing so, they implicitly assert that vertical farming and industrial farming should be of the same nature and have the same standards, which says a lot about the financial interests and real objectives of urban agriculture. Such a type of urban agriculture is all but sustainable, and can certainly not foster urban sustainability. There is obviously a huge discrepancy between the dream—or the nightmare—and the reality.

These “castles—or skyscrapers—in the sky” are not the most worrying misappropriations of the notion of urban agriculture. They have not been built, anyway (except for Stephano Boeri’s “Vertical Forest” in Milan, in the aftermath of the Expo 2015 “Feed the Planet, Energy For Life !”, but these buildings are not truly high-rise constructions, and besides they are not agricultural holdings but rather residential towers with trees, more like the hanging gardens of Babylon).

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Bosco verticale / Vertical Forest in Milan. Image: Wikimedia Commons, Luca Nebuloni

Get back to the ground level: conventional farming within cities is potentially a much graver concern, be it located in a skyscraper or just in the ground. The big issue here is the dissemination of pesticides and fertilizers as well as of the wastes and the by-products of industrial urban agriculture, especially in vine-growing or grain-growing regions—two agricultural productions with high added-value—where vines and fields are frequently incorporated in the city. The inhabitants of such cities are exposed to critical levels of pesticides on a daily basis without them even knowing. Well, they are beginning to know, and it appears that they are not happy at all. In France, many cities are concerned, such as Bordeaux, Reims (the capital of Champagne), and the medium-sized cities of the Parisian basin, such as Orleans or Chartres. It is probably the same elsewhere in Europe and worldwide.

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Epernay’s vineyards. Photo: Wikimedia commons, Fab5669

Conventional urban farming: Would you enjoy a nice cup of pesticides?

Take the very well-documented example of Bordeaux. An emblematic case indeed, considering the reputation of Bordeaux wines. Today in France, vine-growing is the second largest consumer of pesticides (20 percent by volume of all the pesticides in France, for only 3.7 percent of farmland in use). You can imagine what the neighbors of these vines passively inhale and swallow. After years of omertà, the inhabitants of the Bordeaux urban area finally started standing up against this agriculture. Farmers and pesticide producers—and local authorities or farmer’s unions, who are sometimes considered as accomplices—are getting sued in court.

All this began in 2014, when twenty-three children and their teacher had been poisoned in their schoolyard in the city of Villeneuve. Last February, the people living near Bordeaux vineyards successfully organized a huge protest against the use of pesticides in urban areas. Several surveys had been disclosed in the preceding weeks that warned them about the impacts of plant protection products on health and on the urban environment. Wine-growing monoculture was especially targeted due to the very frequent spraying of chemicals, including fungicide treatments. According to one of these surveys, hair samples of children going to schools surrounded by vineyards in the Bordeaux region tested positive for 44 pesticides—authorized and unauthorized. Another report mentioned the risks of cancer linked to glyphosate (a systemic herbicide and an organophosphorus compound) used in wine production. The French Ministry of Environment called on the ANSES (Agence Nationale de Sécurité Sanitaire de l’Alimentation, de l’Environnement et du Travail) to revise this chemical’s existing authorization.

This situation is stupid, considering that many of these chemicals are ineffective, especially those targeting blight, oidium and gray mold, as demonstrated in 2015 by the INRA (French National Research Institute for Agronomy). Why should anyone keep on applying pesticides that yield no results? Well, it gives work to phytosanitary manufacturers and distributors. Besides, wine is an economic sector that carries weight in the Bordeaux area: wine production represents a yearly turnover of 4 billion euros, and is the largest employer in the region. Thus, among the different stakeholders nobody dares to call into question a system of which everyone benefits financially.

Monsanto pesticide to be sprayed on food crops.
Hmmm, it smells good…Photo: Wikimedia Commons, USDA
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So good! Photo: miel-abeilles.monsite-orange.fr

The case of Bordeaux is just an example of a much broader issue. In 2015, the NGO Générations Futures carried out tests in houses and apartments located nearby vineyards, cornfields, and industrial orchards, with amazing results. The analysis showed that the inhabitants were living in what the report calls “a pesticide dust-bath.” On average, 20 different chemicals were detected in each dwelling: 14 when near cornfields, 23 when near industrial orchards, and (no surprise) 26 when near vineyards. Even diluron—a herbicide whose use has been officially banned in France since 2008—was discovered in many places. Among those chemicals are 12 endocrine disrupters, which represent 98 percent by weight of all the chemicals detected. Endocrine disrupters are suspected of provoking prostate, testicular, and breast cancers; of triggering hormone system disorders such as diabetes; and of generating fetal development disorders. How about that? Yes, living nearby intensive industrial agriculture in urban areas is not without consequences, and is certainly not sustainable.

When spraying foliage with a plant-protection chemical, only 30 percent to 50 percent of the active product hits its target. Where does the rest go? It is transported in the atmosphere, gets deposited on the ground, and eventually reaches groundwater by leaching. Supposing that you live nearby: you breathe it, you drink it, and—provided that you grow your own vegetables in the contaminated soil and irrigate them with polluted water—you eat it. South of Lyon, people living close to large orchards complain “When we see our neighbor, the farmer, arriving on his tractor wearing his ‘spacesuit’, we lock the kids and ourselves in the house with the doors and windows well closed”. This happens more then 20 times per year between March and September during the growing season, which is when people like to stay outdoors. Not only people living nearby need to be concerned: airborne pollutants are transported quite far from their source. AirParif (an agency accredited by the Ministry of Environment to monitor the air quality in Paris and in the Parisian Region) recently detected (2014) more than 80 different phytosanitary chemicals used in cereal farming in the very center of Paris.

Within the city, farmers and their non-farming neighbors share more than fencelines, and it can be quite challenging to live near industrial agriculture. A hammer can be used indifferently to knock in nails or to shatter skulls, but the hammer is neither bad nor good. It is the person that uses it who decides. The same goes for urban agriculture: All relies on who does what on its behalf.

When trying to determine if urban agriculture may contribute to a sustainable future, the primary question to ask is: Will this agriculture be at the service of the inhabitants? Its success depends on its objectives, its form, and its local ownership by the people concerned.

Once again, my objective here is not to discredit urban agriculture. Conversely, my objective is to illustrate the difference between type of agricultures that help reconfigure more sustainable cities—which I have developed in former posts—and agricultures that endanger sustainability in the city.

François Mancebo
Paris

On The Nature of Cities

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A Shack and a garden at La Fournillère (see last post). Photo: Miraorti
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Montmartre: micro-vineyard in Paris. Photo: Wikimedia Commons, credits Basili

 

Cities Are Home to Threatened Species. So What?

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

My and my colleagues’ recent research from Australia has shown that cities are hotspots for threatened species (Ives et al 2015). There is a remarkable diversity of rare plants and animals that exist alongside the places where people live and work.

An ethical city should recognise the values for nature protection at different scales and show leadership in how people can learn to live sustainably alongside nature.

While results from this new study are striking, they do not necessarily tell us how we ought to respond. How does the knowledge that cities are important for the protection of threatened species change how we should think about their form and function? Can cities ever practically protect threatened species, or will they always be considered major threats to their survival? And how can we navigate the differences between the perceived conservation importance of these species compared to the often-indifferent perspective of the general public and other stakeholders?

Threatened species are seen as the flagships of the conservation movement. So many NGOs focus their efforts on protecting species (e.g., the WWF), as do many public policy-oriented organizations (e.g., the IUCN). But how should threatened species be considered in the context of cities? City planners often talk about the benefits of green infrastructure for cooling and recreational opportunities, but can cities also contribute to the protection of the most vulnerable forms of biodiversity? There have been a number of studies that have identified threatened animals and plants within cities and towns (Mark Hostetler’s and Aliyu Barau’s recent essays; Schwartz et al.’s 2002 study). In fact, a recent piece of research that my colleagues and I conducted has shown that cities actually are home to more threatened species in a given area on average than non-urban areas.

We took maps of the habitat distributions of the 1643 plants and animals listed as threatened in Australia and overlaid them with maps of the 99 Australian cities and towns with more than 10,000 people (Fig 1). From this spatial analysis, we calculated the number of threatened species in 1km x 1 km squares across the continent and compared urban and non-urban areas.

FIg 1
Fig 1. Map of the number of threatened species in Australia per square km, and their overlap with urban areas. Darker colours show more threatened species. More detailed maps are shown for (a) Perth, (b) Brisbane, and (c) Melbourne. (From Ives et al. 2015)

We found that cities contained substantially more species per square kilometer than non-urban areas (see Fig 2), and this was consistent even when we accounted for bioregion, net primary productivity and distance from the coast. Interestingly, patterns were different for plants and animals. We found that while there tended to be more threatened plants than animals in cities, animals were distributed over more cities than plants. Further, we found that each city in Australia contributed species found nowhere else. Therefore, for conservation, it is important to consider each city and its importance for protecting biodiversity. Why did we find these results? We suggest that the higher richness of threatened species in cities is likely to be the result of both elevated threats from urbanization pressures (e.g. habitat loss, invasive species, disturbance), and novel habitats and resources (e.g. non-native fruiting trees) that benefit some of the species (for example exotic pine plantations offering foraging habitat for Carnaby’s Black Cockatoo).

Fig2
Fig 2. The proportion of 1 sq-km cells in Australia containing different numbers of threatened species. White bars represent cities while grey bars represent non-urban areas. (From Ives et al. 2015)

So what should we do about it? That’s the question that is usually asked by scientists after uncovering an interesting research finding. But actually, that’s one question ahead of where we should start. The first question should be: Why should we do something about it? This relates to the underlying ethical questions of why we ought to pursue conservation.

The ancient Greeks thought about three types of knowledge: episteme, techne, and phronesis. Episteme refers to scientific (or theoretical) knowledge; techne refers to knowledge of practice (how to act), and phronesis to wisdom. In modern western society, scientific knowledge is often considered the most important type of knowledge in decision-making because of the assumption that it will lead to improved outcomes. But we spend very little time discussing what kinds of outcomes are important and what is the right way to pursue them. Yet this kind of wisdom is at the crux of designing sustainable cities. While we have much scientific knowledge, very often there is little shared understanding of value between stakeholders. Not everyone recognises the value of protecting biodiversity, with many viewing environmental features as constraints to more important outcomes, such as residential housing and opportunities for industry.

This connects to a debate that’s been raging on the pages of conservation journals for a while now. Why should we protect nature? Two recent additions to this dialogue have been made by Kai Chan and colleagues and Richard Pearson. Chan et al. argue that the two classes of values that are typically used to justify nature protection (namely nature for human’s sake [instrumental value] or for nature’s sake [intrinsic value]) are insufficient. They recognise that a third type of values is critical and actually very often represent the most significant values of all: relational values. People do not only value nature because it is there or because it fulfils their preferences; they also engage with it in a variety of other ways, stewarding and respecting it, observing it, interacting with it. These kinds of nuanced relationships with the natural world are not captured by the category of ‘cultural ecosystem services’, since this continues to frame nature in terms of what it can offer people.

The article by Pearson, published in 2016, recognises that “different arguments for conservation are suited to different spatial extents and levels of biological organization” (p2). In other words, not only are there different kinds of values for nature, but different attributes of nature motivate conservation action in different ways. He distinguishes between genes, populations, species, and ecosystems. Each of these is more closely aligned with different motivations for conservation (e.g. populations of insects for pollination, or ecosystem health for recreation) (see Fig 3). They are also relevant at different spatial scales. For example, climate regulation is a global motivation for maintaining ecosystem function, while maintaining clean water for swimming is a local motivation. Regarding threatened species, Pearson suggests that the existence value (or intrinsic value) of that species is of global concern.

Conservation of threatened species in cities therefore represents a clash between the local and global scales of motivations, since the local economic value of transforming habitat for residential housing is compared with the global motivation of maintaining species existence. This mismatch of scales (and the different kinds of values at play) makes it difficult to perform sensible tradeoffs. And when it comes down to it, species protection often loses out. In response, compensation schemes (such as biodiversity offsetting) have been introduced as a way of upholding legal requirements for species protection, but these are ethically problematic for a range of reasons—not least because they fail to consider adequately the complexity of value relationships between people and nature (Ives & Bekessy, 2015).

Figure 3. Different attributes of biodiversity and their relevance for conservation at different spatial scales (From Pearson, 2016)
Figure 3. Different attributes of biodiversity and their relevance for conservation at different spatial scales (From Pearson, 2016)

So what does all this mean for the conservation of threatened species in cities? Given that cities are defined by a dominance of human-modified landscapes and act as engine rooms of economic development, it is critical that the public are engaged closely in this issue. People must be made aware that cities are actually hotspots for threatened species. There is a need to make the global importance of species protection relevant at a local level. This can be achieved through careful education by government and community conservation groups, particularly concerning species that reside in people’s local areas. Without public support, species will continue to be pushed to the brink of extinction, despite legal protection—as exemplified by the recent case in Melbourne, where habitat corridors have been downgraded in new planning documents (ABC, 2015)

Second, there is a need for the range of values people assign to natural areas to be expressed and picked up by land use planners and managers. Alongside the ‘intrinsic’ value of threatened species, values such as the aesthetic, cultural, recreational, bequest and scientific values of their habitats should be understood and articulated in order to bolster arguments for conservation in cities. Finally, urban dwellers should be actively engaged in conservation actions where possible as a way of building positive nature experiences and engendering an ethic of nature stewardship. Conservation action on private land, not just the formal areas designated for nature protection, is likely to be an important part of this.

Now for one final thought. In the end, all of this talk about managing different values is prefaced on the assumption that we are permitted to act in whichever way we like towards the environment as long as our particular values for it are upheld. Yet, I think much of the talk about intrinsic value is actually trying to express some kind of moral obligation we have towards the natural world.

But I think that talking about values may not be enough. We need to start discussing ethics, and what principles govern our actions as people. Instead of asking ‘what values should we be accounting for in justifying our actions towards the environment’, we could be asking ‘what kind of actions are consistent with a respectful relationship towards nature?’. This doesn’t fit neatly into our cost-benefit analysis world, but I think it is an important step towards realising a sustainable and just future in the age of urbanisation. We therefore need to explore more about the ethical principles that ought to govern cities.

I suggest that we certainly should be maintaining relationships with nature through planning and designing urban landscapes that facilitate meaningful human-nature interactions. An ethical city should recognise the values for nature protection at different scales and show leadership in how people can learn to live sustainably alongside nature. As a first step, let’s work hard to protect the most vulnerable species that are present in our cities—those on the brink of extinction.

Chris Ives
Lüneburg

On The Nature of Cities

Comparing Apples to Peaches: Cities in the United States and Canada

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

A review of America’s Urban Future: Lessons from North of the Border, by Ray Tomalty and Alan Mallach. 2016. ISBN: 9781610915960. Island Press. 312 pages. Buy the book.

Canada and the United States share the longest unprotected border between two sovereign nations in the world. Current electoral politics in the U.S. aside, that status is unlikely to change, ever. Connected as they are by geography and commerce, it’s reasonable to assume that high degrees of similarity across several domains (economy, culture, etc.) will continue to exist. But, strangely, there are many fundamental differences between American and Canadian ‘ways’, many of which America’s Urban Future, published by Island Press in February, expose.

If I had to choose one word to describe the difference between U.S. and Canadian cities, it would be: more. In the U.S., more innovation. More poverty. More complexity.

I was born in Canada and spent the first half of my working life living there, working on civic issues—mostly in cities. As my consulting practice grew, more and more of my clients were in the U.S., and I have worked in the U.S. for 25 years. Ten years ago, I accepted a fellowship with a U.S.-based foundation, and moved. My tenure living in the U.S. has been largely spent in two very distinct cities: New Orleans and New York. In both cases, when Canadians have asked how I find living in the United States, I have replied: “I don’t live in the United States, I live in New Orleans (or New York).”

Cities in the U.S. are not monolithic, and the two I have found myself living in are quite different both from each other and from any other place in America. My living experience has been both inspirational and dispiriting, often at the same time. I think if I had to choose one word to describe what I know to be the difference between U.S. and Canadian cities, it would be: more. In the U.S., there is more innovation. More poverty. More culture. More commerce. More stress. More opportunity. More complexity.

When I was growing up in Canada, there was an enormous northward flow of popular culture, and there was a not-always-so-subtle hubris Canadians harboured towards the United States: that somehow we were better, more evolved. (I think it’s still the case in many quarters: particularly among those who elected the new federal regime in Canada, looking down on our current national election discourse in the U.S.) Our values were more progressive; we weren’t as materialistic; our native culture was purer. Canada, with all its economic and cultural insecurities, was less brash—and yes, nicer—and that was a good thing. It wasn’t until much later, as my professional life took me to the U.S., that I was confronted with the much harsher reality of the cultural differences between the two countries, and how those have manifested in the ways cities have formed in each country.

The sheer numbers of cities in the U.S., and the scale of its urban regions, are truly hard to forget when you live here.

As more people move to cities in Canada and the United States, and our economies continue to evolve away from resource extraction and manufacturing to the service, knowledge creation and creative sectors, and tech, I am hopeful we’ll have better learning networks connecting urban practitioners across the 49th parallel, who can report on what is working, and what is not. America’s Urban Future is a solid start.

coverRay Tomalty and Allan Mallach have done an exemplary job at analyzing various historical factors that have influenced the development of cities in Canada and the US. They’re both practitioner academics: one based in Montreal and the other in Washington, and they bring an appropriate mix of data analysis and more subjective commentary into this book.

As a bi-national citizen, it continues to strike me as odd that we don’t have more mechanisms to foster learning between communities in Canada and the U.S. There are surprisingly few such mechanisms, particularly focused on urban life, and this volume is a worthy addition to what I hope will be a growing inquiry between the two most urbanized countries in the world. But the framing of this volume reflects a salient reality: the authors set out as their goal to look to Canada to find solutions to the problems in U.S. cities. American geo-political power and—when compared to Canada—sheer population numbers, constitute one explanation of the ethno-narcissism that is America. It pretty much is always about us here (I live in New York City). But surely, cities in both countries have lessons to learn and teach.

In Chapter 22 of The Death and Life of Great American Cities, urban sage Jane Jacobs, who chose to live in arguably the two most successful cities in the U.S. and Canada —New York and Toronto—set out “The kind of problem a city is ….”. She proceeded to debunk the pathologising of cities, advancing instead an analysis of cities as complex systems. Raised in a mid-sized city in Canada (London), I always found the literary depictions of cities as centers of depravity far from my experience—obviously I didn’t get out much). But in the U.S., cities come by that reputation more honestly because of a raft of trends, encouraged by horribly wrong-headed policy directions, that literally drove people from living downtown in dense, diverse neighborhoods, to moving to spacious, mono-cultural suburbs. The racial history of segregation, and the dynamics that remain to echo it, are unique to American cities and simply unavoidable. I was working here for more than a year before someone tipped me off that ‘urban’ was actually code for ‘black’, as was ‘inner-city’.

What the urban exodus of the 1970s in U.S. cities, colloquially referred to as ‘white flight’, left in its wake is sobering: sparsely populated neighborhoods with boarded up properties and vacant lots, stark public spaces euphemistically called ‘parks’, long-forgotten movie theaters and desolate main streets stripped of any vibrant retail.

I suspect one of the dilemmas these authors faced was trying to glean useful observations from the ‘success’ of Canadian cities that U.S. policy makers could actually implement. That’s pretty difficult because the socio-cultural circumstances, and resultant policy differences, are so fundamental, and so much of the ‘damage’ is already done. The federal government in Canada did not raze entire neighborhoods and destroy historically significant urban fabric; there was no ‘redlining’; and freeways, with a few notable exceptions, were not run through downtown cores, eradicating commercial corridors.

On the face of it, in general Canadian cities are superior by many measures. America’s Urban Future lays that out, chapter after chapter. They are denser, they have better transit, fewer vacant lots, less intense racial segregation, better mechanisms for regional cooperation and, in some cases, planning (!). But a Canadian reading this book may be less than satisfied with its focus on comparing the performance of Canadian cities to American ones: it doesn’t seem to acknowledge the challenges many Canadians experience living in their own cities.

For instance, Canadian cities have their own versions of contemporary segregation, often relegating newcomers earning lower incomes to the inner and outer suburbs. And particularly in the west, cities such as Saskatoon, Edmonton, and Winnipeg have serious poverty challenges that disproportionately affect the aboriginal populations that have relocated over the last 40 years from rural communities. Granted, Canadian cities weren’t hollowed out to the extent that American ones were over the last few decades. And they didn’t experience the rampant demolitions of urban renewal that continue to scar so many U.S. downtowns.

Nevertheless, both countries saw development trends, beginning in the post war period and ramping up in the 1980s and 90s, that favoured new housing development in the suburbs. So even though Canadian urban dwellers may not have been fleeing anything in particular, they certainly bought into the notion of large homes, lawns, and country clubs. When I drive now to Canmore (Alberta) or Sherbrooke (Quebec) or Owen Sound (Ontario), I am staggered by endless stretches of new housing developments with twee names: Harrison Creek, Chemin Bleu. The main drag of my hometown, Dundas Street in London, still languishes in its efforts to draw shoppers away from the vast parking lots and chain shopping of the White Oaks mall, some 12 miles away from the once lively downtown core.

In both countries, car-centric policy and investment continues to prevail. I remember a workshop I led in Calgary a dozen years ago to focus on the pressing controversy at the time: the siting of two new highway interchanges. Only last year, the Toronto City Council rejected an option to dismantle a section of its crumbling lakeside Gardiner expressway and replace it with a boulevard, instead opting—at double the cost—to shore it back up, ostensibly maintaining a three-minute commuting advantage! This, at a time when fewer and fewer teens are bothering to get their driver licenses, and the car industry—vital to both nation’s economies—is sputtering. And here in New York City, we can’t secure a commitment for funding for the busiest transit center on the continent—Penn Station—but billions are spent restoring a bridge across the Hudson River.

The population of the United States is roughly 10 times bigger than that of Canada. A slightly higher percentage of the Canadian population is urbanized, but more highly concentrated in three urban regions, whereas the U.S. has dozens of mid-sized cities in addition to its half a dozen mega-city (10 million +) regions. One of the ways you notice this is in terms of labour mobility: Americans with a professional education move more than Canadians. My colleagues here have done stints in Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Portland, Miami, and New Orleans. My colleagues in Toronto or Montreal tend to have made their careers in only one place. This matters, not only to the kind of housing stock needed (more rentals in U.S. cities), but also to how experience is shared across jurisdictions and how Canadian cities learn (or not).

Although I am not an academic, I have a grudging respect for scholarly analysis that informs public policy. America’s Urban Future, despite its reflection of the U.S.’s cultural narcissism, presents a thoughtful case as to why Canadian cities, in the main, work better. In its concluding chapter, it recommends:

  • integrating local planning into regional and state systems that ensure sustainability and regulate growth
  • better coordinating land use and transit planning through a strong legal and fiscal framework
  • making more municipal service delivery systems more efficient, potentially through new state ‘machinery’ that make consolidation and reconfiguring boundaries possible
  • more state leadership in ensuring levels of funding to city schools and transit infrastructure
  • broader application of impact fees/development charges on developers to offset the real costs of infrastructure provision
  • altering tax policy that currently encourages automobile travel and the assumption of higher mortgages to finance suburban housing
  • create incentives for mixed income and use developments
  • reforming immigration rules and practices to encourage and support newcomer settlement back into cities

Of all these, to my practical mind, the biggest challenge facing most of America’s cities is their lack of population: immigration to the U.S. has significantly lagged behind immigration to cities in Canada. Last year I spoke at a conference of New Jersey Mayors, which happened to follow the weekend North American media was flooded with images of Syrian refugees arriving to various European cities. I asked the New Jersey contingent: what if you were having to prepare to receive several thousand new residents over the next few days? To which, to a person, they replied: bring them on! Canada’s significantly higher rates of foreign immigration continues to revitalize its cities, perhaps making lower levels of internal migration moot.

I came away from reading America’s Urban Future worrying that it presented too favourably the relative success of Canadian cities, attributing it largely to there being better mechanisms for regional cooperation and the heavier involvement of the provinces. There is a subtext of paternalism here, which rubbed me the wrong way, as I tend to defer to options that maximize local autonomy and control. But I sympathize: there are so many struggling mid-size cities in the U.S. which seemingly continue to abandon common sense and permit development that will ultimately prove unsustainable. In the absence of any limiting, or even guiding, state authority, such ill-conceived development proceeds unchecked.

Yet many Canadian urban leaders have expressed a kind of ‘empowerment envy’ for the strong mayor system often present in the U.S. But, as these authors point out, that’s not always a good thing in the long run, as these mayors pine for policy leadership from ‘senior’ levels of government. (And Canada has had its share recently of flagrantly awful mayors, where a ‘weak’ mayor system thankfully limits the damage.) As in Canada, in the U.S., the federal government is where the public money lands, so suggesting that there be strings attached that incentivize transit investment and dense development is logical—but because the U.S. is so dominated by sophisticated federal lobbyists, the manifestation of such a system is hard to imagine any time soon.

To wit, the recommendations in the book’s final chapter which I summarized above included that the U.S. ‘create stronger state machinery to further [the] consolidation and reconfiguration of municipal boundaries and service delivery systems’—as if they’ve been such a raging success in Canada—is a terrible idea. Toronto is still suffering the extraordinary ill effects (financial, service delivery, local identity) of a forced amalgamation in the late 1990s, and a similar sweeping change imposed on Montreal by the Province of Quebec was actually overturned.

Just as the elders in my childhood could demonize America, I am apprehensive that these authors have tended to idealize Canadian cities for many of the wrong reasons. Are Canadian cities better because their provincial or federal overlords were more enlightened? Hardly. I think some of the reasons they are ‘better’ is simply because Canadian cities didn’t have the extraordinary concentration of wealth that spurred industrial development across the post-war United States of America, obliterating everything in its wake. Economic booms and busts in the U.S. are more like bumps and sneezes in Canada: it has a very stable banking system, and the peaks and valleys are much shallower. That insulates it: in good and bad ways.

So what if Canadian cities are more ‘livable’? What is curiously missing from this volume are any measures that speak to the economic or cultural productivity of each city. Which have the higher GDP? Are making better civic spaces? Generate more patents? Attract more visitors? Create better art? Obviously, measurement is difficult, especially when it comes to the intangible things that make cities wonderful. Both of the authors are planners, so of course they’re going to focus on those outcomes that planning influences. But so much of what a city is, what makes it great, is outside of the immediate purview of planning.

At the same time, I recognize that the quality and attributes of places do shape our experiences of them, and, over time I suspect, the values we bring to them. Are Canadian cities generally more livable because of the values of those Canadians who designed them, or, are the values of urban Canada evolving, reflecting their experience of living in their cities?

To, alas, return to a common observation: in the main, Canadians are nicer—and so are their cities. But that just may not be enough of a reason for the U.S. readers of America’s Urban Future to adopt its recommendations. The U.S. remains the most productive economy in the world, and its economic success is largely driven by its cities. Until the costs of bad urbanization threaten to imperil the success of the U.S. economy, I think major course corrections are unlikely, just to make cities tidier, or nicer. Perhaps for their next book, Messrs Tomalty and Mallach could write about America’s Future, period, and the crucial role its cities will play in ensuring it.

Mary Rowe
New York City

On The Nature of Cities


Green Infrastructure that Creates Climate Resilience, Human Resilience, and Quality of Life in Los Angeles’ Underserved Neighborhoods

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

I live in the mega-City and County of Los Angeles. Despite the urban intensity, nature still surrounds us. We are bordered by three mountain ranges and the Pacific Ocean. Within our megalopolis are some of the largest regional parks in the country. Yet, with so much concrete and sprawl, it is easy to forget we live in a region rich in biodiversity and that Los Angeles County is in fact the “birdiest” county in the country.

Developing green features in cities has important public safety benefits for vulnerable and underserved populations.

From the LA River revitalization to the fast expanding transportation system, there is a lot of important work happening here. The San Gabriel Mountains now include a national monument and the National Park Planners and park advocates are talking about dusting off plans from the 1930s to find a way to wrap the region in parks and green spaces.

But Los Angeles is huge and resources are limited. Despite all the energy going into big projects, our communities struggle to pay for the simplest neighborhood improvements—and a majority of LA county residents don’t live within a 10-minute walk to a park. These tend to be the same residents most impacted by rising temperatures, poor air quality, and an increasingly unaffordable cost of living.

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The San Gabriel Mountains make up approximately 70 percent of the open space in Los Angeles County, yet remain inaccessible to many residents. Photo: Darcy Kiefel

How can we make sure that our least-served communities have access to nature and a quality of life that includes simple improvements like shade trees, benches at bus stops, and a park at the end of the block?

One important way to do this is to work directly with these neighborhoods to design and build community-based green infrastructure and park projects. Such projects not only cool the city, connect communities, protect shorelines, and absorb and keep our water local. They also green, clean, and bring resources to our disadvantaged communities.

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With the Avalon Green Alley Demonstration Project, The Trust for Public Land and the City of Los Angeles Bureau of Sanitation are testing out the idea of converting alleys into usable open spaces that also capture rain water. Image: City of Los Angeles Department of Sanitation

The Trust for Public Land is working with communities around the region to do just this. Our Avalon Green Alley Network project is working with the City of Los Angeles Bureau of Sanitation and community partners to renovate a network of alleys in South Los Angeles to capture and infiltrate nearly 2,000,000 gallons of rainwater. The network encompasses eight alleys to date that measure just over one mile in length. In addition to new gardens and resurfacing with permeable pavement, the alleys will be planted with new street trees—including espaliered fruit trees—and improved with 800 linear feet of murals and lighting.

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The Avalon Alley Equipo Verde helps to clean and green their neighborhood by hosting tree planting events and alley cleanup days. Photo: The Trust for Public Land

Residents of communities like the one that surrounds the Avalon Green Alley network will attend meetings, join community cleanups, and participate in conversations about plans for their neighborhood when these activities are both accessible and relevant to their lives. When we began our effort, we held our first meeting in a backyard near the alleys, and neighbors came reluctantly. They were busy and didn’t see a clear connection between what we were proposing and the safety and garbage dumping issues plaguing the neighborhood. To them, alleys, stormwater, and greening just weren’t a top priority. So we started to build their trust through steady engagement.

The first step was to make the meetings convenient. We held meetings in the community room of the local high school during the day, when their children were at school. We sent reminder flyers and provided sweet bread and coffee. We focused our discussions on important issues, like the condition of local streets, garbage, and safety, and we invited local police and council office staff to join. The resident group came up with a name, Equipo Verde, and made t-shirts. Finally, we started to plan and implement activities like alley cleanups and tree plantings. Five years later, mothers from the Equipo Verde are the heart and soul of the Avalon Alley Network. This group of more than 30 moms meets once a month to discuss topics including neighborhood safety, community cleanups, and who is going to care for the trees they planted.

Through the steady community-building process, the Avalon community is creating connections between each other, connecting to nature, and creating places where community members can walk, exercise, play, and socialize together. The multiple benefits of the green infrastructure improvements improve quality of life for nearly 50,000 residents who live within a 10-minute walk of the alleys.

Green alleys and other urban greening projects stand to benefit from California’s progressive and forward-thinking state government. California has created policies and funding specifically to build climate resilience. Climate resilience means implementing green infrastructure and other projects that can mitigate the impacts of a hotter and drier future. Planting more trees to cool the pavement and clean the air will help. Building our local water supply by capturing and infiltrating stormwater will help.

Because there is almost always an inequitable distribution of green resources in cities, underserved communities are much more vulnerable to extreme heat and flooding. The strong correlation between urban tree cover and income levels means that neighborhoods least likely to have air conditioning often have less natural protection from urban heat islands and face more heat-related health risks. Developing and maintaining green features has important public safety benefits for the majority of Americans living in urban areas, particularly vulnerable and underserved populations like seniors and low-income families.

The best multi-benefit greening projects integrate water capture, cooling, and creative placemaking elements that promote both climate and community resilience. This means engaging community residents to identify their needs and priorities, and then developing green infrastructure that reflects those needs. Projects like green alleys, or parks that capture and clean rainwater, or new street trees, all support climate resilience with multiple benefits for urban communities.

The recent state budget projects over $2 billion in cap-and-trade revenues annually. While much of this funding will go to large infrastructure projects, our coalition has been able to designate a small percentage—just over $100,000,000 to start—for urban greening-related grant programs. The legislature is considering increasing the funding for these programs, and that’s great, because underfunding such programs is a missed opportunity for bigger impact. To better make the case for the increased funding, The Trust for Public Land and our partners are dedicating much energy and time towards quantifying the economic, social, and environmental benefits of urban greening projects.

Policymakers and developers want to see the numbers.

In order to justify spending public dollars from the cap-and-trade program, policymakers want confirmation that an investment in green infrastructure projects will contribute to greenhouse gas reductions. To meet those requirements, we count the gallons of storm water captured or cleaned, the square feet of impermeable or light colored pavement, and the number of trees planted. We look at soil type, expected irrigation requirements, and energy used to maintain a park. Then we do our best to calculate the equivalent of vehicle miles produced or reduced as a result of the park. With these numbers, it is possible to quantify some climate benefits, such as the amount of carbon sequestered, the number of city blocks cooled, the quantities of pollutants removed from runoff, and the volume of water that won’t have to be imported.

Some of the biggest benefits of green infrastructure may be immeasurable. Quality of life depends on humane and beautiful living environments. Recent research shows the positive mental and physical health benefits of access to nature. But how can we measure the myriad benefits of a tree-lined street or a new park at the end of a block?

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The new Watts Serenity Park, built by The Trust for Public Land, helps to bring nature and a place to play, relax, and exercise into the Watts neighborhood. Photo: Anne Bang

We need to prioritize the value that nature plays in our cities, and shift more effort (and funds) to projects that cool our cities, capture and store water, bring nature to people, and raise awareness about nature’s vital role in our urban areas. A few weeks ago, I spent an evening in a small city at the edge of the county with a clear view of the San Gabriel Mountains. This mountain range is still rising and contains some of the steepest and wildest slopes in the United States. Yet many of Los Angeles County’s residents have never visited these mountains—or the other mountains and beaches that surround our megalopolis. So many schoolchildren in the most disadvantaged areas of Los Angeles County, while completely surrounded by nature, have never experienced it firsthand.

How will our children know and appreciate the connection between nature and human well-being if they haven’t experienced nature for themselves? These same children are the voters and policymakers of tomorrow. We need to sow the seeds of a resilient future in those communities that need it most—not only climate resilience, but also the human and community resilience gained through contact with nature and participation in greening projects. Green infrastructure is an opportunity to bring nature home to all parts of the city.

Tori Kjer
Los Angeles

On The Nature of Cities

A Threatened Old Forest Tells a Story Relevant to Every Urban Forest

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

As I walk through the William L. Hutcheson Memorial Forest in Somerset, New Jersey, on this unseasonably warm March morning, I admire the 250 year-old oaks, towering above, reaching to the sky. Although small (26 hectares), this forest is one of the only remaining old growth forests in New Jersey and appears on the US National Park Service’s registry of National Natural Landmarks.

Preservation of remnant woodlands without active monitoring and management plans is not enough to preserve biodiversity.

These oaks saw the founding of the United States of America; they were seedlings when the Stamp Act was approved by the British Parliament in 1765, sowing the political seeds of the American Revolution; saplings when the Declaration of Independence was signed in 1776; and began to produce acorns around the time the Bill of Rights was ratified in 1791. They’ve taught thousands of Rutgers University students over the last 70 years.

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A 250 year-old black oak in the Hutcheson Memorial Forest. Photo: Myla F.J. Aronson

But as a forest ecologist standing amidst the oaks, I also see an unhealthy forest fragment that’s neither resilient to change nor capable of supporting the biodiversity it did 100 years, or even 50 years, ago. I notice there are no seedlings, no saplings, nothing to take the place of these oaks when they die, and they are dying rapidly; either from old age or windstorms, we are losing these oaks. What will take their place? Thickets of invasive Multiflora Rose and Wineberry already dominate the light gaps created by the loss of many of the old oaks. In May, one used to be able to see hectares of Mayapple covering the forest floor, all of which are almost entirely gone now; in their place is a depauperate shrub and herb layer, missing native species.

Where are the next generation of oaks, and why have we lost them? What happened to the biodiversity of this forest?

In cities within the northeastern United States, small forest fragment remnants offer unique opportunities for human and non-humans alike. For us, forest fragments offer opportunities to interact with nature, to get away from the city, to learn, to exercise, to be at peace. For plants and animals, forest fragments are important for preserving biodiversity and are integral to the resilience of nature in the face of increasing urbanization and climate change. Even small forest fragments support important species, such as the Kano palace bats in the city of Kano, Nigeria, recently discussed by Aliyu Barau. In and around urban areas, forest fragments are important habitats for migratory birds, functioning as stopover sites for both long- and short-distance migrants—as recently discussed by Mark Hostetler—and adding to continuity and connectivity of the landscape to support bird populations.

However, often there are assumptions that the preservation of forest remnants alone is sufficient to sustain their biodiversity. This stems from traditional forest successional theory, which holds that closed-canopy forests represent the stable end-point, with changes in species composition that are relatively minor over time. But in reality, urban forests experience many stressors that decrease the resilience of these forests to both natural and urban disturbances, leading to large changes in plant species composition and, in turn, to degraded forest ecosystems. As land managers of urban forests know all too well, these changes are greater in magnitude and occur faster in human-dominated landscapes. The capacity of these urban forest fragments to support biodiversity is threatened by the constant and interacting stressors of human use, air and soil pollution, exotic species invasions, and overabundance of white-tailed deer. Without constant management of these stressors, we face the loss of our forests and, with it, the loss of a rich American legacy: our biodiversity heritage.

For the past 13 years, I have studied the ecology of the Hutcheson Memorial Forest. Old growth forest fragments, such as this one, often offer a glimpse into our “biodiversity past” and should function as refugia for biodiversity in the face of human disturbance. Old growth forests are endangered ecosystems, with less than 1 percent of forests in the eastern United States considered to be old growth. They are often viewed as reserves for genetic material and rare species, and are used as reference sites or “ecological benchmarks” for restoration of forest systems. Many old growth stands have protected status, such as the Hutcheson Memorial Forest, but the majority of these forests are small parcels surrounded by suburban or urban development, posing special challenges to the management and preservation of these forests. If these forests are to serve as benchmarks and refugia for species diversity, long-term monitoring is needed to understand how and if these forests function to maintain this diversity. Located in the New York metropolitan region, the most densely populated region in the United States, the Hutcheson Memorial Forest represents a model system within an iconic location to study the problems associated with conserving a significant resource in a suburban setting.

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The Hutcheson Memorial Forest, Spring 1968. Mayapples cover the ground and Flowering Dogwoods are flowering in the subcanopy. Photo courtesy of Steward Pickett.
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The Hutcheson Memorial Forest, Summer 2005. Few Flowering Dogwoods remain, the Mayapples are gone, and the herb layer is depauperate of other native wildflowers. Photo: Myla F.J. Aronson

This old growth forest is an Oak-Hickory dominated forest, with occasional large White Oak (Quercus alba), Black Oak (Quercus velutina), and Red Oak (Quercus rubra) individuals.

I have found that, since 1950, the Hutcheson Memorial Forest has changed drastically in both structure and composition. One of the markers of a healthy forest is the vertical diversity of vegetation structure. As you walk through a healthy forest, you should see many vegetation layers, from top to bottom: the canopy, with tall, mature trees that shade the forest; followed by the sub-canopy, comprising the trees growing to reach the canopy, which will be the next generation of canopy trees; then the shrub layer; and, finally, the herb layer on the forest floor. The animal diversity of the forest depends on these many layers of the forest.

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Today, few native wildflowers survive at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest such as this Jack-in-the-Pulpit surrounded by Japanese Stiltgrass. Photo: Myla F.J. Aronson

At the Hutcheson Memorial Forest, this healthy vertical structure has been lost. Before the 1980s, the forest was dominated by the old oaks and hickories in the canopy and sub-canopy. Flowering Dogwoods (Cornus florida) were also major components of the sub-canopy. The shrub layer covered 56 percent of the forest floor and was dominated by Maple-leaved Viburnum (Viburnum acerifolium). The forest floor was rich in native wildflowers. Today, there is very little sub-canopy, Flowering Dogwood is almost completely extirpated from the forest, shrub cover has been reduced to 11 percent cover, and the wildflowers are patchy at best. Regeneration of the canopy oak and hickory trees is almost non-existent. Invasive plant species have increased from rare in the forest to dominant components of each layer. Tree-of-Heaven (Ailanthus altissima), Multiflora Rose (Rosa multiflora), Garlic Mustard (Alliaria petiolata), and Japanese Stiltgrass (Microstegium vimineum) are now the dominant plant species in the forest, and all of these are invasive, non-native plants that outcompete native plants for space and resources.

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Whitebreasted Nuthatch and American Robin are now common bird species found at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest. Photo: Jeff Brown
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Whitebreasted Nuthatch and American Robin are now common bird species found at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest. Photo: Jeff Brown

The bird communities have also changed in response to this vegetation change. Jeff Brown, a PhD student at Rutgers with Dr. Julie Lockwood, has been studying the bird community change. He has found, when comparing historical surveys with recent surveys, that the forest has lost approximately 15 bird species since the 1960s. Most of those species lost were species classified as forest birds (those species that are typical of closed-canopy forests) and even include species that have not experienced declines regionally. The bird community at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest has shifted from being dominated by forest birds (Ovenbird, American Redstart) to dominated by birds typical of open woodlands and edges. This change in the bird community follows the change in vegetation closely. The forest canopy is much more open now than in the past, with impenetrable thickets of invasive Wineberry (Rubus phoenicolasius) and Multiflora Rose, more typical of open woodlands than a closed-canopy old growth forest. Now, Wood Thrush, Gray Catbirds, Eastern Towhees, Rose Breasted Grosbeaks, White-Breasted Nuthatches, Hairy Woodpeckers, Blue Jays, and Northern Cardinals are typical of the forest. The forest also doesn’t appear to provide benefits to regionally declining forest bird species.

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White-tailed Deer, along with invasive species invasions, have done the most damage to this suburban forest. Photo: Myla F.J. Aronson

Why is the forest no longer functioning as a reserve for plants and animals? Deer herbivory in the old-growth forest has sharply increased since 1979, and many of the changes in the vegetation structure and composition can be attributed to this intense herbivore pressure. Heavy deer browsing has also left open space in the understory and contributes to the successful invasions of non-native species. Garlic mustard and Japanese Stiltgrass, the most common invasive plants in the herb layer, outcompete native wildflowers and tree seedlings, causing regeneration failure. Gaps in the canopy, created by windstorms or the death of old trees—which, in a healthy forest, would allow sub-canopy tree species to fill in the gaps—creating a new generation of canopy trees, are instead filled with invasive species such as the Japanese Angelica Tree (Aralia elata; a newcomer to the forest in the last 10 years), Multiflora Rose, and Wineberry.

The change in the plants and birds at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest is an example of what happens to an urban forest when it is not actively monitored or managed over the long-term. This forest, while unique in its old growth character, fell victim to the same stressors all urban and suburban forests fragments share. The enormous change in biodiversity character here shows us the importance of monitoring and active management to preserve biodiversity in our urban forest fragments. At the Hutcheson Memorial Forest, no comprehensive vegetation surveys were performed between 1979 and 2003. If monitoring had occurred, it might have been possible to quickly identify and manage ecological and human threats. “Early detection, rapid response” is being adopted as a regional management for our threatened habitats and, if adopted at the Hutcheson Memorial Forest 25 years ago, would have countered these new stressors as they were introduced.

The “no-management” strategy, intended to be benign and to ensure biotic continuity, was based on deed restrictions originally written in 1955 to protect the forest from “builders, lumbermen, firesetters, hunters, and other destructive human influences”. However, the urbanization of the surrounding area, the introduction of non-native species, and the overabundant white-tailed deer populations have changed the ecological playing field over the last 66 years. The no-management strategy has produced a heavily changed forest dominated by non-native, invasive species with little regeneration of the native tree, shrub, or wildflower species. Without management of these non-native invasive plants and deer reduction efforts, the flora of the old-growth forest has progressively become composed of invasive, non-native plants and the few native species unpalatable to deer. While the “no-management” strategy allows researchers to see the profound changes that a forest community undergoes in a suburban landscape, the role of this unique forest remnant, as well as other urban forest remnants, should be as references for regional diversity and refugia of native species diversity in this rapidly urbanizing world. These goals require proactive management of the multiple ecological stressors experienced by urban forest fragments.

The Hutcheson Memorial Forest was originally set aside, according to the property deed adopted when the land was donated to Rutgers University in 1955, for ecological study and for the “purpose of preserving the unspoiled virgin forest, flora, and fauna now existing therein in a state virtually untouched and unaffected by man and his civilization, making these premises a unique surviving example of such a natural environment”. The forest no longer represents this ideal. However, over the last 10 years new monitoring and management goals have been established. Comprehensive bird and plant surveys have occurred over the last five years and will continue. A deer fence was erected in November 2015, and monitoring will occur frequently to assess how the forest plants and birds will respond to the reduction in deer herbivory. Some invasive plants with small populations, such as Japanese Barberry (Berberis thunbergii), have been removed from the forest and have not been allowed to become invasive. Will the forest return to a biodiverse state, a refugia in a rapidly urbanizing landscape? Only time, monitoring, and active management will tell.

The Hutcheson Memorial Forest serves as a dramatic example of the need for monitoring and management in urban and suburban forests. Preservation of remnant woodlands without active monitoring and management plans is not enough to preserve biodiversity and is woefully inadequate for conservation goals. Remnant forests in our cities are the primary greenspaces for preservation of native biodiversity. As the world becomes increasingly urbanized, these remnants will serve an even greater purpose: to conserve global biodiversity. City budgets are tight, but monitoring and management of urban forests should be a priority. Preservation and clear targets for monitoring, research, and adaptive management activities in natural habitats should be a cornerstone of city master plans. Stressors on the ecological integrity of our diverse forests will continue to increase, but with monitoring and progressive management, we can save our unique biotic heritage.

Myla Aronson
New Brunswick

On The Nature of Cities

For More Information

William L. Hutcheson Memorial Forest: http://rci.rutgers.edu/~hmforest/

Aronson, M.F.J. and S. N. Handel. 2011. Deer and invasive plant species suppress forest herbaceous communities and canopy tree regeneration. Natural Areas Journal 31: 400-407.

Small Rain Gardens for Stormwater and Biodiversity in the City: Learning from Traditional Ways

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

“For whom do all the flowers blossom in the spring?”
—A phrase of Zen word in springtime

These days, especially in summertime, we have heavy rain in Japan. Stormwater usually goes into concrete drains and flows into rivers. Most of the land in urban areas in our country is covered with asphalt or concrete, and the water flows into rivers very quickly. This is one of the reasons for flooding in urban areas. In response, we have started to plan and design rain gardens.

Traditional ways of designing are sometimes suited for endemic species.

I usually plan and design large-scale landscapes such as city parks, forested parks, around rivers, and so on. In this essay, I would like to think about small rain gardens. It is good for such rain gardens to be designed with both function and beauty in mind. Since I was first asked to design a Japanese garden, I started to learn “Sado”, a traditional tea ceremony, and have been doing it for 15 years because it is deeply concerned with creating a traditional Japanese garden. “Sado” is based on Zen culture; we learn not only about how to make tea, but also about native plants and flowers, calligraphy, pottery, and sometimes food. So, I tried to design a small rain garden based on Japanese traditional gardens.

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Part of the rain garden in March 2016. Photo: Keitaro Ito

An opportunity

When I moved to an old house near the sea in September 2013, I found that a roof drain had broken and the water flowed under my old house. That was not good for the house, so I fixed it, changing the flow out to a small space outside. However, it was not so beautiful to see the water coming out from the drainpipe to the small space. The small space was totally covered by weeds.

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The space with weeds (some exotic species) in 2013. Photo: Keitaro Ito

First stage

In autumn 2013, I took the weeds out (except for the native species) and dug up the soil to around 50 cm deep. Lots of stones and roots came out. I carried them away and brought small stones in, putting them in for drainage in a 20 cm. deep layer. Then, I covered them with sandy soil at 10 cm deep, covering this layer with the soil that used to be there.

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Dug up the soil. Photo: Keitaro Ito
Fig4
Filled up the stones for drainage and covered by sand and stones. Photo: Keitaro Ito
Fig5
Planted regional plants and flowers bit by bit. Photo: Keitaro Ito

When the stormwater came

After completion of the garden, we had heavy rain that fell at a rate of around 60mm/hour in the summertime of 2015. The water was absorbed into our garden, and we had no overflow, which shows me that the function of the rain garden is enough to cope with stormwater at this scale. It will be interesting to collect the rainfall data and water balance.

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Under the storm water. Photo: Keitaro Ito

Vegetation and biodiversity

I covered the garden with white stones and mosses, including:

  • Cameria japonica
  • Ardisia japonica
  • Ophiopogon japonicas
  • Acer palmatum
  • Miscanthus sinensis
  • Farfugium japonicum
  • Actinidia arguta
  • Equisetum hyemale
  • Tricyrtis affinis Makino

The white stones align with the water flow. I included plants and flowers that could be used for the tea ceremony. The vegetation has been changing from spring 2014 to spring 2016 bit by bit, and some small creatures came here, like bees, Plestiodon japonicus (Japanese skink), and so on. Does this mean we could find an ecological network even in this small garden?

Nature and people

An interesting aspect of Japanese traditional gardens is the plant species they include. People use endemic species for the gardens. I haven’t seen tulips in Japanese gardens. Why? The gardens try to incorporate original nature, like stones as a mountain, water as a sea and so on. People who build small gardens are trying to find the beauty of nature, and they seem to be learning nature from gardens. Although gardens are changing various ways in this country, if we think about biodiversity and local ecology, the traditional garden is sometimes a good example for me. For instance, bees come to native flowers to take their nutrients and to pollinate, meaning an interaction between insect and local plants is occurring. Traditional ways of designing are sometimes suited for endemic species.

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After two years (spring, 2016). Photo: Keitaro Ito

Future issues

This is a small example of a rain garden; however, if we create this kind of small (or, if you have a big garden, that would also be good!) rain garden for each house, so that people understand the importance of it, things will change. Maintenance of the garden is one of the ways of learning Buddhism for monks; I learned lots of interesting things from the process of creating this small garden. The garden histories and backgrounds of the associated cultures are different in each country, and I think the way of creating the garden is not only functions but also dependent on each climate, vegetation, religion and so on. We can plan and design functional landscapes, but if we think more about nature and cultures, the garden will become a more interesting place.

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After the rain. Photo: Keitaro Ito

Keitaro Ito
Kyushu

On The Nature of Cities

Réinventer Paris: A Competition to Write History with Nature in Paris

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

Réinventer Paris”, or “Reinventing Paris”, the architectural program initiated by Anne Hildago (the Socialist mayor of the French capital) in autumn 2014 does not lack ambition.

Though the diverse composition of Réinventer Paris’ contemporary urban planning teams should be the norm, in reality, it is a novelty.
When I first heard about it, I was surprised and couldn’t really believe it until spring 2015, when I was convoked by two teams to support them in designing a visionary project with biodiverse green infrastructure for this competition.

What was the content of this program? The objectives were to highlight innovation and to “do better and differently”. Let us remember Hildago’s fascinating words relating to the program—that she wants diverse teams, and that those teams should propose visionary projects that surpass any existing standards:

“The teams will consist of original and unconventional groups in which all disciplines can be represented, reinventing our ways of living, working, exchanging and sharing in Paris”.

This statement, like many others of hers, opens a new area and perception of how a city can make demands and, therefore, drive changes.

The architectural competition focused on the transformation of 23 areas of Paris. The council received 650 proposals for projects. At the end of the process, 22 sites (the 23rd was abandoned) found winners. The first achievements should be completed between 2018 and 2020, as part of the entry requirements for the competition included having willing investors from the get-go. The projects are diverse, as one of the requirements of this program was that the teams be diverse and inter-/transdisciplinary. Architecture offices had to look for team members if they wanted to apply for this competition, including: sociologists, ecologists, biologists, philosophers, engineers, agro-urban ecologists, social associations, NGOs, and others. Though in theory this should be the normal composition for contemporary urban planning teams, in reality, it is absolutely a novelty.

While many star architects answered the call of this competition, only a few of them won a project. Some of the projects will set precedents for new architectural models, while others will show existing technologies in new combinations or multifunctional usages.

Project examples

Some of the projects will be built on bare plots; others will replace existing infrastructure, such as parking lots or warehouses. Finally, a number of projects will modify and retrofit existing buildings. Some of the sites contemplate goals such as zero waste, zero carbon neighbourhoods; organic agriculture (such as ecological agriculture and permaculture); and green infrastructures. Green infrastructure will be designed in almost all of the 22 sites, bringing one form of nature back into the city.

Several buildings will be constructed of wood, such as the project planning to rehabilitate the railway station Masséna in the 13th borough (arrondissement), already named “Babel’s ecological tower“ by several news media outlets.

emblematique_phase_2_vue_a_04carree_cba1d
IN VIVO. Conception : Xtu Architectes. Image: http://www.reinventer.paris

Several projects will be carried out near the ring road that encircles the center of Paris. Thus, a thousand trees will connect Porte Maillot in Neuilly. It will have a milfoil structure. The upper floors will be for housing, while the lower ones will be offices.

emblematique_mille_arbres_vue_de_nuit_0698d
Milles arbres / A thousand trees — Conception: Sou Fujimoto Architects / Manal Rachdi, Oxo Architectes / Moz Landscape / Atelier Paul Arène, landscaper / Pierre-Alexandre Risser Horticulture & Jardins, paysagiste. Image: http://www.reinventer.paris

At another site, Ternes-Villiers, vegetated towers will be constructed along the bitumen, in an arboreal environment.

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La ville Multi strate / The Multi Strata City — Ternes-Villiers-Champeret. Conception: Jacques Ferrier Architectures / Chartier Dalix Architectes / SLA Landscapers. Image: http://www.reinventer.paris

La Ferme du Rail

I’m going to present one of the laureates for which I know some of the team members. The project is called “La Ferme du Rail” (The Railway Farmhouse). In my opinion, it is one of the most interesting projects. Situated in the 19th arrondissement, a socially challenging borough, this team is going to create a space for encounters around urban agriculture (organic and permaculture), a space for education and further education; accommodation; and food production. It revolves around a community of people in integration (professional / social) as well as horticulture students. It develops market-gardening activities in short circuits, valuing the organic waste in the city. Its goal is to minimize the need for energy resources, food, and financial resources by the implementation of a circular economy.

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La ferme du Rail / Railway Farmhouse. Conception: Clara Simay, architecte et Amo développement durable / Link architecte / Mélanie Drevet paysagiste / Philippe Pieger, agro-écologue urbain. Image: http://www.reinventer.paris

Borne out of the desire of residents and associations of the 19th arrondissement, which want to grow a place that combines urban agriculture and solidarity, “La Ferme du Rail” is the integration of people who fall between the cracks of the social grid. It integrates into the social tissue of the neighborhood and generates a service—agricultural production—that simultaneously creates jobs.

fig5In theory, “La Ferme du Rail” represents a model of sustainable economy and social solidarity linked to the interdependence between project stakeholders and residents. It relies on the skills of each, which are known to reinforce each other, for the benefit of the neighborhood.

The activities of the farm will be organized in local and territorial exchange networks. Farmers offer the residents a range of services: collection and treatment of local organic waste, gardening, catering, selling vegetables, organizing workshops and events, and maintaining green, biodiverse spaces.

Welcoming everyone, “La Ferme du Rail” will feature a restaurant and a grocery-primeur, places for the tasting and sale of products of the farm and partner farmers. It is also intended to be a place of awareness that addresses the urgent need for meetings and discussions around nature in the city and the alternative food supply.

Whether training in gardening and composting activities, disseminating information on reasoned agriculture or organic farming, or the exchange of best practices around urban ecology, “La Ferme du Rail” will be a resource for social and cultural exchanges, whose residents—and those throughout Paris—can enter freely.

Writing history, changing paradigms?

Why do I write about this? My motivation is my ongoing thinking and concerns about how we can transform today’s society today into a sustainable society for the 21st century: whose responsibility is it to take the first step? Why do we still have so many blockages?

When I see what is going to happen in the next few years in Paris, and what has already happened, I keep believing and keep hoping that it is possible to change and that one person can be the engine to start such a shift; not everything within the proposed “La Ferme du Rail” is going to work, but the project may serve as a model for more possibilities, acting as one part in a new sustainable and visionary chapter in history.

Of course, it is also a big, challenging project in the sense that not all techniques of construction or productions (urban farms, urban permaculture, etc.), or complex levels of participation, were “tested” or experienced until very recently. But this is completely part of the project—to have a model and to enter into new territories of trials and errors. It is not possible to know already all the answers and solutions to such projects, which have never happened before. The projects need now to enact their first steps; they will encounter problems, but will also find solutions and grow as a result. The multidisciplinary nature of the teams will further support finding solutions, because different perspectives will be involved and will be discussed: technical, logistical, economical, ecological, and social.

The city of Paris will accompany the realizations of these projects, document them, and monitor the projects to keep them on track to fulfill what they promised as laureates. It’s not going to be an easy path for all these winner teams, but I believe that this process of debate and discussion is vital in order to start to make changes together.

I believe that this program will have an emblematic role and support a change in planning in the future, and will successfully integrate solutions for supporting “Nature in the City“, because it is comparable, at some levels, with what happened in Basel City—my city—with the biodiverse Green Roof initiative and, later, the law for Green Roofs. It was the city that decided to bring in this change, with several steps over several years. What was very important in all these initiatives was to show examples of realized biodiverse green roofs, to prove that it is absolutely possible to design and install biodiverse green roofs. The key to this is, as soon as people see that the green product or solution works, it will start a movement of changes, which will have a positive impact on citizens, the economy and education.

Nathalie Baumann
Basel

On The Nature of Cities

How Perspectives of Field Arborists and Tree Climbers are Useful for Understanding and Managing Urban Forests

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

When there is a storm, trees can cause damage to homes, cars, and people—ultimately, the tree itself is a casualty of a storm.

The key to knowledge exchange is first to respect all actors for the individual roles they play in our urban fabric.

At these moments, generally, the public perceives arborists as the heroes of storms—arborists remove the “problem” from their properties. But at most other times during the year, when people see an arborist pruning or removing a tree, they perceive them negatively.

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Photo: Julian Ambrosii

Throughout my doctoral research (2015), several narratives emerged from interviews conducted with field arborists and climbers across Southern Ontario, Canada—one of those stories was that public perception of arborists seems to change with the seasons or variances in weather. The arborists I interviewed considered themselves to be environmentalists and nurturers of the urban forest—general public opinion often contrasted this image with stereotypes that arborists mainly perform removals, or harm trees.

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Photo: Adrina Bardekjian

Don Blair’s poem about the Oak men and Euc men (1993) comes to mind.

Oak is Oak and Euc is Euc and if the twain should meet;
although the work is better now, a Euc Man’s hard to beat.
The Oak Man tries to reason sense…The Euc Man’s more direct.
Make a cut too close these days, it’s a flush cut you’ll regret.

My interviewees raised the issue that they can be either glorified or vilified, depending on the season and whether there is a storm involved. When the public perceived them negatively, participants felt undervalued given their integral role in urban forest management and maintenance; this story is latent with power dynamics. As one participant noted, “We can do so much damage” (not just to trees, but to ourselves). Field arborists and climbers hold the power to physically shape the urban forest canopy of the future. Their awareness of their position and, often, the modesty with which they perform their roles, has earned my utmost respect.

One interesting story revolved around the notion that nature has its own agency and trees should be valued as living organisms for their own merits, not solely for the services they provide to humans. This was particularly true for large trees. One of my interviewees asserted: “You don’t really know how big a tree is until it’s lying on the ground, vulnerable, exposed and, at that point, dead. Then you truly appreciate its majesty even if you don’t understand its worth.” There is an interesting paradox in the conceptions of the public between the veneration and appreciation of large, older, heritage trees, and the lack of attention for smaller seedlings.

Within the subject of agency, participants included stories about decay and defenses and how vulnerability is a factor in preservation and management efforts. Climbers and grounds crews continually negotiate their positions according to the size and species with which they are working on a given day. Species type made a difference in some participants’ feelings towards their work. Specifically, Oaks and Maples were often regarded as good trees to climb, whereas Honey locusts and willows were not.

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Photo: Julian Ambrosii

Lastly, the notion of control is enmeshed and often hidden in arborists’ experiences. Most arborists take pride in caring for trees as living organisms. Arborists do not fell trees needlessly; they manipulate trees carefully and knowledgeably. Arborists spend time with trees, touch trees, shape and construct trees; how these decisions are made is fundamentally based on understanding the variability of nature’s agency while simultaneously contending with the lack of a decision-making model that results from this variability.

Other stories revolved around language constructions; labour equality and gender issues; the material reality of nature’s agency; and the impact of educational inconsistencies (Bardekjian, 2015). Considering the perspectives of field arborists and tree climbers is useful for understanding tree growth and long-term sustainability for urban forests.

The key to knowledge exchange is first to respect all actors for the individual roles they play in our urban fabric; to keep an open mind and actively listen to one another; and, finally, to keep the lines of communication open through as many avenues and tools as possible (e.g. conferences, workshops, listservs, open-access resources, discussion forums, formal and informal education, community events). Examples of formal networks at our national level include the Canadian chapters of the International Society of Arboriculture and the Canadian Urban Forest Network. I would like to see more dialogue between these two groups of membership. A transdisciplinary approach that focuses on problem-based research and better integrating formal curriculum with critical social issues can help with exchanging knowledge (see here for a recent blog, “The Social Side of Things). In addition, alternative models of sharing knowledge and stories through media platforms and artistic interventions can challenge our own biases and enable us to envision better collaboration between the different groups.

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Photo: Adrina Bardekjian

Furthermore, I have always valued centres such as the Humber Arboretum & Centre for Urban Ecology for their work with surrounding communities, students, and public engagement; thus, the creation of provincial arboreta with learning or education centres is something that I’ve felt to be necessary in Canada—this could include programs featuring provincial trees coupled with stories of regional histories (e.g. social, ecological, aboriginal, political, economic). The location of such centres can be in conjunction with research or educational institutions, in collaboration with environmental non-government organizations and municipal partnerships. As the first line of inquiry and care, arborists are community educators on the ground and in the treetops and have a wealth of knowledge to share.

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Photo: Julian Ambrosii

I had the privilege of working on a short film during my doctoral work called “Limbwalkers.” What I learned from this experience is that capturing stories of participating arborists on film was invaluable for communicating specific narratives to the public—in this case, a snapshot into climbers’ insights about a variety of topics. I’m hoping to secure funding to continue a series of micro-docs from the footage we have compiled over the years, which is currently sitting in post processing.

When talking about agency and considering the place and influence of non-human nature in our physical environment, artistic interventions can be powerful. For example, likening a dead tree (or one in the process of removal) to the art installation by Su-chen Hung, called “Tree with Arteries”, can evoke a visceral reaction—towards trees, towards workers. It invokes questions about vulnerability, affect, and agency.

TREE WITH ARTERIES, Su-chen Hung, GOING GREEN: New Environmental Art Taiwan, 2010. Image: http://wead.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com
TREE WITH ARTERIES, Su-chen Hung, GOING GREEN: New Environmental Art Taiwan, 2010. Image: http://wead.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com

It also goes back to the quote above regarding the perception of large trees and understanding their presence and grandeur only after they are lying on the ground. However, it’s important to keep in mind that this is also an abstraction and can sensationalize the issue at hand, while also propagating negative feelings about workers as discussed above.

My interest in urban forestry revolves around stories—people, trees, and the places each inhabit. I’m particularly interested in the notion of familiarity and how that stirs affect and motivates action. I am also interested in the connections between greenspaces and public health, particularly mental health. As such, I’m interested in continuing to contribute to the discourses of urban forestry and arboriculture by sharing social narratives that came out of my doctoral research through various methods, and by conducting new research with interested collaborators. It is important to me to share the stories of my participants because they raise significant issues in the fields of urban forestry and arboriculture that are rarely discussed.

Like my participants, I want to see the trade of arboriculture and the provision of tree services move from voluntary to mandatory licensing under the College of Trades and Ministry of Labour. This will take time and more discussion to balance disparate needs and interests. There is a strong feeling that mandatory certification towards a Red Seal‎ Trade will encourage proper urban forest maintenance as well as garner public respect for the profession.

Lastly, I would like to inspire interest in younger generations to see arboriculture and urban forestry as a career they will want to pursue. I hope to see more efforts for collaborative and inclusive education, such as the partnership between Sir Sandford Fleming College and the University of New Brunswick and more formal urban forestry programs such as the Bachelor in Urban Forestry at the University of British Columbia.

Adrina Bardekjian
Montreal and Toronto

On The Nature of Cities

Further reading and resources

Bardekjian, A. (2015). Towards social arboriculture: Arborists’ perspectives on urban forest labour in Southern Ontario, Canada. Urban Forestry & Urban Greening: DOI: 10.1016/j.ufug.2015.10.014.

Bardekjian, A. (2015). Learning from Limbwalkers: Arborists’ stories in Southern Ontario’s urban forests (doctoral dissertation). York University, Toronto.

Sandberg, L. A., Bardekjian, A, & Butt, S. (Eds.). (2014). Urban forests, trees and greenspace: A political ecology perspective. Routledge: London.

Selected publications are posted on my website under the “writing” tab.

Graffiti and street art can be controversial, but can also be a medium for voices of social change, protest, or expressions of community desire. What, how, and where are examples of graffiti as a positive force in communities?

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined
Regularly, we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
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Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Pauline Bullen, Harare For many who want to surround themselves with art that makes them feel good, the work of the graffiti artist may be too bold or too provocative.
Paul Downton, Adelaide GRAFFITI! = Meaningless & Important. Worthless & Valuable. Commodity & Philosophy. Smokescreen & Poetry of Revolution!
Emilio Fantin, Milan The struggle against the principle of property is directly associated with the expression of freedom.
Ganzeer, Los Angeles Uncurated and unsupervised spaces of visual expression are vital for the emergence of socially conscious artwork.
Germán Eliecer Gómez, Bogotá With permission or without, graffiti will continue to exist in Bogotá.
Sidd Joag, New York City The destruction of graffiti sends a message to the young people and communities (of color) where graffiti originated—that their creative expression is not wanted, is of no value, and is therefore expendable.
Patrick Lydon, San Jose & Seoul Graffiti can be a tool to bring community and economy together, reversing the global trend of pushing them further apart.
Patrice Milillo, Los Angeles Glorifying or demonizing “graffiti” is a simplification that diminishes its complexity.
Laura Shillington, Managua & Montreal Grafiteras: the women that create graffiti face more challenging situations; thus, their art can be more significant to urban spaces.
David Maddox

about the writer
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director. David's dad told him once that he needed a back up plan, something to "fall back on". So he bought a tuba.

Introduction

Graffiti and street art can be controversial. But it can also be a medium for voices of social change, protest, or expressions of community desire. What, how, and where are examples of graffiti as a positive force in communities?

In many cities, graffiti is associated with decay, with communities out of control, and so it is outlawed. In some cities, it is legal, within limits, and valued as a form of social expression. “Street art”, graffiti’s more formal cousin, which is often commissioned and sanctioned, has a firmer place in communities, but can still be an important form of “outsider” expression.

Interest in these art forms as social expression is broad, and the work itself takes many shapes—from simple tags of identity, to scrawled expressions of protest and politics, to complex and beautiful scenes that virtually everyone would say are “art”, despite their sometimes rough locations. What are examples of graffiti as beneficial influences in communities, as propellants of expression and dialog? Where are they? How can they be nurtured? Can they be nurtured without undermining their essentially outsider qualities?

This roundtable is a co-production of The Nature of Cities and the new website Arts Everywhere, where these responses are also published. Also check out The Nature of Graffiti, a gallery that illustrates some of these ideas from an environmental perspective.

Pauline Bullen

about the writer
Pauline Bullen

Pauline E. Bullen, PhD, currently teaches in the Sociology and Women and Gender Development Studies Department at the Women’s University in Africa, Harare, Zimbabwe.

Pauline Bullen

In Zimbabwe, graffiti images often appear in stark contrast to abject poverty or gross excess and may surface unexpectedly on the side of government buildings; on university campuses; and on walls along parks, highways, dilapidated houses, or dead-end streets. The more entrepreneurial may put graffiti images on clothing, bags, and decorative boxes that speak to an alternative and uniquely creative youth culture. For many who want to surround themselves with art that makes them feel good, the work of the graffiti artist may be too bold or too provocative. The work may also be seen as too stark, too crude, and unfinished in its attempt to bridge the gap between that which may be viewed as “less than” and the broader society; yet, it is precisely these elements that make the work dynamic and “real”.

The moral imagination and critical capacity of Zimbabwean graffiti artists challenges a market-driven docility.

Zimbabwe’s history of colonization informs what appears on the walls ‘tagged’ by young artists. The remains of early humans, dating back 500,000 years, have been discovered in present-day Zimbabwe and it has been possible to speculate about these people’s everyday lives and traditions from their hieroglyphic “tags” on walls in and on the outside of caves in various parts of the countryside. These early “stencil” drawings provide some insight into the lives of the people who lived outside the city and those who dominated the pre-colonial countryside—the Bantu, Shona, Nguni, Zulu, and Ndebele. Today, in a somewhat more “integrated” manner, Zimbabwean graffiti artists portray the oppressive conditions in the concrete jungle of high density areas, the conspicuous consumption and opulence of the more affluent sectors of Zimbabwean society, which is segregated still according to colour and class, though less overtly and with less of the racist economic divide that ruled Rhodesia.

Unemployed and sporadically employed “youth” in their teens and thirties may find inspiration in a spray can, a wall on a deserted street, a few yards of material, an empty carton transformed into a curio box, a bag, or even a pair of old shoes. The surface potential appears vast, particularly since the tools required for the craft are more accessible and cheaper than those needed for charcoal drawings or works produced on canvas. Sanctions imposed on the country have made many of the tools needed for other art forms luxury items that few could procure or afford. However, erasers, markers—especially concentrated but fluid watercolours to fill backgrounds and letters—are more accessible and easy to use on cheap canvases such as city walls.

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A set of speakers decorated with graffiti in Zimbabwe.

Inks, inexpensive household paint, paint brushes, paper towels, makeup sponges, pieces of fabric, fingers—all are great blending tools that may be used to create larger-than-life tags, bubble letters, arrows, crowns, 3-D shapes in black and white and full colour, exclamation marks, boldly defined lines, and various other symbols of an enlarged, politicized, moral imagination and critical capacity. This moral imagination and critical capacity challenges what may be viewed as a technically trained, warped, market-determined political agenda that feeds a market-driven docility.

There is a certain sense of ownership and belonging that may be gained from being able to place one’s ‘tag’, unsolicited or solicited, on a wall or on personal items in ways that force others to acknowledge and recognize your existence. There may even be a greater sense of satisfaction in having ones graffiti viewed as an authentic art form through which it is possible to gain economic independence and “legitimacy”—an art form that allows for the demonstration of a unique sensibility and, according to one Zimbabwean artist who embraces the Jamaican Rastafari religion and language, an “overstanding” of their cultural reality. However, as a rebellious act, a tool of resistance, and ammunition against corporate greed and political perversion, economic gain through independence and freedom of expression remains difficult for the graffiti artist to attain.

Paul Downton

about the writer
Paul Downton

Writer, architect, urban evolutionary, founding convener of Urban Ecology Australia and a recognised ‘ecocity pioneer’. Paul has championed ecological cities for years but has become disenchanted with how such a beautiful concept can be perverted and misinterpreted – ‘Neom' anyone? Paul is nevertheless working on an artistic/publishing project with the working title ‘The Wild Cities’ coming soon to a crowd-funding site near you!

Paul Downton

From here to eternity, or from free to commodity?

Graffiti is ephemeral, but can resonate long after being cleaned from the streets.

Graffiti that is sanctioned by authority loses its outlaw power to disturb and challenge.

At the celebrations for the new millennium, Sydney Harbour Bridge was lit up with the word “Eternity”—all because of graffiti chalked in yellow on the streets of Sydney by one lone graffitist. Starting in 1932, by 1967 Arthur Stace had chalked out his one-word message half a million times and entered the realm of legend. “Eternity” was here to stay.

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Arthur Stace. Photograph credit unkown. Listen to ‘Mr Eternity’ interviewed in 1964 here.

“Worthless” graffiti can become a commodity, its value transformed by a simple shift in view.

Graffiti highlights one of society’s contradictions when protest is transmuted into product and neutered. Che Guevara tee-shirts, anyone? Capitalism’s ability to assimilate ideas that threaten it is unsurpassed. “Buying off” trouble is less disruptive than opposing it. Graffiti that is sanctioned by authority loses its outlaw power to disturb and challenge. When a city provides graffiti walls for its citizens, isn’t it simply extending its hegemony?

When I found stencilled graffiti in my neighbourhood and discovered that it was disguised corporate advertising, I dismissed it as worthless. If the same stencil had been about an idea rather than a product, I would have thought differently.

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‘If graffiti changed anything it would be illegal,’ Banksy. Photo: Street Art London

Banksy practices “protest graffiti” as high art. His work can carry multi-thousand dollar price tags. In 2007, his canvas, “Bombing Middle England”, fetched £102,000 at Sotheby’s. He trades on his anonymity and notoriety, and the commodification of his work, even its placement in galleries, legitimises it within the society that he is criticising—but as provocation or product, it’s hard to gainsay its power.

Graffitist Peter Drew is certain that street art will maintain its authenticity “because there’s always going to be an illegal aspect to it…It’s a conflict between two great principles of Western democracy—the sanctity of private property and freedom of expression”. But these principles are not universal.

In the street, claims Drew, art acquires “an anti-institutional sense”. But institutions also love it, and Drew, like Banksy, has been exhibited in galleries.

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Part of a series of illegally posted street art by Peter Drew, sanctioned by Adelaide City Council, post facto. Photograph: Paul Downton

Street art that is sanctioned as a way to ameliorate dull façades is effectively assimilated as city property; it can no longer be about the conflict of ownership. It may critique the city’s aesthetics, but the city becomes as much the critic as the artist. That’s not necessarily a bad thing. It’s about moving on, changing the guard.

Adelaide’s previous Lord Mayor, Stephen Yarwood, saw street art as a game-changer for the 21st century city, consigning blank walls to the past. He assisted approvals and helped legalise the work of Drew and others, saying “Art isn’t just for art galleries… Cities are the best art galleries you could possibly have”.

But when the system tries these sorts of changes, the momentum of the past crashes into the present. When six street artists legitimately painted large murals on the sidewalk of Adelaide’s busiest cultural hotspots “after months of negotiations, application forms and a day’s painting, the artists had their murals destroyed less than 12 hours after they were completed by the same council that had approved and paid for them. Why? Because the council simply failed to tell the workers who clean the streets that the murals weren’t graffiti”.

There was no such confusion in 1968, when the poetry of “Sous les pavés, la plage” exhorted the citizens of Paris to embrace revolution…

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Iconic graffiti from Paris, May 1968. Photograph credit unknown.

And in the Paris of 2016, the unsolicited application of paint has new ways to extend its reach.

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Detail of graffiti by Banksy. Photograph credit presumed to be Banksy. Photo: banksy.co.uk
Emilio Fantin

about the writer
Emilio Fantin

Emilio Fantin is an artist working in Italy on multidisciplinary research. He teaches at the Politecnico, Architecture, University of Milan, and acts as coordinator of the “Osservatorio Public Art”.

Emilio Fantin

I am interested in the ambiguity of the concept of property. “Street-writers” or graffiti artists seem to want to abolish the idea of property (symbolized by buildings) by using buildings as tools of expression. The struggle against the principle of property is directly associated with the expression of freedom, especially for those graffiti works or phrases that denounce abuses of power and discrimination.

I thought that this art—graffiti art—could be considered as a form of collective expression, a form of meta-art.

However, we should make a distinction between graffiti works that have political, philosophical, and poetical meanings and those which are themselves quite simply the manifestation of an abuse of power. Frustration and alienation can be transformed into an instrument of social and political demands or into aggressiveness for its own sake. The latter is a paradoxical form of property, through which abuse of free will can harm others—not only the owner of the building, but the entire community, because something coercive and ugly becomes a part of the landscape and compromises aesthetic sense.

Emilio Fantin. Abandoned refuge. Dolomites.1988
“Strappo” technique. Abandoned refuge. Dolomites.1988. Image: Emilio Fantin

However, we ask: Who decides on the true and right aesthetic sense? In order to judge this, I believe, one must consider the ethical principle, Aesthetics↔Ethics. In other words, quoting Heraclitus: Invisible Harmony is Better Than Visible. This “harmony” comes from understanding and accepting both forms of love: young people claim their need of truth through their aesthetic expressions, adults care about urban qualities which nourish communities’ ritual forms (or, more rarely, vice versa).

I investigated these and other topics by practicing the technique of “Strappo”. “Strappo” is a fresco restoration technique consisting of gluing canvas to the surface of the fresco and then, by pulling, removing a thin layer of the plaster with the image. It is a restoration technique adopted to save frescoes from deterioration due to mildew and water infiltrations into the wall. Years ago, I learned how to perform “Strappo”, using the technique not for fresco restoration, but for my own artistic work. At that time, graffiti and street-art were quite different from today. Sentences or phrases on the walls focused on local political problems rather than great universal issues, such as the environment, nature, pollution, or immigration. Street writers were still far away from the idea of “tags”, and the street art community was at its very beginning. Their desire to claim a space for expression within an urban context was compelling, but their gathering through an esoteric language came later.

Emilio Fantin.%22strappo%22. Dolomites, Italy. 1988
“Strappo” from Dolomites, Italy. 1988. Image: Emilio Fantin

At the end of the 1980s, I travelled in Italy and around Europe looking for walls. During my trips, I found sentences about politics, love, and sport, small colored drawings and political symbols. I collected many examples of “mural art expressions” from public and private walls, including the Berlin Wall, the University of Bologna, refuges or mountain lodges, and abandoned buildings. I thought that this art could be considered as a form of collective expression, a form of meta-art. The aesthetic is determined not only by the people who produce the work (who are, by the way, anonymous), but also by other causes (even atmospheric), time, and chance. As an artist, I need to highlight this aspect and show how meaningful collective thinking and the idea of a meta-aesthetics can be.

There are various aspects that we might tackle by talking about “Strappo” work in the urban context. If it is true that one appropriates something that somebody else made, it is also true that one preserves something that sooner or later will be erased—not one of those painted walls from which I made a small “strappo” still exists. Of course, we can photograph and document various forms of artistic mural expressions, but the fact of presenting a portion of wall in its material consistency was a provocation made in order to debate the principles of individual creation, property, collective practices, and social thinking.

I published some pictures of “Strappo” on The Nature of Graffiti.

Ganzeer

about the writer
Ganzeer

Ganzeer is the pseudonym of an Egyptian artist who has been operating mainly between graphic design and contemporary art since 2007. He refers to his practice as Concept Pop.

Ganzeer

I saw firsthand in Egypt how street-art played a direct role in some of the political changes between the years of 2011-2013. There was street-art that criticized Egypt’s military apparatus so poignantly that people went out and actively chanted against the head of Egypt’s Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. This was simply unheard of. I also saw a wall of murals commemorating fallen protesters turn into a shrine, where people would come place flowers and look at portraits of their friends and loved ones. I saw murals that were even the cause of huge clashes. Egyptian artists really knew how to utilize the power of street-art, which is precisely why the Egyptian government introduced and heavily enforced anti-vandalism laws akin to the ones established in America.

If unsupervised spaces were widely available—even in Western countries—some very beautiful and socially conscious artwork would emerge out of them.

Street-art festivals, the method through which cities offer a legal venue for artistic expression are great, but I find that they seldom result in genuine social expression rather than works that are, for the most part, decorative. There are a few exceptions to the rule, such as the works of Blu, and recently Herakut, and sometimes Os Gemeos, but for the most part, artists tend to treat these festivals as an opportunity to showcase their signature styles or to try out new techniques rather than an opportunity to say something relevant.

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Kasr Al Aini Wall – Cairo, Egypt, 2013. Photo: Abdelrhman Zin Eldin

While I wouldn’t necessarily blame this on the festivals themselves, and it has a lot more to do with the individual artists involved, the truth is that organizers of these sort of festivals are primarily interested in a particular street-art culture that celebrates style more than anything else. Uncurated and unsupervised spaces of visual expression are vital for the emergence of socially conscious artwork outside of the rather closed off subculture of street-art.

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Salute to the Martyrs – Cairo, Egypt, 2012. Photo: Ganzeer

Graffiti as a symptom or cause of urban decay is a very Western phenomenon due to the art form’s early associations with gang culture. For the rest of the world—which is actually the vast majority—both graffiti and street-art tend to be utilized as modes of social expression. Seldom will you find practitioners obsessed with their tags or with drawing cool looking images that don’t necessarily mean anything. As opposed to what is common in the U.S., a person’s drive to go and write or draw something on a wall has very little to do with ego or self gain, and far more to do with the need to go out and express a social concern or a political criticism. Of course, this does not take away from the controversy associated with graffiti and street-art, but adds to it.

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Foundations Mural – Adliya, Bahrain, 2014. Photo: Eva Frapiccini

Having said that, I still think that if unsupervised spaces were widely available—even in Western countries—some very beautiful and socially conscious artwork would emerge out of them. It would, without a doubt, start off with haphazardly done tags and whatnot, but I imagine it would slowly evolve over time. Someone would come and write something, then someone else would come and draw something in response to that, and then perhaps someone would come and build on top of that drawing, and so on. Rather than a sacred piece of artwork, framed and hung inside a museum upon completion, this would be an ever-evolving kind of street-art. Very alive and always changing as per the whims and conditions of its surrounding inhabitants. Artwork that is as much alive as the cities that host them. That’s the kind of street-art I’m really looking forward to seeing.

Germán Gomez

about the writer
Germán Gomez

Germán Eliecer Gomez is a sociologist with expertise in communication and on issues related to urban cultural practices, especially of young people in expressions such as graffiti, football and bars.

Germán Gómez

Graffiti—the arbitrariness of the “beautiful”

The Mayor of Bogotá, by order of a judge of the Republic of Colombia, regulated graffiti through a legal act, Decree 75, which established places where graffiti was prohibited or allowed by law. On this basis, the Mayor took actions to promote graffiti and provide the general public with information about graffiti and the decree.

In Bogotá, graffiti—of young people following football clubs, writing of hip hop culture, art murals, political graffiti—has many stories to tell.

In fact, the practice of graffiti in Bogotá has grown considerably, regardless of its regulation. It can be seen on the walls of houses, on the doors of commercial establishments, on the great walls of entire buildings, in parks, bus stops, on buses, and generally in almost any area of ​​the city. Such graffiti—including street art, graffiti of young people following football clubs, writing of hip hop culture, art murals, political graffiti—has many stories to tell, including signatures or tags.

Decree 75 of 2013 regulates the legality of graffiti, regardless of its aesthetic quality, emphasizing the process that defines the permissions of the owners of the places where graffiti is made. That is, no matter how ugly or beautiful, it is critical to have the permission of the owner of the property before graffiti is created. The decree has generated some public acceptance of certain types of graffiti while others remain less popular. For example, street art and murals are “accepted” as “beautifying” the city. Other graffiti is less accepted, such as football related graffiti, political messages, and, especially, tagging. There are several surveys indicating improving public opinion of graffiti. An opinion poll, conducted by the City of Bogotá in 2014, found that only 38 percent of the population recognized the value of artistic graffiti in improving the city. But in 2015, a poll by the Bienal de Culturas found that 67 percent believed that artistic graffiti improves the city.

The patterns and their difficulty, the techniques, the explosion of colors and tones in the image, for example, are all components of graffiti writing. The way in which images and messages are drawn and encrypted are not easily understood and may transcend the general concept of “ugly”. In turn, a large and composite “image” composed of many tags—for example, Caracas Avenue, with hundreds of tags in one block—mixed with outdoor advertising, is an aesthetic delight from a contemporary perspective. Writing on the walls of the city generates phenomena of interpretation, not only in the field of semiotics, but also in simple enjoyment and aesthetic interpretation. However, some associate graffiti with perceptions of insecurity, invoking theories such as “broken windows” and justifying cleaning graffiti, which, from such perspectives, is “ugly”.

The debate is, therefore, open. Of course there are interest groups for or against graffiti in Bogotá that are associated with major economic groups. However, practitioners of graffiti are clear about something: with permission or without, graffiti will continue to exist in Bogotá.

about the writer
Sidd Joag

Sidd Joag is a New York-based visual artist, community organizer, and journalist.

Sidd Joag

During the late hours of November 18, 2013, property developer Jerry Wolkoff, of G&M Realty, whitewashed the Institute of Higher Burning, also known as 5Pointz, in Long Island City, Queens. This, just 3 days after a rally to protect the beloved international landmark from demolition, and mass outrage at the plan to build a condominium complex on site. A year later, all that was left in the wake of its destruction was flattened rubble, construction scaffolds, and cranes. And, a deep socio-cultural scar on residents of the city and the international graffiti community.

Graffiti is arguably the most relevant art form of our time, yet it is attacked, destroyed, and routinely commodifed in the service of gentrification.

For over 20 years, 5Pointz was a most powerful force of positive change in New York City, particularly for its youth. I was 15 when I first visited 5Pointz, then known as the Phun Phactory. I was a fledgling graffiti writer, only rarely mustering the courage to get up outside of my blackbook. But I was deeply infatuated with the form and determined to get better. The more I painted, the more I met other writers.

My foray into graffiti was the first time I truly felt part of a community. 5Pointz was a magnet that drew us together. Graffiti gave us a stake in our city and connected us to the world at the same time. We didn’t have to risk arrest and we could take our time, honing skills and sharing ideas. The massive structures covered in hundreds of shades and layers of paint were a revelation. The fact that nobodies like us could paint next to legends was exciting (and terrifying), and motivated us to paint harder.

It was thrilling to see your own piece from the 7 train, knowing that thousands of other people were seeing it too.

Given all of the destructive activities we’d likely have engaged in, graffiti offered a compelling alternative: creative expression and the respect that came along with doing it in style. Yet, the medium itself and those who practice it are routinely criminalized.

Graffiti is arguably the most relevant art form of our time. Yet, it is attacked and destroyed where it is most accessible and where it is most at home. At the same time, it is routinely commodifed in the service of gentrification.

In New York City, its birthplace, graffiti has been under constant attack since the late 1980s. First, as a target of quality of life policing and the “buff”, and, more recently, as a casualty of gentrification. It’s important to note that the tactic of recklessly painting over graffiti, which is generally uneven and mismatched in color, is more symbolic than practical. It sends a message to writers in general, and the young people and communities (of color) where graffiti originated—that their creative expression is not wanted, is of no value, and is therefore expendable.

Long Island City is one of the most rapidly gentrifying neighborhoods in New York City due to its proximity to Manhattan. But it is artists, like those that popularized 5Pointz, who, in part, brought the neighborhood attention and raised its value. Once they had served their purpose, they were disposed of in favor of condos for the rich.

I’ve had many arguments about this. People point to Williamsburg and Bushwick as new “meccas” for graffiti, without recognizing that in these neighborhoods, graffiti, murals and other public art have played, and continue to play, a key role in the displacement of locals, in favor of young outsiders who can afford higher rents. They, in turn, attract rich property developers, who, when they take over, will permit graffiti within certain parameters that serve their interests. Like Jerry Wolkoff, who has promised to maintain significant wall space in his new development—built over 5Pointz—for graffiti writers. How much space, exactly? Who will be allowed to paint? What will be the criteria? These are all questions that fall on deaf ears, as we are reminded that we are lucky to be getting any space at all. Fuck that.

There is no shortage of evidence that spaces like 5Pointz are invaluable safe spaces for the young people of New York City. They provide access to the arts and culture as alternatives to high-risk behaviors and delinquency. They expose our youth to the world and all the possibilities that exist within it. Yet, they are directly, or indirectly, under attack. What can we as artists, appreciators, New Yorkers, and global citizens do to fill the abysses left by the destruction of OUR venues for creative expression?

Patrick M. Lydon

about the writer
Patrick M. Lydon

Patrick M. Lydon is an American ecological writer and artist based in Korea whose seeks to re-connect cities and their inhabitants with nature. He is an Arts Editor here at The Nature of Cities.

Patrick Lydon

Looking from behind the stacks of legal cases brought against graffiti artists over the past several decades, it’s easy to see these individuals as graffiti “vandals”. On the other hand, walk into any of the number of tragically hip galleries and museums who showcase graffiti artists today, and these individuals are posed as “visionaries”, instead.

There isn’t such a wide divide between the actions and intents of the graffiti “artist” and those of the graffiti “vandal”.

From this mindset, we arrive at what are two dominant “conventional” views of graffiti:

1) The graffiti “artist” is a sanctioned professional who creates socially challenging work that museums and patrons spend money to buy and support. Seen as a “productive” use of capital, we judge graffiti artists as beneficial.

2) The graffiti “vandal” creates socially challenging work that defaces public and private property, and which we spend public money to cover up. This being an “unproductive” use of capital, we judge graffiti vandals as burdensome.

These two popular views should tell us quite a bit about the obtuse condition of our social, legal, and economic systems, because in reality there isn’t such a wide divide between the actions and intents of the graffiti “artist” and those of the graffiti “vandal”, save for the one which these systems create.

The force that motivates many graffiti artists is, in fact, identical to that of many so-called “legitimate” artists. The major difference? The “legitimate” artists have found—or were given by status, privilege, or luck—a way to fit their work into the economic system.

This points to something most of us reading this already know well: lack of opportunity—or even perceived lack of opportunity—is a cause not only of graffiti, but of violence and crime and economic inequality. The solution, plainly put, is that our cities need more opportunities for young persons to contribute their creative hands and minds to their communities in ways that are socially productive.

City administrators tell us this is easier in theory than in practice, yet it becomes easier in practice if we let much of that theory come from the mouths of those who are primarily affected.

A few years ago, I teamed up with Mary Cheung, a photography teacher at Gunderson High School in San Jose, California. We asked a group of her students to use photography and written word to address issues that were impacting their lives. The works they handed in tackled surprisingly deep issues, from drugs to discrimination to sexual orientation.

Out of fifteen students, five wrote about graffiti.

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A Graffiti piece by Girraffe in San Jose, California. Photo: Ryan Tran for SocieCity Youth on Assignment

Why not listen to the youth? Their insights are vivid…

“It is better for artists to be squeezing down on [spray] can caps than gun triggers”, was the conclusion that students Ryan Tran, Eric Gonzalez, and Adrian Morales came to.

How often does law enforcement take this view? Perhaps not often enough. One can’t help but think how many lives would be saved or changed if they did.

Two other students, Nick Melchor and Jeilah Evaristo, wrote that “…people only point out the negatives, not seeing the untapped talent the city has to offer”.

Nick and Jeilah went on to give an insight that surprised me because of how truly it rang in my mind; these two students wrote that graffiti “may be seen as a negative, but it gives off color to a plain and hurt city”.

A plain city.

A hurt city.

Two 15-year-olds see a hurt city, and they see graffiti as the color and expression, if not necessarily to show that hurt, then to provide an alternative to it. They also see, in themselves and their friends, an untapped talent; a talent with no logical outlet in their world other than on freeway overpasses and walls.

Colorful bandages applied to a hurt city. It’s not just poetic. It’s reality. It’s theory from the street.

There are few examples—Rio di Janeiro, Seoul, Bogotá, and others that will doubtless come up in this forum—where governments have realized the same reality that these two young people have.

The positive examples show governments using honesty and compassion, involving disenfranchised youth in the direction of cities and neighborhoods instead of locking them behind bars; they show neighborhoods not just coming alive with color, but disenfranchised youth coming alive to believe in themselves, to discover and use their unique skills and passions to make their corner of the world better, regardless of whether they go on to be professional artists, business leaders, local politicians, or homeless recyclable collectors.

The positive examples bring notions of community and economy closer together, instead of continuing a dangerous global trend of pushing the two farther apart. In doing so, they create viable opportunities for individuals to build and join a community-focused economy.

When governments and citizens begin to see the world from the eyes of disenfranchised graffiti artists, when our theory comes from the streets, we’ll begin to see more positive examples and indicators, and more cities where the human impulse to be creatively employed is embraced, encouraged, and championed, even if this impulse presents challenges to our status quo.

Patrice Milillo

about the writer
Patrice Milillo

At Art is Power, Patrice focuses his energies full-time on working with and documenting visionary Arts initiatives from around the globe. Previously, he worked as a public school teacher in San Jose, California.

Patrice Milillo

What can it be: a critical look at the complexities of “graffiti”
As I strolled through the cobblestone streets of Prague admiring cathedrals, statues, and horse-drawn carriages that transported tourists through what resembled a renaissance painting, I felt a real sense of tranquility. However, this feeling was instantly disrupted by the sight of a van that was completely covered with spray painted scrawls. The contrast of the van against the beautiful backdrop of antique Prague was similar to a pile of burning tires in the middle of a pristine rain forest. No one could ever convince me that this is a form of art.

Any movement a city is willing to spend $300 million to eradicate deserves careful examination.

Is it boredom, anger, or a complete disregard for public and private property that compels a person to do this? Is it a response to certain stresses, a cry for help, an intrinsic human need to be acknowledged, or something else? Regardless of where the compulsion arises, some forms of “graffiti” are nothing more than obnoxious acts by selfish individuals who feel entitled to claim space that isn’t theirs.

1. Prague-and-Van-
2. Taki183Article-PicMany are confused by the term “graffiti”. It is ambiguous, confusing, and controversial because it encompasses everything from turf markings and vandalism to murals and advertising, which is why a historical account is necessary. The recognized incubation zone for what is referred to as modern “graffiti” is New York City, and it did not start as art, but tagging: scribbling one’s name in as many places as possible. On July 21,1971, the New York Times published an article titled, “‘Taki 183’ Spawns Pen Pals”, which featured a 17 year-old writer by the name of Taki 183, who literally made a name for himself by tagging his nickname across all five boroughs of New York City. To answer the question of who was behind these acts, the article quotes a New York Transit Authority patrolman, Floyd Holoway, who explained that he had “caught teen-agers from all parts of the city, all races and religions and economic classes”.

Perhaps the popularity of tagging was a response to boredom, frustration, or just the excitement of getting away with using subway cars and city walls as one’s personal billboard. Whatever it was, the article inspired multitudes to join in the competition. Though the act of scribbling one’s name on a wall may not be revolutionary, the fact that it resonated with so many and crossed racial and socioeconomic barriers was. From this starting point, participants set themselves apart by developing their monikers into increasingly sophisticated forms. This ushered in a new generation of artists like Lee Quinones, SeenDondi, Zephyr, and many others who painted high art on the sides of subway cars and buildings around the city.

3. Graff-kings
On a recent Art is Power tour of Europe, I interviewed prominent graffiti and street artists to discuss this development. I had the honor of meeting with Mode2, a first generation European graffiti pioneer who has stayed dedicated to graffiti art and Hip Hop culture for over 30 years. In describing the ethos of “graffiti” art, Mode2 explained,

“People had to somehow be original and interpret an aspect of themselves. To be original, you have to draw from your own background, your own culture, your own personality, what you’ve lived through.”

AIP_Featured_Image-Good-oneNo matter where a person may be from, personal and cultural validation and the need to be acknowledged are universal human desires, and graffiti provided the framework. By 1982, when New York sent its best ambassadors of Hip Hop on a global tour called The International Hip Hop Concert Tour, “graffiti” had evolved into high art, which made it extremely appealing.

As in New York, European youth from all backgrounds had a democratic outlet that provided a sense of purpose, community, and fun. Some became artists and others scribbled their names, but for the ones who took it to the next level, “graffiti art” was empowering.

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Mode 2.

Medellín, Colombia boasts a similar story. Due to the unbridled cocaine trade of the 1990s, violence, fear, and drug addiction ravaged many communities. In the ashes of this difficult time, Henry Arteaga, a founding member of the world famous Crew Pelegrosos, 4 Elements school of Hip Hop, explained: “There were no cultural offerings, and the state left its youth abandoned.”

To make matters worse, since countless youths had been swept up by the drug cartels, there was a huge generational rift. In response, Henry and his friends took up “graffiti” and the other elements of Hip Hop. As in New York City and Berlin, youths in Medellín began interpreting aspects of themselves and their environment through “graffiti”, which empowered them to reclaim their communities. According to prominent sociologist and activist, Dr. Charles Derber:

Most social movements rely on art as a powerful vehicle for expressing dissent and resistance as well as helping articulate new visions of society.

The beautifully executed artwork adorning the walls of the Hip-hop school and the surrounding neighborhoods illustrate the power of “graffiti” to, as Dr. Derber put it, “articulate new visions of society.” “Graffiti” was an effective implement for restoring humanity in a shattered community. Arteaga enthusiastically explained that today, the older generation, who were once terrified by the youth, no longer fear them.

5. Crew-Pelegrosos
Crew Pelegrosos.

Such examples illustrate the role of the arts in creating opportunities in bleak circumstances. They also illuminate “graffiti’s” subversive character, since the audacious act of appropriating public space for personal expression is a form of dissent, scary to people in power. In a 2013 Lecture at MIT in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Professor Noam Chomsky (45:44) explained:

“When people in power believe something firmly, it’s worth paying attention to them. And I think they believe firmly that you should not have revolutionary popular art in which people participate. Actually, that’s one of the reasons, I think, for destroying the graffiti on the New York subways.”

6. Chomsky Again, calling “graffiti” revolutionary may seems exaggerated; however, consider that it integrated a whole generation, taught them to, as writer and social critic Adam Mansbach states, “negotiate the urban sub-terrain of the New York subway system,” dominate public discourse, and then spread to virtually every country on the planet. It is also telling that from 1972 to 1989, New York City spent over three hundred million dollars on a “war on graffiti”. Any movement a city is willing to spend that kind of money to eradicate deserves careful examination.

In cases like New York, Medellín, and Berlin, individuals have employed the democratic, creative, and subversive attributes of “graffiti” to re-imagine, redefine, and recreate their realities. In other cases, individuals feed their egos by selfishly tagging their names on any surface that catches their attention. This clearly illustrates that “graffiti”, like any powerful medium, can be constructive or destructive depending on the individual doing it. Glorifying or demonizing “graffiti” is a simplification that diminishes its complexity.

Laura Shillington

about the writer
Laura Shillington

Laura Shillington is faculty in the Department of Geoscience and the Social Science Methods Programme at John Abbott College (Montréal). She is also a Research Associate at the Loyola Sustainability Research Centre, Concordia University (Montréal).

Laura Shillington

Graffiti, space, and gender

Graffiti art disrupts urban space in multiple ways. It interrupts the seemingly planned nature of cities, in particular in the hyper-planned city spaces of the global north. But the act of producing graffiti also interrupts normative ways of being and living in the city. To create graffiti is to do something illegal (in some cities), out of the ordinary, and in the margins of the city. Graffiti can be used to mark territory—as is the case with gangs in Los Angeles or Rio de Janeiro. It is can be used as a ‘public’ voice of marginalised populations. However, in many cities across the globe, graffiti is produced predominantly by men. In this sense, graffiti—both the art and act—are generally perceived as masculine. Why?

Putting themselves at risk to produce art (much of it political) is a claim to women’s right to the city: a demand to be safe and to be able to engage in producing urban space.

To create graffiti requires placing one’s body in risky places at precarious hours (e.g. at night). Women in most cities are still far more vulnerable that men, especially in certain places and at night. Women graffiti artists experience street harassment by men, including sexual harassment by police officers. Indeed, the women that create graffiti face more challenging situations, making their graffiti more significant to urban spaces. Moreover, the images and texts that many of these female artists create have an important social message. Putting themselves at risk to produce art (much of it political) is a claim to the right to the city: a demand to be safe and to be able to engage in producing urban space.

Yet, there are many great female graffiti artists, and the number is growing. In 2010, several women from Nicaragua and Costa Rica formed to create Las Destructoras (or Ladies Destroying Crew). These grafiteras have painted graffiti in Managua, San José, and several other cities. Most of their work has comprised tagging words, such as mujeres libres, fuertes, bellas (free, strong, beautiful women) and female figures, along with their tag names. For women, making graffiti—being in public (usually in groups)—is a rebellious act that disrupts the usual perception of young men transforming city spaces. It provides a sense of power over the city, their bodies, and the public (in relaying messages). In Nicaragua, the group has given workshops on graffiti to women in Managua and other cities.

That grafitti art in many cities is dominated by men means that even within marginalised (non-formal) productions of urban space, women’s art and voices remain side-lined and out of the public view. In this regard, the growing number of women graffiti artists is a positive force within communities. These women are helping make urban space (especially public and street spaces) safer by making their own presence visible—not only by puttng their bodies physically in these spaces when they create the art, but also through the female images and messages they leave behind. Such messages may help to generate discussions about street safety, harassment, and women’s roles in (public) art. Allowing young women to engage in graffiti may also help build confidence. The workshops that Ladies Destroying Crew have given on graffiti is one way to cultivate a culture of women and graffiti. Perhaps there are other ways that communities, organisations, and cities can use graffiti as a way to bring about more gender equity in urban spaces?

To meet the Ladies Destroying Crew, see their Facebook page (with an introductory video):

Also:

Other websites dedicated to female graffiti artists:

Great article on Brazilian graffiti artist Panmela Casto:

Brown, G. (2012) Street Smarts: The Gender Justice of Graffiti Artist Panmela Castro. Bitch Magazine: Feminist Response to Pop Culture, Fall, Issue 56, p42-45.

People Working for Nature in Cities: the Invisible Revolution

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

In the Third Millennium, we live in a globalized urban world, where loss of local culture and deep social segregation are happening. Climate is changing faster than predicted, hitting cities and people hard: climate-related floods, landslides, droughts, heat waves, traffic disruption, and food shortage are increasing. For instance, in Brazil, four years of drought affected millions of urban residents in the Southeast, where only about 7 percent of the original Atlantic Rainforest that covered the region remains. This year, the region’s frequent and extremely heavy storms are causing economic, social, and environmental impacts. Flash floods and landslides have paralyzed urban functions almost on a daily basis, besides having caused several deaths.

Transformative civic movements and ecological landscape designs are happening in many cities around the world.

The power to decide the paths of our economies emanates from extremely powerful transnational corporations, and the consequences can be felt all over the world, at all scales. The challenges are many: ecological, social, cultural, political, and economic. In my understanding, they are all interconnected. The interests of the very few rule over the vast majority, and the outcome is the New Dark Age that we are living in now. We are crossing planetary boundaries, and that’s bad news for everyone. But the poor are suffering the most.

In my view, the globalized urban landscape denotes the supremacy of large economic interests over people. It is as if Robert Moses had lost his battle to Jane Jacobs in New York, but had left a legacy of urban expansion based on costly infrastructure that led to ecosystem degradation and the segregation of people in many countries. And, on this path, the landscapes have been tremendously altered in, around, and for car-based cities, not for people.

Brasilia, the Modernist Brazilian capital that was built to drive the growth-at-all costs model, is an excellent example. It was inaugurated in 1960 with the aim of exploring the natural resources (e.g. landscapes, ecosystems, mining) located in the central and northern areas of the country (the Cerrado and Amazonia biomes). In his book Cities for People, Jan Gehl calls urban planning from the top, and from the outside “the Brasilia Syndrome”. Why? The design from the air has the form of an eagle (see photo below). The Federal and institutional public buildings are located in the center, where, from the ground “the space is too large and utterly uninviting, paths are too long, straight and uninteresting, and parked cars prevent pleasurable walking in the rest of the city.” (Gehl, 2010, p.194). The upper classes’ residential, commercial, and service zones are located in the two wings, North and South. The working class lives in the mostly unsafe, unhealthy, and neglected satellite cities that are about 50 km. away from the center, so there is a need for large roadways to transport people every day. This urban form is not good for people or for nature, but quite good for oil-based growth, the business-as-usual model. The excuse is that it creates jobs, right?

Fig1-Brasilia
Aerial view from Brasilia, the “Eagle” is cut but the Paranoá built lake (48km²) over the Cerrado ecosystem (a dry ecosystem). Photo: Cecilia Herzog

Wrong! This year, we celebrate Jane Jacobs’s 100th anniversary, and all of us should take her lessons home and do something to change our heavily built environment, introducing green infrastructure with and for people where it is gray, lifeless, and including streets and extensive lawns. Actually, we already can see this happening in movements all over the planet. People are getting together to change the world through local actions that aim to restore landscape ecological functions and enhance people’s lives: planting urban forests, growing organic food, building nature friendly spaces incorporating stormwater drainage and water collection on-site, and daylighting and restoring rivers and creeks.

Professional urban planners and landscape architects are being trained to restore landscape and ecosystems processes and functions, working together with biologists, ecologists, hydrologists, and social scientists to build a robust emergent transdisciplinary field.

The landscape has a lot do with how people value nature, and landscape is where there is a tremendous potential to make a real social and ecological revolution.

Why do we love controlled landscapes?

The landscape has been altered since humans started walking from the African savannahs to populate the continents. Domestication of seeds and animals was possible due to the warming of the planet by 2 degrees C, followed by stabilization of the climate, about 10,000 years ago. From then on, human ingenuity and voracity has changed the entire planet forever.

Through the centuries and along our path to “progress,” technologies have allowed massive changes in the thin layer (composed by Pedosphere, Biosphere, Hydrosphere, Cryosphere and Atmosphere) that covers our common home, planet Earth: converting ecosystems into human-dominated landscapes and blocking natural processes and flows has enabled tremendous economic growth. After World War II, the pace of destruction became faster, and the concentration of power also (Wright 2005). In this process, we have become detached from native ecosystems and lost our awareness of how we depend on them and their biodiversity So, it is easy to destroy what we don’t know and don’t emotionally relate to.

Cities were born in Mesopotamia more than 6,000 years ago. The plains along the rivers Tigris and Euphrates were transformed by geometrically aligned irrigation canals and square agricultural fields. Since these early periods, water and introduced plants adorned gardens of the dominant class’ properties. Throughout history, gardens (and urban form) were influenced by the orthogonal design of the ancients. Geometric French gardens are archetypal of power and wealth. Versailles is a world reference for beauty and power. Garden designs from China and Japan that mimicked nature were taken to English gardens and then, in the 1900s, to the public parks of the industrialized cities. In all cases, the urban landscape was deeply modified into look-like-nature scenery. Central Park in New York (an international reference of multifunctional public space) is one of the most prominent examples of built landscapes, and we don’t even notice (Spirn 1995). We got used to them. We learned to appreciate and value them. We take them for natural landscapes.

So, most people don’t see any problem if a remnant ecosystem or wetland starts to be filled to create land for construction. Then, the transformed landscape receives a new look: in general, with a mono-functional, aesthetic-oriented fusion of French, Arabic, and English-designed gardens to adorn the new development on an urban expansion area. Neither do they recognize anything wrong if hills are erased to open a new flyover bridge, or rivers are channelized and buried underground. It is “progress”, it is “growth”, and we need a higher GDP!

Is there a connection between big money and landscape conversion?

I have been writing for this blog since 2012 about what has been happening in the wonderful landscapes of the city of Rio de Janeiro. Since then, the city has gone through a huge transformation to prepare both for the 2014 World Cup and for the Olympic Games that will happen later this year, and it is not over yet. Public money was driven to build new roads and tunnels and to allow more and more expansion over ecosystem remnants to create land for the real estate market to explore. Gated-communities for upper and middle classes were built over some of the last ecosystem remnants (wetlands and restinga—a native dry sandy ecosystem) of the West Zone of the city. Their garden design has no connection with the local landscape, no reference to the richest biodiversity in the world. Water and vegetation play a mere ornamental function.

For the working class, it is even worse. Social housing is being built far away, not only over native ecosystems and productive landscapes with almost no green areas, but far from jobs, served by a deficient and expensive public transportation system (if it comes close to the housing complexes, usually the bus stations are far away).

Last July, I wrote a piece published in The Nature of Cities where I mentioned the disconnection between the science recommendations that had been made and the actual urban transformation taking place in Rio, with the construction of thousands of residential and commercial units in low lands vulnerable to floods and sea level rise. At that time, the real estate market was expecting to make billions off of these unsustainable developments. But, what nobody was expecting was the economic disruption. Yes, Brazil is undergoing a severe economic and political crisis.

On Sunday, March 14, millions of Brazilians marched on the streets to protest against the government and the corruption that is devastating the country and the people.

Actually the country is facing the reverse of the vision of natural resource exploiters (urban sprawl, oil, mining, deforestation, and monoculture) as the solution to indefinite economic growth. It is a very complex situation; corruption and the political schemes that intended to perpetuate the power of big corporations and political leaders are coming under scrutiny by the justice system. Several owners and high staff of powerful corporations and public companies, as well as politicians, are in jail or facing judicial charges. Corruption and improper use of public funds led to losses that scaled up to several billions of dollars. The country is paralyzed; public services are collapsing. People are suffering a great deal, especially the less privileged.

Some of the infrastructure and construction corporations that are being prosecuted in the Federal sphere are responsible for the big urban transformations in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The city is a big business, and our mayor exploits this vision with no shame. Actually, there is pride in the official posture of the administration to build the most out of the land (even if it has high ecological, social, cultural, or historical value)—no matter if they are repeating the same 20th century urbanization mistakes.

Mother Nature in cities

But, Mother Nature sends strong messages: on the evening of March 13, a strong storm hit hard in some areas of Rio de Janeiro. The City’s warning system went on to alert people about the high risk of flash floods and landslides. It happened: the waters retook their place. Lower lands formerly occupied by mangroves and water bodies were flooded, even where engineered solutions were recently built at high costs. In the upper areas, poor people suffered high losses because of the downhill overflow caused by the torrential rain, killing five people. I was stranded for hours because of the floods. Actually, storms are hitting urbanized areas daily in the states of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, with severe impacts.

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Strong storm hitting the favela (slum) of Vidigal: down flow in the stairs that access the higher areas of the hills. Rio de Janeiro, March 13, 2016. Photo: Marcela Gonçalves
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Flood in Rio de Janeiro—people and business live with contaminated water. March 13, 2016. Photo: reproduction from the internet)

These events are not happening only here, as Haripriya Gundimeda illustrates in her article of The Nature of Cities “Is the Deluge of Urban Areas in India a Natural Phenomenon or Irresponsible Planning?” She gives a list of nature-based infrastructure to help cities adapt and to increase resilience in the face of strong climatic events, which are usually overlooked by short-sighted decision-makers and investors. I believe that the greed and corruption that permeate our consumerist society is one side of the problem. The other side is irresponsible planning backed up by people, who ignore and are disconnected from nature and natural processes.

People and Mother Nature

Times are really challenging, as Naomi Klein vehemently writes in her last book—climate change changes everything! And people are changing their environment and themselves.

On Saturday, March 12, people gathered on a piece of lawn located in a central area of São Paulo. With tools, soil, and donated seedlings, they planted the first Pocket Forest of this immense and intense metropolis under the coordination of Ricardo Cardim, a tenacious and enthusiastic botanist who loves and cultivates autochthonous Atlantic Forest vegetation under threat of extinction. People of all ages participated and transformed the small plot; at the same time, they were transforming themselves and setting new standards, instantly inspiring so many people around the country.

In recent years, small movements became viral and became big. I have written about them, because I see them as really transformational, not only at the local scale: they are touching the entire country through social media. The Internet has made us closer; it is a great tool to scale up the transformation.

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Pocket Forest planting organized by Ricardo Cardim (Sky Garden) in a central area of São Paulo, March 12, 2016. Photo: Facebook group “Novas Árvores por Aí”

In March, there have been countless events educating people to better relate to Mother Nature and, at the same time, redoing the urban landscape in public and private spaces: rain gardens, ecological garden design, food planting, edible seeds exchange, and tree species identification, to cite some. I am deeply touched by the mobilization and involvement that has been occurring in the last years in the city where I was born. In my piece from October 2013, People Take Over Nature in Cities with their Own Hands, I wrote about transformative civic movements and ecological landscape design that are happening in many cities around the world, including São Paulo.

Also, there are committed civil servants that work harder than usual to convert dreams into reality, in spite of the political will of the moment.

The Olympic Green Corridor (see my 2012 article in TNOC) is being implemented against all odds. Silma Santa Maria, the manager of all Conservation Units of the lagoon system where most of the Olympic events will take place, is carrying out the mission to connect Protected Areas through polluted and degraded canals and lagoons’ riparian corridors. She has the support of colleagues and local residents. It is not the Olympic Green Corridor we dreamt about, but it is the first Green Corridor in Rio de Janeiro. She promoted a workshop in December to enhance public participation and give more visibility to the project.

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Green corridor workshop in Rio de Janeiro. Photo: Cecilia Herzog

Isabela Lobato and Roberto Rocha are also militant public servants that have developed the Urban Tree Planting Director Plan, a comprehensive science and technology-based strategic plan to assess, plan, design, implement, and monitor the urban forest of Rio de Janeiro. They have been promoting participative meetings and lectures to debate and push the plan to be formalized in a legal act by the mayor. It has been a tough battle; unfortunately, up to this moment, it is still sitting in the decision-maker’s drawer. At the same time, Celso Junius, the director of urban trees management at Comlurb (yes, the public waste company in charge of the management of all street trees of the city) is assessing and mapping every tree in the streets, in a personal effort with support of residents and technical city staff.

Green jobs are inclusive. People with all backgrounds can be part of a green economy. The Mutirão Reflorestamento (Community-based Reforestation) Program has been going on for more than three decades (from 1984), generating local jobs and people’s environmental awareness in the deprived and vulnerable slopes of Rio de Janeiro. Detroit is an inspiring example. After the plunge of the automobile industry, the city has an on-going greening plan that emphasizes creating a green economy that will be sustainable, reduce consumption, prioritize ecology, and educate and raise awareness of nature.

The revolution is happening, and maybe it doesn’t have the visibility it deserves, but people all over are shifting to value nature in cities, despite the voracious appetite of “big money” for making more money. The controlled landscape is giving way to natural succession in ecological and productive gardens and park areas. Bees’ sanctuaries are been introduced in dense urban settings, as at the roof of the Opera Garnier in Paris, or in the Tijuca National Park in Rio de Janeiro. New landscape design projects, such as the prestigious High Line in New York, are reintroducing native vegetation and aim to “renature” the city. Even the abandonment of derelict areas (Gilles Clément’s “The Third Landscape”) is helping biodiversity to rebound in cities, when the public administration orients investments toward selected development areas. The paradigm of excessive landscape control that transformed our environments into deserts of biodiversity is suffering a public revenge, with people understanding the need of all species close to them so they can have better lives and well-being.

So there is hope, and it comes from the people. There is no revolution made from the top. As Klein says, we need resistance. We need people with knowledge and energy to make the leap to a new world without fossil fuels if we want our kids and grandkids to have a place to live.

This new world, in my vision, has to be green in the deep connotation of the ecological concept (see Chris Reed): has to contemplate all living organisms (biodiversity and people) and the environment—even if we build the environment.

Cities must undergo a deep transformation; the urban landscape matters a lot.

Summarizing my thoughts:

  • We need healthy landscapes for everyone.
  • Focus on life: more ecology and participation (science and empowerment of people). Less hard engineering and top-down decision-making (fight corruption).
  • Ecological landscape design and planning must reorient all new projects, and the renewal and retrofit of the old ones, at all scales for all people.
  • People must recognize a river as a river, not as an opportunity for drainage or sewage discharge, or a dead paved canal.
  • Children must get out and play in natural (or not so natural, but with high biodiversity) areas in the city (including safe and green streets), not inside shopping malls.
  • Streets must be alive and combine places for people, biodiversity, and waters (infiltrating and filtrating); equally importantly, they must offer places for social interaction with economic potential to create green jobs.
  • Energy cannot be wasted in artificial cooling because there are not enough trees to lower the urban temperature, or because there is too much concrete on roofs that could be green.
  • Green infrastructure has to replace gray infrastructure.
  • Ecological education is essential to transform people that transform the environment, and the urban landscape should be a living laboratory accessible to everyone.
  • Urban ecosystems must be protected and restored to make urban environments more resilient to ever-stronger climatic events bringing too much or too little water, with emphasis on the people living in vulnerable areas.

We have to learn to live with Nature. Fast! There is no other option!

Cecilia Herzog
Rio de Janeiro

On The Nature of Cities

References

Wright, Ronald. A Short History of Progress. House of Anansi, Toronto, 2005. http://ronaldwright.com/books/a-short-history-of-progress/

Spirn, Anne Whinston. Constructing Nature: the legacy of Frederick Law Olmstead. In: Cronon, William (ed.). Uncommon Ground: rethinking the human place. Norton, New York, 1995. Available at: http://www.annewhistonspirn.com/pdf/uncommon-ground.pdf viewed on: March, 15th, 2016

The Royal Bats of Kano City

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

Out of the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals, SDG 11 is a standalone goal for urban sustainability, with defined targets and indicators. SDG 11 can help urban policy and decision-makers and local people to think about and work towards urban sustainability. Most cities in developing countries, including in Africa, lack capacity for effective urban planning, a shortcoming which, in part, leads to a failure to protect urban biodiversity amidst the challenges of rapid urbanisation.

The story of the royal bats of Kano city represents the key challenges of urban environmental sustainability in developing countries.
As such, it is important to look at how informal institutions, such as local beliefs and socio-historic agreed-upon behaviours on the sacredness and powers of gardens, help in protecting and conserving the threatened urban biodiversity in African cities. Looking at the role of indigenous knowledge and the values that indigenous people accord to the gardens is important, particularly because most of the formal institutions saddled with such responsibilities fail in delivering their mandates in many cities of developing countries. The case of rapid urbanisation in Kano city and its periphery, its impact on open and green spaces, and the role of institutions is documented in some studies, such as Barau et al. (2013, 2015).

Here I’ll discuss the survival of bats in an intensively urbanised Kano city and its periphery. This discussion supports arguments made by Mark Hostetler in his recent post about the value of conserving forest fragments and individual trees in urban areas. In that article, he suggests that forest fragments and individual trees render some supportive services for migratory birds. In this context, looking at the role of Kano Emir’s palace will provide key insights into what fragments or remnants of green areas can do in supporting biodiversity in densely urbanised cities. Kano city and its surrounding urban areas, with an estimated population of about 3-4 million inhabitants, constitute the largest urban area in Northern Nigeria. The ancient city of Kano dates from the late 10th century, and the city’s walled perimeter covers an area of 29 km2.

The Kano palace, also called Gidan Rumfa, was built by King Muhammadu Rumfa between 1479 and 1482. Since that time, it has remained the largest traditional palace in Sub-Saharan Africa (Nast 1996), as well as the oldest and continuous seat of traditional authority in Nigeria. The Kano palace has attracted the interests of many researchers and visiting heads of state and governments, including the Queen of England, the U.S. President, the British Prime Minister, and HRH Charles, the Prince of Wales. Compared to an average home in Kano city, the Kano Palace covers an area of approximately 14 ha and is surrounded by walls of 6–9 m. high outside and, on average, 5 m high within the palace complex. The high walls of the palace surround the royal gardens (sheka, in Hausa language). The western garden has a length of 325 m and an average width of 85 m., while the eastern garden has an approximate length of 370 m and an average width of 45 m. The two gardens constitute about 45 percent of the total palace land area; the built area covers roughly 30 percent of the palace, while the open spaces represent about 25 percent of the total palace land area. The residents of Kano city have always considered the Kano palace as a city within a city by virtue of its size, spatial patterns, and organisation of space. In the context of urban sustainability indicators, including SDG Goal 11 and the Singapore Index, the proportion of green and open spaces makes this intra-city extremely favourable for sustainability.

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Google Maps image of the Kano Palace and its gardens. Image: Google Maps

Compared to the extremely dense and dry parts of Kano city, the Kano palace gardens provide a sanctuary for birds and some fauna, and possibly for migrating birds and insects as well. The palace also provides refugia to bats—chiroptera. A number of studies have investigated the effects of urbanisation on bats species, which ranges from loss of habitat and fragmentation to pollution. Most previous studies and this author’s experiences with Kano city have indicated a notable decline in urban biodiversity due to the progressive decline of green and open spaces. Less birds are observable on the ground and in the skies—not so for bats. In 2010, I conducted some studies inside the gardens of Kano palace, where I observed thousands of bats that flew and roved in the skies of the palace simply because of my perceived movements and the movements of the people following me. The gardens are about the only sanctuaries where the bats are left undisturbed; now they have become dominant species in the relatively undisturbed palace gardens and, in this way, they have become royal bats!

It is widely assumed that the palace gardens are as old as the palace itself (which was built in the 15th century). I want to believe that the bats offer some notable and yet unexamined ecosystem services in the palace and the city at large. Ecologists suggest that insect-eating bats help in controlling disease vectors, while fruit-eating bats help in fertilising soils with their guano and in dispersing seeds for flower pollination and forest regeneration. For the people around the palace and the people residing in the palace, the take-off time of the royal bats is a fascinating sight. And for the palace itself, the bats help maintain its security: any unusual movement in its gardens triggers movement of the bats, which alerts everyone in the palace. Bats really prefer places with minimal human movement and disturbances. This is understandable in the case of the royal bats; once, I saw helicopters hovering over the garden when the Nigerian President was visiting the palace. The noise of the hovering helicopters caused the bats to fly in the early afternoon hours.

While the Kano Palace has provided safe living spaces to thousands of birds for such a long time, it is thrilling to see the bats when they depart the palace in the late afternoon or early evening to search for foraging spaces mostly outside the old city, where different species of fruit bearing trees and ponds can be found. It is interesting to observe the bats while they fly out in chorus from the palace almost at the same time but in different directions—directions most probably dictated by needs for food, water, or something else.

Although, the old city is massively urbanised, two to three kilometres north of the palace is the greener and planned section of urban Kano. This area once housed colonial and corporate residential areas and has been able to maintain some old trees, including local and exotic species. Hence, it is easy to see some of the bats making an early descent in this area, probably to access fruit bearing trees. South of the palace and outside the city walls, there are remnants of ponds around the disappearing city walls and clusters of trees located within the perimeters of the Kano zoological and botanical gardens, as well as clusters of trees found in the industrial areas. The western and northern parts of the palace are the oldest and most densely peopled parts of the city. However, as the bats move farther west, they find institutional buildings: schools and university campuses that keep some trees. It is obvious that some bats fly at higher altitudes and may be moving to far away distances into farmed parklands in the urban periphery.

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Map of Kano urban area, adapted from Maconachie 2009, 2012.
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Bats hovering over the palace gardens when the researchers enters the gardens in the afternoon. Photo: Aliyu Barau
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A section of the western gardens with dense tree growth comprising local and exotic species. Photo: Aliyu Barau

Bats are nocturnal mammals; this life history trait works well for them as it reduces competition with birds at water and feeding spots. Indeed, the royal bats of Kano city owe their continued existence in this intensively urbanised city to the continuous existence of the Kano palace gardens. The bats may not survive in other fragments of green spaces in the city because they are too exposed to humans and other species.

The story of the royal bats of Kano city represents the key challenges of urban environmental sustainability in developing countries. In many African countries, urban planning professionals and agencies have lost track of what to do or how to go about the business of greening congested cities. However, based on the example of the situation in Kano, it is obvious that small pockets of green areas can play a tremendous role in securing biodiversity. Importantly, indigenous institutions play an even greater role in this context. Indeed, the ability of the Kano palace to maintain its greenery for centuries is of great interest to contemporary urban sustainability.

It does not take specific budgetary allocations to maintain the royal bats, since that comes as part of the costs of maintaining the palace gardens. Although the gardens are exclusively for the use of the Emir of Kano and his closest family members, the preservation of the gardens through generations and dynasties is amazing. I am of the opinion that public conservation organisations should consider the use of the concept of payments for ecosystem services, which, in this case, should entail making some funds available to the palace as a compensation for keeping the gardens so that they are maintained as a base or sanctuary for biodiversity conservation in a rapidly and intensively urbanising city. Indeed, there is need for more studies to explore the nature of ecosystem services of the palace gardens and ecosystem services derivable from the royal bats, as well as potential conflicts between the bats and humans in their foraging spaces.

Aliyu Barau
Kano

On The Nature of Cities

References

Barau, A.S. (2015) Barau, A.S., Macnochie, R., Ludin, A.N.M.; Abdulhamid, A. (2015). Urban morphology dynamics and environmental change in Kano, Nigeria. Land Use Policy 42, 307–317.

Barau, A.S., Ludin, A.N.M., Said, I. (2013). Socio-ecological systems and biodiversity conservation in African city: insights from Kano Emir’s Palace gardens. Urban Ecosystems 16 (4), 783–800.

Barau, A.S. (2007) The Great Attractions of Kano. Research and Documentation Directorate, Government House Kano.

Ghanem, S.J., Voigt, C.C.(2012) Chapter 7 – Increasing Awareness of Ecosystem Services Provided by Bats, In: H. Jane Brockmann, Timothy J. Roper, Marc Naguib, John C. Mitani and Leigh W. Simmons, Editor(s), Advances in the Study of Behavior, Academic Press, 2012, Volume 44, Pages 279-302,

Russo, D., Ancillotto, D. (2015) Sensitivity of bats to urbanization: a review, Mammalian Biology – Zeitschrift für Säugetierkunde, 80, 3, 205-212,

Simon, D. et al. (2015) Developing and testing the Urban Sustainable Development Goal’s targets and indicators – a five-city study. Environment and Urbanization, DOI: 10.1177/0956247815619865.

What Can We Learn from Chinese Classical Gardens?

Art, Science, Action: Green Cities Re-imagined

Step off the street in Suzhou through a small door and you leave behind the bustling cacophony of a modern Chinese city to enter a different world of tranquility and calm, where natural features create a sense of being surrounded by nature in a tiny oasis that is a scholar’s garden. Nine of these gardens in Suzhou have been given special status by UNESCO as outstanding features of the city’s World Heritage Site. Each provides a symbolic microcosm of the natural world within the confines of a single dwelling. They draw on the ancient disciplines of Chinese art and poetry, together with fundamental concepts of landscape, and demonstrate practical application of Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist teachings. The scholar gardens of China illustrate a way of life in harmony with nature and the arts that may still have relevance today.

The Chinese Classical Garden provides a template for an urban ethos that respects nature.

Although some notable early gardens existed in China over 2000 years ago classical gardens only really started to flourish in the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD), which has been referred to as China’s first Golden Age. They were developed at a time of relative prosperity, when wealthy scholar-officials were able to create their own special kind of domestic environment as part of the huge advance that was occurring in literature and the arts. One of the greatest influences was the famous 8th century poet Wang Wei, also renowned for his landscape paintings, and his garden Wang Chuan Villa, from which he gained inspiration as both poet and artist. Since that time, poetry and landscape art have remained crucial influences in the design of scholar gardens. During the Tang period, there were over 1000 domestic gardens in the city of Luoyang, and eight Imperial gardens in the capital Xian. The classical house and garden model of the “scholar-official” became well established at this time.

Greater prosperity during the Ming period (1368-1644) led to a proliferation of such gardens. This was the second Golden Age. Suzhou alone had 300 domestic gardens, with many architect-gardeners. Several of the gardens that still exist in Suzhou date from this period. The art of garden design reached new heights with publication of Yuan Ye (On the making of gardens) by Ji Cheng in 1634. The cities of Suzhou and Hangzhou (near modern Shanghai) remained at the forefront of garden design during the Qing period that followed. In the 1760s, the Qian Long Emperor copied many elements of their design, though on a strongly formal Imperial scale, for Beijing’s Summer Palace.

Scholar’s study:studio in the Master of Fishing Nets Garden Suzhou
Scholar’s study/studio in the Master of Fishing Nets Garden, Suzhou. Photo © David Goode

Who were these so-called “scholar-officials” and where did they get their inspiration?

They were members of a select group in Chinese society, the product of an educational system originating in 124 BCE. They had the education, social standing, and financial resources to indulge in intellectual pleasures. Steeped in Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist ethics, these were men with many parts. Poet, artist, musician, calligrapher, and lover of nature were all combined in each man. The art of garden design drew on all of these skills and the scholar-official became central to the development of that art.

Scholar gardens provided a natural retreat in the city. They are essentially urban, making unique use of the ubiquitous town courtyard, which has traditionally been the basis of Chinese urban planning. From the Song dynasty onwards, they provided a welcome retreat for busy scholar-officials, where they could escape from worldly affairs to indulge in creative pleasures. As a microcosm of the natural world in the city, the garden provided the calmness and right conditions for the scholar’s work. The essence of a scholar garden arises from the house and garden being designed as one entity. One merges with the other. The ambience of the house is pervaded by the tranquility of the garden. Yet, there are significant differences between the two spaces that have their origin in the scholar-official’s philosophical lineage.

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Carefully designed doors provide glimpses of other worlds. Photo: © David Goode

Confucianism can be described as a moral doctrine governing all aspects of life, including etiquette, social relations, architecture, and even city planning. This may seem to be in direct conflict with Daoism, a religion that seeks The Way through harmony with nature, finding space for contemplation and inner peace. There is a Chinese witticism which says, “Confucianism is the doctrine of the scholar when in office and Daoism the way of life of the scholar when out of office”. So it was in the life of the scholar-official, who designed the house and garden to conform with these different doctrines. Formal and living quarters of the house were arranged according to the requirements of social etiquette, either along one side of the plot or around a central space, or several different spaces, which were landscaped to create harmony with nature. The whole design was influenced by deep-rooted Daoist principles such as Yin and Yang: the need for balance between positive and negative, or contrasting elements. Ancient beliefs were also important, such as Feng shui: the need to conform with long-established practices regarding the ritual orientation of buildings.

But there are two features of the garden landscape that particularly characterize these scholar gardens. The first is the overall spatial design. The whole garden forms a three dimensional picture through which you can walk. Individual parts are only gradually entered or discovered as you go. The concept of the garden as a series of separate but interconnected parts, to be discovered and enjoyed, is analogous to the unrolling of a Chinese landscape painting. Walls, doors, windows, paths, corridors, and bridges all have a special role in creating a landscape of continuous change and surprise. Often, walls were built for the sole purpose of allowing spectacular views through carefully contrived windows and dramatic moon gates. The 18th century writer Shen Fu said, “Arrange the garden so that when a guest feels he has seen everything, he can suddenly take a turn in the path and have a broad new vista open up before him, or pass through a door in a pavilion only to find that it leads to an entirely new garden”. Many of these gardens are surprisingly small; all this was created within the bounds of a single dwelling, where different vistas were created within the garden that could be seen from carefully selected vantage points. Wherever possible, designers took advantage of a “borrowed view”, such as a distant pagoda framed through a window.

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Moon gate opening to a new vista. Garden of the Humble Administrator, Suzhou. Photo: © David Goode

The second feature is the landscape itself. Here we have to go back to early concepts of landscape based on Mountains and Water or Shan Shui. Poetry and landscape painting in China have both drawn inspiration from mountains and water for many centuries, and the phrase Shan Shui itself came to mean landscape. The rugged strength of great mountains set against the softness of water is Yang and Yin at its most profound. They are opposites that complement each other. Water can erode solid rock. So it was not surprising that scholars tried to emulate the great contrasts between rocks and water in creating the micro-landscapes of their gardens. Some of the most highly prized rocks were water worn limestones from Lake Tai that exhibited an intricate and sometimes grotesque degree of natural erosion. The so-called Exquisite Carved Jade Stone in the Yu Yuan garden in Shanghai is one of the most famous examples. The juxtaposition of such stones standing upright as vertical columns above placid pools full of lotus blossoms emphasizes the contrasting nature of mountain and water, and may symbolise, in miniature, the famous mountain landscapes of southern China. Some gardens contain dramatic hard landscapes built from layers of water-worn stone to create the illusion of small mountains—until you pass through the adjacent moon gate to find a completely new vista of lake and lotus leaves. That such contrasts play such a major role in most scholar gardens has led some writers to refer to them as Mountain and Water Gardens. But that name ignores so much else that is fundamental to their ethos.

What about plants? Historically, scholar-officials mainly used plants with long-established symbolic associations, especially those made famous in poetry and art. The palette was quite restricted. Bamboo, lotus, peony, chrysanthemum, plum, and pine were particularly significant. Plants were valued for their contributions during different seasons through their fragrance, colour, shape, or acoustic properties. Examples also included: rose, orchid, loquat, winter sweet, heavenly bamboo, apricot, juniper, sweet-scented cassia, osmanthus, maple, ginkgo, banana, and magnolia. Not only was the range of species very limited, but the total amount of space occupied by plants is relatively small. I have heard western visitors complain at the lack of plants, not recognizing that they are only one part of the philosophical message.

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Mountain landscape of southern China near Guilin. Photo: © David Goode
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The Exquisite Jade Rock in Yu Yuan Garden, Shanghai. Photo: © David Goode

Bamboo growing along a narrow inner courtyard, where it could be seen through a row of windows silhouetted against a white wall, was greatly admired as an artistic feature rather than as a botanical specimen. So it was with virtually all the plants. The placing of an individual tree was carefully chosen to create maximum visual impact when in blossom or showing autumn colours. Others were chosen to catch the natural sounds of wind and rain. Small pavilions were built in which one could sit to experience the sound of raindrops falling on lotus leaves, or drumming on banana leaves. Pine was planted to catch the wind and hold the snow.

Traditional Chinese folklore is full of such associations between plants and the natural elements, and they are frequently reflected in poetry and painting. Though they appear simplistic, these associations were at the very heart of garden design:

By planting flowers one invites butterflies,

by planting pine one invites the wind,

by planting banana trees one invites rain,

and by planting willow trees one invites

cicadas.

I have referred earlier to the great influence that pastoral poetry and landscape art brought to the development of scholar gardens over many centuries. Together, they provided the settings for garden designers to emulate. In addition, there are various buildings of literary and poetic significance within many of the gardens. All these gardens are imbued with a rich heritage stemming from these sources. In some cases, a single line from a revered poem may provide the basis for a whole garden. For example:

“The buzz of a cicada heightened the silence”.

Which brings me to the most significant feature of these gardens, the special sense of space and tranquility within a harmonious whole. To some, the word garden is something of a misnomer. Classical gardens contain many buildings. Some served as living quarters; others were used on more formal occasions. Some provided a place for drinking tea or joining friends for a glass of wine. Others provided a calm environment for scholarly pursuits such as painting, poetry, music, literature, and calligraphy. Yet others provided solitude for contemplation. The whole was bound together by a philosophical message that reflected the ancient Chinese intellectual’s desire to harmonise with nature. In that sense, garden is the right word. For the scholar-official, it was a way of life.

Today, in many Western cities, we have art galleries, poetry groups, literary institutes, botanical gardens, ecology parks, nature reserves, tea-houses, churches, and temples, all disparate and mostly separate. The scholar-official managed to accommodate all of these in his garden, together with a very strong sense of harmony with the natural world. Perhaps we might consider re-establishing the fundamental concepts of the Chinese Classical Garden within the heavily pressurized towns and cities of today by creating a modern equivalent that would encourage harmony between these various activities and with a strong ethos of respect for nature. Many urban nature reserves, town parks, and even city squares provide opportunities for people to gain spiritual refreshment, and in some countries, there is a growing movement to promote quiet gardens. Some of these places do encourage the cultural links that made the scholar gardens so special. We have sculpture parks and many art galleries within botanical gardens. There may be poetry readings. Small groups gather to listen to the dawn chorus.

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Pavilion surrounded by lotus leaves: Garden of the Humble Administrator, Suzhou. Photo: © David Goode

Perhaps we could embark on a new kind of garden. Not just to provide calm oases in the midst of phrenetic urban life, but something that might have much greater significance. These gardens could provide the basis for a natural philosophy between humankind and nature. They could promote greater understanding of our impacts on the natural world, with a philosophy capable of combating current threats. We need an ethos that respects nature, that draws on our wealth of experience from the arts and sciences. We need it urgently and it needs to be promoted from within the urban environment. We need spaces that provide solitude for contemplation and places that will reverberate with determination. Yes, a new kind of garden with a will to succeed. It is possible that the ethos of the Chinese Classical Garden provides just such a template.

UNESCO protects our cultural heritage through World Heritage Sites, and protects examples of the natural world through Biosphere Reserves, including some in urban areas. Somewhere between these two, there is a need today to provide places in towns and cities—where most of the world’s population now live—that would encourage a more harmonious relationship between humanity and nature, where a philosophy of respect for the natural world could be developed and promoted. We need that philosophy urgently if we are to succeed in stemming the current rate of loss of the world’s biodiversity. Maybe UNESCO could take the lead in promoting such initiatives by creating a new designation for Towns and Cities, in addition to urban Biosphere Reserves, to recognise places that demonstrate the tangible application of such a philosophy in sites of cultural, ecological, and perhaps spiritual value. They would benefit enormously from international recognition. Places for people and nature. That’s what we need.

David Goode
London

On The Nature of Cities