Beijing, China’s capital, has been experiencing serious air pollution in recent years.
Industrial relocation is an effective way to reduce carbon emissions and improve air quality—as long as employees are well cared for in the transition.
Greenhouse gas emissions from industry, coal heating, and vehicles are believed to be three major causes of the city’s air pollution.
Beginning over a decade ago, Beijing Municipal Government began to take targeted actions to control air pollution. Among different measures adopted, relocating polluting industries out of town is a major climate action that I’d like to highlight here.
Fig. 1 Contribution of major causes of air pollution in Beijing (2013). Image: news.cnr.cn
The government is taking stringent actions
According to the “Beijing Clean Air Action Plan 2013-2017”, polluting industries should be phased out in the city by 2017 via different measures, such as relocation, structural readjustment, and shutting down. By the end of 2016, more than 1,200 polluting plants were removed from Beijing. These plants are primarily engaged in heavy industry, such as steel and cement manufacturing; chemical and petrochemical production; and building materials in foundries. China’s steel making giant, the Shougang Steel Group [1], was one of the first plants to be relocated out of the city.
Fig. 2 A corner of the Shougang Steel Group before relocation. Image: tech.hexun.com
Challenges and solutions of industrial relocation: the case of Shougang
Established in 1919 in Beijing, the Shougang Steel Group is one of the biggest steel manufacturing companies in China. It employs over 80,000 workers, with an annual production capacity of steel exceeding 15 million tons. The proposal of relocating the steel giant from Beijing to other regions was raised and approved by the government in the early 2000s. Formal relocation processes began in 2005, and were accomplished by 2012. Now, the main parts of the company—the steel manufacturing plants—have been moved to two other places in surrounding Hebei Province: Cao Feidian and Qianan, over 200 kilometers away from Beijing. The vacated land in Beijing was renamed the High-End Comprehensive Industrial Service Area of New Shougang (HECISANS). The managers of HECISANS are committed to taking a pathway of low-carbon and green development—it was recognized as China’s first Climate Positive Program by the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group at the second US-China Climate Leaders Summit in Beijing. HECISANS occupies an area of 8.63km2, and aims to transform into clusters of cultural and creative industry, service industry, and high-end manufacturing. There are many challenges for the relocation of such a big company. The greatest challenge of all is the distribution and allocation of employees, as Mr. Zhu Jimin, former president of Shougang Steel Group, acknowledged.
This challenge is especially poignant because of a loss of jobs due to structural adjustment and the reduction of steel output. To distribute and allocate employees properly, the Shougang management team adopted the following strategies: 1) Mobilize the backbone, moving skilled and young workers to the new factories in Cao Feidian and Qianan, offering to give appropriately increased wages and better housing conditions. 2) Use the vacated land in Beijing to develop clusters of high-end, non-polluting industries, which can then absorb part of the employees. 3) Allocate those who are old, weak, ill, and disabled to work in logistics positions. 4) Terminate the employment of some workers on a voluntary basis, and pay financial compensation to the laid-off workers in accordance with national laws and regulations. Once Shougang took these approaches, the relocation of employees proceeded smoothly, without causing major social unrest in Beijing.
Fig. 4 The launch of China Animation City Program in the steelmaking plant of Shougang Image: www.gov.cn
Observations
Industry is, in many cities and especially in the developing world, a major source of greenhouse gas emissions. For this reason, industrial relocation is regarded as an effective way to reduce urban carbon emissions and improve air quality. However, in completing such relocations, we need to bear in mind some common principles that can make the program more demonstrably successful in the long run.
It’s critical that the relocated companies meet emissions standards and environmental protection norms in their new locations, and not simply shift pollution problems to the new locations. Air pollution problems should be addressed in a regional manner; air quality can only be controlled and, ultimately, solved by coordinated regional efforts.
Companies must properly distribute and allocate employees, especially disadvantaged workers and those who are laid off. It’s important to have consensus among various stakeholders that companies need to pay a resettlement compensation reflecting the real market value of their employees, and they have a responsibility to provide necessary help to assist the unemployed in getting back in the workforce again, for example, by offering vocational training, job fairs, guidance for private business, and so on.
Companies must make full use of the land they are vacating. The previous land occupied by the polluting companies should be assessed and meticulously planned. It should be renovated and restored according to the degree of contamination, and to the extent that it shall not cause any damage to future users. The reclaimed land might be utilized for open and public space, or for high-end and non-polluting industries, such as is exemplified by Shougang Steel Group.
According to statistics, the relocation of the Shougang Steel Group contributes to the reduction of 18,000 tons of inhalable particles (pm) every year, which accounts for about 20 percent of the total pm emissions in the city [2]. Citizens in Beijing feel that industrial relocation does have some effect in addressing air pollution. However, the effect is not obvious, as previously expected. The main reason for this is that air pollution is caused by multiple factors, and it should also be addressed by comprehensive approaches. For Beijing, the strategy of industrial relocation should combine with other measures—such as control of vehicles, restriction of coal heating, and management of the dust—to ensure a consistent result.
On Sunday, 22 May 2011, a multiple-vortex tornado touched down shortly after 5:00pm and began to rip a path nearly a mile wide across Joplin, Missouri, through the town of Duquesne, and into the rural areas of Jasper County. The Storm was on the ground for 38 minutes and traveled approximately 16 miles.
Joplin’s redefinition results from the large number of community members and volunteers driven by passion and kindness to rebuild.
22 May 2017 will be the sixth anniversary of the tornado and, as I have done every year since the storm, I will attend the community ceremonies remembering the event at Cunningham Park. As a leader of a volunteer group and a reluctant and unexpected repository for survivor’s stories, I would like to share my observations of this community’s successes in response, recovery, and stewardship in the aftermath of the deadliest tornado in a century.
When the monster had lifted, nothing vertical was left. 161 lives were lost; over 5,000 homes and 3,000 businesses had been destroyed.
What happened next was what then-City Manager Mark Rohr described as “The Miracle of the Human Spirit” [i]. The people of these communities lifted themselves out of the rubble, dug their neighbors out, and began the process of helping themselves and one another.
Within minutes, first responders sprang to action and volunteers outside of the tornado zone rushed to aid. And at lightning speed, the radius from which the volunteers came to support the devastated city grew from across town to across the world.
Professionals from a neighboring city lend their expertise
The diversity of volunteers and the talents they offered were wide and deep. On Monday morning, the day after the storm, architect Brandon Dake of Dake-Wells Architecture and American Institute of Architects (or AIA) Springfield, MO president, called four AIA members in Joplin to confirm their safety and to ask if there was anything AIA could do to help them. They said “Not yet, but we will eventually need help re-planning our city” [ii].
This early recognition of the need for collaborative planning to rebuild Joplin ignited the desire in Dake and members of the AIA chapter to take action. In a coordinated effort, architects, Joplin community leaders, and caring citizens gathered to discuss and create a conceptual plan for rebuilding Joplin. The result was a two-day, comprehensive master-planning event whose recommendations were later approved by the Joplin city council [iii].
Timeline of AIA’s involvement:
2 months after the tornado, the City officially requested AIA’s assistance
3 months later, an AIA workshop was organized
3 months after that, the City approved AIA’s recommendations
The AIA invited over 100 professionals to the workshop and the sessions were open to the entire community. Forty-five professionals, city leaders, members of Citizens Advisory Recovery Team (or CART) and individual citizens attended.
Citizens of Joplin organize, take action, and lead
As Joplin leaders were organizing recovery efforts, CART, a team of citizens that had volunteered to help “Build Joplin Strong,” simultaneously organized and inserted themselves into conversations about recovery. Representing caring citizens, CART developed four teams: Economic Development; Schools + Community Facilities; Housing + Neighborhoods; and infrastructure & Environment.
CART heavily influenced the recovery and rebirth of Joplin. Stewardship from this group is alive today and has accompanied the efforts of Joplin leaders as they have navigated recovery and rebirth in a thoughtful, coordinated manner. A 13-page report of community objectives, “Listening to Joplin Progress Report”, was published in 2013 by the Citizens Advisory Recovery Team [iv]. The report shows healthy progress toward the ideas of recovery put forth by the community. As of the date of the report, most of the completed work has occurred in the infrastructure and environment sectors and the economic growth sectors.
AIA master planning charrette. Photo: Courtesy of Springfield, MO AIACommunity redevelopment proposal of medium to high density, walkable neighborhoods centered on mixed-use neighborhood centers (nodes). AIA master planning charrette. Photo: Courtesy of Springfield, MO AIA
By July of 2011, over 150,000 (registered) volunteers had come from across the country and the world to help Joplin in the recovery process. This unprecedented number of volunteers was always met with overwhelming gratitude from every Joplin citizen they encountered.
Stewardship from an unlikely source
In October of 2011, the ABC television network show Extreme Makeover: Home Edition executed a plan to create a second wave of volunteers in Joplin using the show’s “Seven Houses in Seven Days” series finale. Renewed attention and enthusiasm to help the still devastated community generated over 10,000 volunteers for the projects of the episode, as well as millions of dollars in donations for many projects outside of the Extreme Makeover’s scope during their 10-day build. In addition to building homes for seven families in great need, Extreme Makeover shepherded the reconstruction of Cunningham Park—the oldest park in the community, considered ground zero of the storm.
Extreme Makeover documented volunteers from all 50 states and many countries during the build. Volunteers included construction crews, companies, individuals, and impromptu groups such as the “The Mural Team”, an all-female volunteer group of friends from all across Missouri, who painted custom murals in each room of the 12 children of the featured families. Extreme Makeover and The Mural Team hoped the children would smile, finding comfort and security in their new rooms, which had been painted with an outpouring of love and compassion.
In Cunningham Park, three projects and 90 percent of the greenscape were restored, providing relief to the community from the grayness of the land that had been in the tornado’s path, which had been scraped bare during cleanup from the storm.
National corporate sponsors donated to two of the three Cunningham projects; the Drury University Design-Build Program and its architecture students led a third project in partnership with Crossland Construction of Joplin. Over 30 sponsors and volunteer groups supported this team in collaboration with Joplin Parks and Recreation.
The project assigned to Drury Design-Build by the City Manager of Joplin was to design and build a tribute to the volunteers that had come to mean so much to the community. The Volunteer Tribute [v], came to have four concentric rings, representing the four phases of recovery as defined by Mark Rohr, City Manager [vi]. The design also included a butterfly mosaic and touch pedestals of “shards of people’s lives”[vii] put back together in a meaningful way [viii], and a six-foot, stainless steel replica of the wristbands worn by volunteers is inscribed “Miracle of the Human Spirit” [ix]. Bronze tools located within the rings represent the volunteers that helped through all four phases of recovery. In honor of the stories told by many children of butterflies helping them during the storm, a butterfly mosaic sits at the centroid of the garden.
The Drury Design-Build team consisted of 38 architecture students, five professors, many staff, and volunteers of the first-ever Drury SmartMob! A Flash Mob with Purpose [x]. Similar to the spontaneous appearance of a flash mob, volunteers were given clues about the nature of the service project for weeks leading up to the project through social media. Yet, the task of laying 26,000 sq. ft. of sod at Cunningham Park during the Makeover, was only revealed to the SmartMob! volunteers as they arrived at the park on buses. Energized by the opportunity to help, the 120-strong SmartMob! laid sod well beyond their goal in less than 45 minutes and kept greening the park until 90 percent of it was restored.
The Volunteer Tribute, Cunningham Park, Joplin, MO. Photo: Evan MelgrenDrury SmartMob! racing to lend a hand. Photo: Courtesy of Drury University
Joplin Parks and Recreation
Six city parks were destroyed during the storm—more than one third of the parks in Joplin [xi]. Driven to give the weary recovery team much-needed relief, Chris Cotton—a laser-focused Director of Joplin Parks and Recreation and recipient of the Missourian Award for his efforts on the night of the storm—led the proud and passionate Joplin Parks and Recreation department to rebuild not only the six devastated parks, but the entire park system to a grandeur greater than before the tornado. Today, the park system has sports fields, aquatic centers, memories, healing gardens, and amenities many cities in the Midwest would envy. Cotton has built a legacy that will touch and improve lives for decades.
The Butterfly Garden outlines three houses erased by the storm, and couples Worden’s four tasks of processing grief with four architectural elements that appear in all TKF Foundation-funded healing gardens. The threshold of the house symbolizes Worden’s accepting the reality of the loss; a labyrinth-like path supports processing the pain of grief; four sacred spaces tucked within nature become places in which those who need to heal can sit on a provided bench, write in a waterproof journal, and create a new world without what/who was lost; and the three dimensional tracing of the houses creates an enduring connection to what was lost [xiii][xiv].
Father and daughter at the water wall in the Butterfly Garden. Photo: Traci Sooter
Beyond the healing elements of the garden, there are seven stainless steel, student-designed storyboards that tell acts of heroism, children’s butterfly stories, storm statistics, and the intent of the space. A 26-foot concrete water wall is segmented into the 38 minutes the tornado was on the ground. At minute seven, representing 5:41 pm—when the storm hit Cunningham Park and St. Johns Hospital across the street—a void occupies the space. The concrete and stainless steel of the void is broken by the path of the tornado and becomes a water feature in a sacred space. An inscription on the back from a survivor reads, “The biggest and most disastrous moments in a person’s life can be the most defining of a person’s character and a person’s heart”. As you continue along the path, it becomes whole again, with a visible scar and a survivor quote that reads, “I just want people to know that we (Joplin) are strong”. A butterfly pavilion provides a comforting sense of surroundings within nature, shades a TKF-provided bench on one side of the water wall, and a student designed “healing” bench faces the “Hope” inscription on the other [xv].
Butterfly Garden and Overlook, Cunningham Park, Joplin, MO. Houses erased by the tornado are “penciled in” in black steel, creating an enduring connection to what was lost. Photo: Evan MelgrenHouse frame next to rebuilt home reminds visitors that this location was once part of a neighborhood. Photo: Traci Sooter
The void at minute 7 in the water wall. Photo: Evan MelgrenReading a journal in one of the sacred spaces. Photo: Evan MelgrenGirl journaling in sacred space on TKF Foundation bench. Photo: Traci Sooter
Stewardship and Firesouls
Stewardship in Joplin, MO, came in many forms and at times through unusual collaborations. Individual citizens stepped up to do any and all things necessary to rescue and transition into recovery. External organizers and leaders executed planning meetings. Caring citizens organized as a group to steward the city through rebuilding. University faculty used courses to educate while helping the community. A network television show took passionate and caring employees and turned their talents and experience into large, impactful projects. Volunteers came from around the globe and kept coming long after anniversaries of the storm came and went. As of January 30, 2014, AmeriCorps had documented 182,044 volunteers. These are the stories of Firesouls [xvi].
TKF Foundation defines a Firesoul as “an individual compelled to share their vision of the healing power of nature. More than a caretaker, a Firesoul is a person driven by a passion for creating, maintaining and sharing the healing gifts of Open Spaces Sacred Places with others” [xvii]. I believe that the resilience of Joplin is a result of the large number of community members and volunteers who were driven by passion and kindness.
There are so many more stories of heroism, volunteerism, stewardship, and firesouls that will probably never be shared publicly—nevertheless, they exist tangibly because of the lives they have touched and the physical and emotional rebirth of the city they restored. The phenomenon of their actions, character, and heart was truly described well by Mark Rohr as The Miracle of the Human Spirit.
Miracle of the Human Spirit wristband sculpture. Photo: Evan Melgren
[i] Rohr, Mark, (2012), Joplin: The Miracle of the Human Spirit; Tate Publishing
[ii] Dake, Brandon. Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges. Architects as Leaders: Best Practices for Engaging Community after the Joplin Tornado. Building Leaders, American Institute of Architects National Convention, June 20-22, 2013, Denver, CO. [email protected].
[iii] Dake, Brandon. Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges. Architects as Leaders: Best Practices for Engaging Community after the Joplin Tornado. Building Leaders, American Institute of Architects National Convention, June 20-22, 2013, Denver, CO.
[ix] Rohr, Mark, (2012), Joplin: The Miracle of the Human Spirit; Tate Publishing
[x] Drury SmartMob! A Flash Mob with Purpose. Drury University, Springfield, MO. Dr. Regina Waters. www.drury.edu
[xi] Fact Sheet – City of Joplin May 22, 2011 EF-5 Tornado. Page 1 of 9. Lynn Iliff Onstot. Public Information Office 602 S. Main Street, Joplin, Missouri 64801.
We tend to think that what we see is what we get, and also what we’ll get in the future. Nature will always be there—it can just grow back. But it depends on what we want to grow back. In fact, urban ecological communities may be accumulating a large amount of “extinction debt”—a debt that will eventually be paid in species lost from the urban landscape.
Looking behind the scenes of contemporary landscapes reveals cities that are potentially carrying large extinction debts.
Despite the obvious oversimplification of this opening statement, research has unequivocally indicated that there is trouble in paradise. Seemingly healthy and lush fragmented natural areas in urban environments may be slowly or quickly dying, not to mention those cleared in the name of development. However, there is also a poetic justice to our opening salvo: we all see the resource exploitation, unplanned cities, corrupt governments, slums, to name but a few; and as a result, we really are seeing what we get when we don’t responsibly manage the earth.
Incidentally, thinking about the opening statement, one can also look at it this way:
“What we do see depends mainly on what we look for. When we turn our eyes to the sky, it is in most cases merely to see whether it is likely to rain. In the same field, the farmer will notice the crop, geologists the fossils, botanists the flowers, artists the colouring, sportsmen the cover for game. Though we may all look at the same things, it does not at all follow that we should see them.”
—Sir John Lubbock from “The Beauties of Nature and the Wonders of the World We Live In”
Though we may all live in cities, we see things differently. Nature conservationists despair for the loss of green space and native species together with the increase in exotic species; developers and economist see urban expansion opportunities in open land; and some people merely appreciate any green, whilst others see firewood, medicinal plants, or saleable natural resources they can use to survive.
Moreover, in the words of Don Miguel Ruiz, “We only see what we want to see; we only hear what we want to hear. Our belief system is just like a mirror that only shows us what we believe.” This statement is poignantly reflected by politicians and activists of our day. Putting all these in context with urban environments, we realize that things that are obvious to some people will not be perceived as obvious by others.
This brings us to a paradox for contemporary urban nature conservation: should we be fighting for the preservation of any and all green as valuable green infrastructure, or should we be prioritizing native species in natural remnants and restoration of native plant communities, which is often costly and disapproved of by local residents?
If we opt to prioritize native species conservation, our research (du Toit et al 2016) and that of others (Hahs et al 2009; Dullinger et al 2013), has shown that traditional management practices that do not incorporate potential legacy effects—“the impacts that previous conditions have on current processes or properties” (Monger et al 2015)—is not enough. In other words, what we see now is NOT what we will always have.
McDonnell and Hahs stated that in “creating biodiversity-friendly cities”, two ideologies are in play; namely, managing for the conservation of indigenous species and managing to benefit people. The authors feel both should be considered and maintained in balance to ensure that people and biodiversity benefit. This balance can be delicate, as illustrated by a comment by Donovan Gillman on Divya Gopal’s post, “The Myth of Alien Species: an Alternate Perspective on Wild”. Gillman wrote that, in relation to the removal of exotic pine forests in Cape Town, “the position that many of us have is that it is preferable to have the large exotic trees and shrubs in the urban environment for their social, aesthetic and habitat benefits for urban birds and other wildlife, than to revert to the natural vegetation of the place…that cannot be recreated in a viable dimension within the fragmented urban fabric…”
Chris Ives asked an important and related question: “how can we navigate the differences between the perceived conservation importance of [threatened] species compared to the often-indifferent perspective of the general public and stakeholders?” He emphasized that the global importance of species protection should be made relevant at the local level and that citizens should be actively engaged in conservation actions. Moreover, in pondering the reason why we should protect indigenous species in our cities, he said that we should explore “the ethical principles that ought to govern cities”, which provide parameters in response to the question, “what kind of actions are consistent with a respectful relationship towards nature?”
Cities potentially carry large “extinction debts” (Hahs et al 2009; Dullinger et al 2013; du Toit et al 2016; see also McDonnell and Hahs). The premise behind the studies is that plants and animals exhibit time lags (delayed reactions) in their response to disturbances. If disturbances such as fragmentation are severe enough, species face local extinction—but only after an interval of time, thus producing an extinction debt.
In our research in Potchefstroom, South Africa, we studied urban remnant natural grassland dynamics. We returned to sites in 2012 that were surveyed in 1995-1996 in woody and open grassland communities (Fig 1). The woody communities are found on small hills and ridges in the area and are dominated by trees and shrubs. We correlated the vegetation patterns of the two sampling periods with six landscape measures to test for time lags and to find out which of the measures are relevant in explaining the observed vegetation patterns. The landscape measures (Table 1) were calculated for several periods digitized from aerial photographs and satellite images of the area.
Fig. 1 Samples of open grassland sites (top row) and woody communities (bottom row) in the study area. Photos: Marié du Toit
We found that open grassland and woody grassland communities reacted differently to anthropogenic disturbances. The indigenous species richness of the woody communities showed average time lags of 21 years (i.e. the observed patterns correlated best to landscape measures representing landscapes of 21 years earlier), whereas the open grassland indigenous species patterns were best predicted by contemporary landscapes (interpreted as 1 year or no time lags between the disturbance event and potential community changes). Additionally, we tested for “disturbance species’” richness patterns to see if they showed different responses. The species we termed “disturbance species” are those that flourish in conditions of trampling and overgrazing, bush encroachers, pioneer species, weeds, and invaders identified from the literature of the area. The disturbance species had consistently longer time lags than the indigenous species in each of the habitats; therefore, they could act as warning signs to indicate that potentially significant changes have already occurred. Moreover, despite major intensification of urbanization between the sampling periods, the time lags of all the vegetation patterns remained relatively constant. Therefore, it seems that species do not react faster when disturbances intensify.
Regarding the measures, we found that the statistical significance and, for one measure, the relationships (positive or negative), changed between the different periods. For instance, in 1995, the “percentage natural areas” metric was important in explaining the variance in the generalized linear model (or GLM), but in the 2012 model, it was not (Table 1). This has thought provoking implications for studies which only test the relevance of measures for a single period. For instance, in a study “percentage natural area” might not have been important at the time the study was conducted, but might be important again if the study was repeated at a later stage as indicated in our study. Therefore, this must also be considered when choosing measures for a new study based on the findings of others. Moreover, in our study, we also found that relationships between measures and species richness that seemed intuitively “wrong” could be explained by site-specific factors, which emphasizes the importance of explicitly considering such factors in interpreting data.
Our analysis of the vegetation composition indicated that the species with the highest declines were indigenous herbaceous species (Fig 2). Therefore, these species are most at risk. The 24 species lost between the two sampling periods and not recorded again or in any other recent study were all rare species in 1995, indicating potential local extinction. Moreover, the proportion of species recorded that were “rare”, meaning they occurred in only one site and/or habitat, increased from 20 percent in 1995 to 24 percent in open grasslands and 22 percent in woody grasslands in 2012, which can be regarded as another extinction debt signature (Hanski and Ovaskainen 2002).
Fig. 2 Graphs indicating the total species richness (a) and percentage contribution of species to the composition of open and woody grasslands (b) in 1995 and 2012.
Why are these results important? Helm et al 2006 remind us that “conservation agencies must take the extinction debt seriously in their planning”. We cannot simply preserve remnant vegetation patches; some sites may already require active management approaches such as habitat restoration or facilitation of seed dispersal (Helm et al 2006; Gustavsson et al 2007). McDonnell and Hahs also suggest specific urban management actions to preserve native species. Site-specific drivers of vegetation change that are influenced by the history of the landscape need to be identified and managed (Pimm et al 2006, Hahs et al 2009) to avoid mitigations that target the wrong drivers (Dullinger et al 2013). Pressures on urban environments will only be intensified by climate change realities, so “the key message is that urgency to take action now is even greater than one might expect based on even the most up-to-date red data books” (Helm et al 2006).
Local surveys are essential and should be performed repeatedly to monitor vegetation change. Quantification of time lags in the response of vegetation to disturbances will allow researchers to determine the period between cause and effect—this knowledge will allow the opportunity to save extant species (Helm et al 2006, Hahs et al 2009). Moreover, this implies that current conservation efforts need to be intensified (Dullinger et al 2013) and potentially shift towards restoration actions. Conservationists must make sure that they account not only for new drivers of population declines but also for historic ones (Dullinger et al 2013).
However, much of our perceptions of nature are linked to the “extinction of experience” as eloquently discussed by Marianne Krasny. Have we forgotten what nature “ought to look like” and are our new “baselines” enough? In our efforts to conserve nature, should we opt to save “one that celebrates human’s caring for nature and communities” or, in an effort to preserve the remnants of what is still left of the “the other half that we need to keep alive”, ensure that the experiences of future generations can still be enriched by preserved pockets of remnant nature? Eric Sanderson takes an optimistic view on the role of people in the future preservation of nature by also seeing them as assets to the conservation cause. He believes that to engender change we need to put our efforts into something that can really make a difference—people. He argues that we can’t appeal to nature itself, but we can convince people to act in the best interests of nature and us all:
“I became an urban nature conservationist because I eventually realized that it is self-defeating for conservation to say that only nature far away and remote from view is valuable…When we say that only wild places matter, we limit our audience to the people that already believe…For conservation to sweep society…we have to say that nature everywhere matters and that every action in the human enterprise matters to nature.”
Sanderson’s point parallels Ted Trysna’s case for urban protected areas, in which he argues that “conservation depends on support from urban voters, urban donors, and urban communicators. In a rapidly urbanizing world, people tend to have less and less contact with nature. People will value nature only if they care about nature where they live.” After all, as illustrated by Glenn Stewart in New Zealand, “urban areas are as intrinsically interesting and diverse and worthy of conservation as the mountainous National Parks” and, as Jon Sullivan says, “our challenge now is to find ways to celebrate and care for, and use, the original biodiversity present in our cities (and farmland) rather than shunt it to the corners.”
Is urban nature conservation in peril? Looking behind the scenes of contemporary landscapes reveals cities that are potentially carrying large extinction debts, such that “future species loss may be expected even if the present landscape is maintained” (Lindborg and Eriksson 2004). However, really “seeing” contemporary landscapes also reveals the people that live in them and their opinions and perceptions. We, as citizens, will need to decide which future to strive for and which type of green space will demand our time, money, and admiration.
Marié du Toit and Sarel Cilliers Potchefstroom, South Africa
Greek green roofs—Oikosteges, or OS for short—were born when I discovered that the existing conventional Northern and Central European green roofing systems could not be applied to our situation because they had been designed for the climate and building situations in those countries. Greece has many differences.
In sparking the localized green roof movements in Israel and Greece, we realized biomimicry was the way to go.
Greece is in a seismic region with regular earthquakes above 6 on the Richter Scale—a problem not encountered in Berlin or Geneva. Greece is also very arid, yet, unlike Northern Europe, can have monsoon-like rain events. The country experiences temperature extremes, with peak summer temperatures of 45°C and Siberian winter lows well below 0°C in the region at the Northern border with Bulgaria. Greece is very windy, with annual hot gale force winds found in many parts of the country during summer.
It was clear that to apply green roof technology to Greece would require trial and error, as well as research and development, to overcome all these challenges. For us, the endeavor started as a personal hobby, but grew into a business when we realised we were making progress that could be used by others. We constantly researched to achieve our main goal—to develop a super lightweight, local ecosystem on a roof would withstand the aforementioned extreme and harsh conditions with very little, if any, water, and no use of chemicals or industrial fertilizers. In a word, these roofs would be: natural.
To achieve these goals, we realised early on that copying nature—or biomimicry, as it is known—was the way to go. Beyond biomimicry, there are only three things that matter when doing a green roof—safety, safety, and safety. Safety matters both for the installers and for the users of the building once the green roof is installed.
Green roof on the Treasury Building, Constitution Square, Athens, Greece. Photo: Andrew ClementsView of downtown Tel Aviv, Israel, from the top of a bus and its green roof. Photo: Andrew Clements
Safety added further challenges to our venture. The main safety concerns were weight, because we are in an earthquake area; waterproofing, because many of the membranes used elsewhere are unsuitable to our building situation; and the high solar exposure our roofs receive. The vegetation had to be low-growing because of our annual winds, and the monsoon rains that arrive after an arid period meant that dry, loose substrates could be washed away.
For 12 years, we had successfully and safely applied natural ecosystem green roof technology in the challenging setting of Greece, including many years of trial and error research and development. We were looking for new challenges. Proving our concept outside of Greece was an important next step, and it came from Israel.
Israel has many similarities to Greece in terms of climate, building methods, and business challenges. But it also has differences. Our experience in Greece—adapting European tools to new contexts—seemed to arm us with the tools needed to transfer the technology across the Aegean Sea.
To be able to apply green roof technology to Israel, we needed to find the right local partner on the ground, so we visited the country with a business mission of the President of the Greek republic. We found a number of candidates, but one stood out. He was a passionate, young, serial entrepreneur with a track record of successful startups, but little ecological or horticultural background. It did not take long to realise Eyal was the man who could bring our technology to and apply it in the Middle East, starting with Israel.
Eyal had toyed with the idea of greening buildings in Israeli cities for over a decade at the time, and had started to develop his own local green wall application when we met. We shared the same views from an early stage. Our first meeting, which was a meeting of the minds, lasted over 12 hours, two meals, and many carafes of Greek wine. Localizing a technology is a necessary process when transferring green roof knowledge between countries. Eyal had been looking at systems from around the world for many years, with a lot of admiration for those who already did it on a large scale.
The task ahead was completely uncharted for the both of us.
Project site in Hanaton, Israel. Photo: Andrew ClementsA green bus with a green roof, Tel Aviv, Israel. Photo: Andrew ClementsHalation Israe.l Photo: Eyal Mirelman
Not long after we met, Eyal partnered with the person who would become the other half of this dynamic and creative Israeli duo, Ram, to develop greening technologies for the challenges of Israel.
They named the business Building Vegetation: simple and cool.
They are two very different individuals.
To start, one was born in the city, the other in the countryside.
The list goes on—in many ways, they are opposites.
Nevertheless, they complete each other and share the same values, as Eyal and I do in an absolute way. They do not stop learning and questioning everything around them.
What we found when we visited Israel and talked with Eyal and Ram was that there seemed to be a similar green roof implementation trajectory in Israel as there had been in Greece—only they were slightly behind the curve.
They needed a pilot project such as The Treasury building, which we had done in Greece. This project had set the ball rolling for green roofs in Greece, and led to great publicity for the cause, catalyzing several projects. In Israel, we had to overcome this learning curve to get them up to speed.
Finding a pilot in Israel proved to be as difficult as it had been in Greece. There were candidate roofs on public buildings, which came and went without application because green roofing was an unknown. It was the classic chicken and egg problem.
Undeterred by setbacks, Eyal and Ram continued the search to find the right pilot project.
Hanaton, featured in The New York Times, home of another open-minded, forward thinking entrepreneur was to be the pilot. So started the process of sourcing all the ingredients to make the cake. One of our priorities is to source materials locally, as we believe that shipping bulk materials around is not sound ecologically. I thought this would take time, as it had in Greece, but I didn’t know how dynamic Eyal was—he found most of the stuff we needed within a matter of months.
A super-lightweight green roof in Israel. Photo: Andrew ClementsA lush green roof in Israel. Photo: Andrew Clements
We set a date in 2013 to manufacture the roof locally and to install it. Eyal went to work and had everything set up in about six months. It had taken eight years for us to reach the same level in Greece. The roof was installed in November of 2013. At this time, there were very few completed green roof projects in Israel. The roof was a natural Israeli ecosystem mimic, which is quite close to our own built Greek ecosystem. Thus the process of trial and error, research and development, had now begun in Israel, with the date-stamped pilot under our belt. More projects followed, and each one built on the knowledge of the previous ones until Israel was completely up to speed with its own independent, homegrown green roofing company. Building Vegetation (http://www.bldveg.co.il/) is the only purely Israeli, homegrown green roofing company.
Our story shows how green roofs are not like other products, such as cars, for example. You can’t just apply a model that works in one situation to another. Green roofs have to be localised and tailored to the climate, building situation, and local culture. This requires ongoing trial and error, as well as research and development. There are some similarities that can be applied directly between countries, but on the whole, novel approaches are required. There are certain basic things that a green roof must do—such as being waterproof and draining properly—but how these functions are achieved depends on the situation.
A review of Large Parks, edited by Julia Czerniak and George Hargreaves. 2007. ISBN 1-56898-624-6. Princeton Architectural Press, New York. 255 pages. Buy the book.
“Large parks are priceless, and those cities that do not have an effectively designed one will always be the poorer.” –James Corner
As a Regional Park Planner, I have to say up front that I love large parks, especially those embedded within urban areas. To me, there is nothing quite so compelling as temporarily leaving behind the sights, sounds, and smells of a bustling modern city and slipping into the magical realm of a large park. The jolt to my senses as I transition from one realm to the other is always profound.
When I am in a large park, I wake up to my surroundings—I become immersed in the sights, sounds, and smells of the world around me. As a regular large park visitor, I get to witness the playing out of natural and social processes over time, such that themes of constancy and change become a mirror to my own lived experience. To me, a large park completes a city and a large park completes my city experience.
“Large Parks” is at once thought provoking and sophisticated, helping us understand why large parks are complex—and vital.
That’s why I was so excited to be able to read and review Large Parks, a 2007 Princeton Architectural Press book edited by Julia Czerniak and George Hargreaves. The essays in this volume explore many of the dimensions of large urban parks from a landscape architecture perspective. Large Parks is at once thought provoking and sophisticated in its arguments and narratives. The contributors to Large Parks are some of today’s leading landscape architects, architects, design theorists, critics, and historians.
Large Parks emerged out of a series of events, including a conference held at Harvard University Graduate School of Design in April 2003, where ideas about the significance of size in relation to parks launched discussions relative to the planning, design, and management of past and future large parks. Subsequent colloquia, meetings, discussions, and debates helped to shape the eight essays contained in this volume. Large Parks follows The Landscape Urbanism Reader (2006) and Recovering Landscape (1999) as the third in a series of publications from Princeton Architectural Press that focus on a continuing and abiding interest in landscape.
James Corner starts things off with a stimulating Foreword that paints a picture of large parks as “extensive landscapes that are integral to the fabric of cities and metropolitan areas, providing diverse, complex, and delightfully engaging outdoor spaces for a broad range of people and constituencies.” He recognizes that large parks are also valuable for their ecological function, providing habitat for a rich variety of plant, animal, bird, aquatic, and microbial life, as well as essential ecosystem services such as storm water filtration, air purification, and climate regulation. Corner believes that large urban parks function as “green lungs,” helping to cleanse, refresh, and enrich city life.
While these essential functions of large parks have been fundamental to their establishment and on-going public support, Corner states that the creation of most contemporary large parks are now a by-product of expansive development schemes, or as remediation projects for abandoned industrial sites. Unfazed, Corner says these sites present us with enormous opportunities to create entirely new types of public parkland that still provide essential ecological benefits while also embracing often uncomfortable site histories. According to Corner, “the time to reinvent large parks has never been better.”
Corner lays out a central thesis of the essays contained in Large Parks by stating that the ecological, operational, and programmatic aspects of large parks is vitally important, but not very well understood in the development of large urban parks today. These concerns are particularly significant to landscape architects, because large parks are usually designed spaces.
Corner carefully argues that the creation of large parks is a long-term process, subject to revision and change over time. The trick for landscape architects, according to Corner, is to design a large-park framework “sufficiently robust to lend structure and identity while also having sufficient pliancy and ‘give’ to adapt to changing demands and ecologies over time.”
Central Park in New York City. Photo: David Maddox
Corner contends that if a large park design cannot address serious issues such as park stewardship, maintenance, cost, security, programming, and ad-hoc politics, that the result will be “the typical bland, populist pastoral pastiche that passes for most recreational open space today, with none of the grandeur, theatricality, novelty, or sheer experiential power of real large parks.”
In her Introduction to the essays, author Julia Czerniak delves deeply into the two words forming the title of this volume—“Large” and “Parks.” Czerniak makes the case that studying parks selected by size allows us look at parks not usually considered together. She argues that due to the present number of large parks in various stages of conceptualization, planning, and development, that a study of large park design, management, and use is timely and necessary.
Czerniak highlights the relevance of “large” in relation to parks, saying that size has practical and disciplinary consequences, and that as the “sole criterion,” the term becomes critical. For the purpose of the essays in this volume, Czerniak defines a park that is at least 500 acres in size as large. This definition in part derives from a statement made by Andrew Jackson Downing during the development of New York’s Central Park that “five hundred acres is the smallest area that should be reserved for the future wants of such a city…”
Oslo Park. Photo: Tim Beatley
Czerniak argues that large amounts of land are indeed necessary for ecological resiliency and for economic sustainability, in the sense that today’s parks must be big enough to include the resources for their own making. To Czerniak, size also implies ambition—or the embrace of “big plans” as exemplified by Daniel Burnham in talking about his plans for Chicago. Largeness also requires “considerable energy, vision, commitment, and innovation” by those who work to make these parks happen.
In her discussion of the term “park,” Czerniak acknowledges it is one of the most debated forms of landscape. While early park advocates tied its meaning to green open space with turf and trees, Czerniak notes that now the “character and image of parks, the roles they play, their emergence relative to cities, and their use by various publics has certainly changed.”
Czerniak rightfully notes that, together, “Large” + “Parks” claim a complex conceptual territory which allows for “inquiry at multiple scales and through diverse frameworks that may give rise to how we think about parks today.”
In her contribution to the book, “Sustainable Large Parks: Ecological Design or Designer Ecology?,” Nina-Marie Lister delves into recent shifts in perceptions of ecosystems as deterministic and closed to a more nuanced view of living systems as open, self-organizing, and unpredictable. To Lister, this view of ecological processes demands a new approach to the design and management of large parks. Lister argues that complex natural processes must inform how parks are envisioned to allow for self-organizing and resilient ecological systems to emerge. Lister further argues that designing a park to allow for an “operational ecology” is a basic requirement for long-term sustainability. Lister makes a clear case that large parks within metropolitan areas warrant special consideration and study, and that planning, management, and maintenance must provide for “resilience in the face of long-term adaption to change, and thus for ecological, cultural, and economic viability.”
Park connector in Singapore. Photo by Tim Beatley.
Landscape historian and theorist Elizabeth K. Meyer builds on Lister’s essay in “Uncertain Parks: Disturbed Sites, Citizens, and Risk Society,” where she discusses how many contemporary large parks are created from ecologically and culturally disturbed sites, such as abandoned factories, landfills, and military bases. These damaged sites are a byproduct of industrial era expansion and modern consumer culture. As such, they are “constituted by debris and toxic byproducts of the city.” Meyer doesn’t ask us to erase these site histories, but rather to view them as spaces to recollect and interpret precise site histories. Meyer interestingly advocates for telling the site’s particular story through park design and programming that reveal and blur the boundaries between “toxicity and health, ecology and technology, past and present, city and wild.” Meyer believes this will allow the public to confront “perceptions of ourselves as a collective of citizen-consumers and as residents of a risk society.”
Architect Linda Pollack’s contribution, “Matrix Landscape: Construction of Identity in the Large Park,” posits that a preoccupation with “thin green veneers” often masks a park’s heterogeneous character. She focuses her essay on the Fresh Kills Landfill, a 2,200-acre site that had served for more than 50 years as New York City’s landfill. An international design competition was held for the redevelopment of the site after it was closed in 2001. The design team Field Operations In New York won the design competition, and in 2006, a draft master plan was released for Fresh Kills Park. The project website stated that “the Parkland at Fresh Kills will be one of the most ambitious public works projects in the world…” Pollack elaborates on the conceptual and representational design strategy used by Field Operations, which she calls the “matrix.” According to Pollack, Field Operations conceptualized the project as a “reconstituted matrix of diverse life forms and evolving strategies” as represented in the spatial framework of threads, islands/clusters, and mats—which, Pollack says, can be understood as the “agent of a fluid set of ecological systems, allowing the interaction of programmatic, cultural, and natural elements to create the complex, synthetic environment.”
In his essay, landscape architect George Hargreaves asks, “why large parks”? To Hargreaves, who approaches the question from a design perspective, size does matter. In his words, large parks “afford the scale to realistically evaluate the degrees of success or failure of many of the issues embedded in public landscapes: ecology, habitat, human use and agency, cultural meaning, and iconographic import, to name but a few.” Hargreaves believes that these issues can’t be understood without considering the physical characteristics of the site itself, and that large parks reveal the importance of the designer’s attitude towards the site and its physical forms and natural systems. He argues, “the extent to which designers embrace or fight the physical history and systems of a site is an important determinant of a park’s long-term success.” Hargreaves provides seven case studies of parks that he has visited and photographed to showcase the work of designers who have grappled with these issues with varying degrees of success.
Landscape theorist Anita Berrizbeitia’s essay, “Re-placing Process,” examines potential associations between making places of lasting identity and value, and facilitating the natural and cultural processes that transform them. Berrizbeitia recognizes that large urban parks are complex and diverse systems that respond to change through time, and as such that they require a process-driven design approach that is open-ended and adaptable. Berrizbeitia believes that large parks “absorb the identity of the city as much as they project one, becoming socially and culturally recognizable places that are unique and irreproducible.” According to Berrizbeitia, successful large parks are the product of deliberate decisions that leave them flexible in terms of management, program, and use, and that they result from “equally conscious decisions that isolate, distill, and capture for the long term that which makes them unique.” Berrizbeitia’s essay captures the relationship between process and place, between those practices that leave a site open to “contingency and change,” and that also capture a place’s “enduring qualities.”
In his essay “Conflict and Erosion: The Contemporary Public Life of Large Parks,” critic John Beardsley writes about the “multiple, often conflicting publics that use large parks” and the possibility of even finding a large park anywhere in the world today that is fully public. To Beardsley, this means a park that is “entirely free and accessible in all places at all times and fully supported by public funds.” Beardsley writes that the complexity of large parks has an impact on how they are designed, such that there is an increased focus on “adaptability to accommodate different user groups at different times.” Beardsley is alarmed at what he sees as the most disturbing trend of all in contemporary parks, which is the increasing expectation that they will pay their own way. He states that “the pastoral park is obsolete; parks are now looking more like commercial landscapes or entertainment destinations…” In the end, Beardsley believes we must reaffirm that “unimpeded access to public parks is a crucial element of environmental justice,” and that we must reclaim large parks as “key features in functioning urban social and ecological systems.”
Editor Czerniak closes the book with her essay “Legibility and Resilience,” in which she looks at how large parks have “significant ecological, social, and generative roles in the contemporary city.” Czerniak argues that successful large parks share two essential characteristics: legibility and resilience. By this she means that a park must be understood in its design scheme, and it must be able to experience disturbance while maintaining its identity and function. Czerniak elaborates on the locational shifts of many contemporary large parks from the urban core to the periphery, where redevelopment lands are often located. She highlights winning schemes from recent international design competitions as case studies, examining how large parks can play vital roles in the city in three ways: as social catalysts, as ecological agents, and as imaginative enterprises. Understandably, Czerniak believes that “the large, the park, the city, and the future are intimately related” and that parks are something that, “both literally and metaphorically, must be cultivated.” She finally calls on those within the design field to understand why parks are necessary, the roles they can play, and how they can look.
The essays in Large Parks are individually and collectively stimulating, thought provoking, and often challenging in their observations and conclusions. The writers are at such a high-level that non-landscape architects may find the material a bit difficult to work through, particularly if they are not familiar with landscape design language and concepts. That being said, a careful read through Large Parks is well worth it, particularly if you are interested in gaining a greater understanding of some of the theoretical and practical considerations that design professionals are concerned with at this level.
As a regional park planner, I am familiar with natural area parks in an urban context, although the parks I work with are not “designer parks” per se; by Julia Czerniak’s standard, they would probably lack “legibility.” That being said, I’ve been fortunate to visit some of the world’s great large urban parks and I can certainly attest to their enduring and irreplaceable qualities, which I now believe stem in large part from successful landscape design strategies that facilitate emergent processes and spontaneous interactions, while also celebrating the familiar and beloved characteristics that bring people back time and again.
It would be hard to imagine the world’s great cities without their iconic parks. However, after reading Large Parks, I better understand the complexities inherent in designing, planning, and managing these often contested public spaces, and I have a greater appreciation of the challenges that they face now and into the future. I would recommend Large Parks to anyone interested in learning about one of our most important and enduring forms of public space from a highly informed landscape architecture perspective.
Regularly, we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Pippin Anderson, Cape TownPerhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition—and the most important metric is whether citizens of the city still feel connected to nature.
Tim Beatley, CharlottesvilleBiophilic cities are nature-immersive, shared spaces of wonder and coexistence. They want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion.
Lena Chan, SingaporeA biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware.
Ian Douglas, ManchesterForms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife provide lessons in making biophilia work.
Paul Downton, MelbourneIf our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself, then we’re missing the point of biophilia.
Dusty Gedge, LondonThe biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits.
David Goode, BathThere is much we can learn from our biophilic successes. The target is to think big.
Bram Gunther, New YorkMaking New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.
Chris Ives, NottinghamI don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, gathering data can be useful for understanding whether a city is heading in the right direction.
Tania Katzschner, Cape TownCreating sanctuaries for presence could help us reclaim and recognise that we ARE the environment.
Steve Maslin, BristolWhich is more biophilic: a community that takes its leafy affluence for granted, or a community that is seeking to do something about its lack of biodiversity and address other issues in the community at the same time?
Peter Newman, PerthBiophilic urbanism is part of post-modernism, which has more potential to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions.
Phil Roös, GeelongBecause the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, our biophilic design agenda must include the characteristics of the complex order of living structures.
Eric Sanderson, New YorkMaking New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.
Jana Soderlund, PerthBy looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been achieved, we can transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards connectedness between nature and humans.
Fleur Timmer, London Future generations should be granted, in their basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world.
Chantal van Ham, BrusselsCities that prioritise green space development and budgetary input from citizens show how biophilia can be achieved in urban spaces.
Mike Wells, BathPerhaps the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia is its very anthropocentricity.
Ken Yeang, Kuala LumpurInstead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focusing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.
David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director. David's dad told him once that he needed a back up plan, something to "fall back on". So he bought a tuba.
Introduction
“Biophilia” as an idea describes how people have innate love for, attachment to, and even need for nature. It also expresses the notion that, as a design imperative, cities are more livable when they have more nature, and that people are happier and healthier when they have more contact with nature, from wild parks away from buzzing traffic all the way to street trees and flowers in tree pits.
It sounds nice.
So, how can a city transcend the metaphoric qualities of “biophilia”—nature is good, who would argue with that?—and define something actionable? For example, how much nature is “enough” nature in a city? Or, how much biophilic experience is enough? What does “enough” mean? Does walking past 50 street trees equal, in terms of a biophilic dose, a hour in a park? Do workplaces designed with biophilia in mind compensate for less nature outside. The research questions are rich and extensive, and their potential connection to design is important.
Stated in these ways, the questions of biophilia become about goal setting and targets. This is the focus of this roundtable. Is biophilia an actionable driver of design in cities? If so, what should cities have as targets or goals for biophilia? If the aim is to create a “biophilic city”, how would you know when it was achieved? Perhaps the measures won’t be found in metrics of nature, but in metrics about people and their perceptions of and feelings for nature.
Several contributors wonder, however, whether talk of metrics somehow misses the point of biophilia. It leaves us with the key prompt: Specifically, what are we trying to accomplish with biophilic cities?
Pippin Anderson, a lecturer at the University of Cape Town, is an African urban ecologist who enjoys the untidiness of cities where society and nature must thrive together.
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Pippin Anderson
I love the idea of biophilia—that, deep down inside, we all yearn for nature, we have an innate affinity for other living beings, and that we seek to connect with these living beings. In the same breath, we also know that part of the process of settling and growing cities is “making benign”, nature-safe spaces that can be easily lived in. I live in Cape Town, and while I am a strong advocate of more nature in and around the City, I also don’t want to dodge lions when I pop out for a bottle of milk or a newspaper at the corner café. I have had students from other cities in Africa describe to me how liberating it is to come to Cape Town to study and to be in a city without the constant threat of malaria.
Perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition—and the most important metric is whether citizens of the city still feel connected to nature.
Real, unattended nature can be a challenging thing to live with. It seems, perhaps, as part of our urbanizing personas, we might have lost sight of some of the significant trials that nature poses to comfortable and easy living. We also know from research on nature in cities that the kind of nature people want varies considerably. Some yearn for a true sense of wilderness, with exposure to untamed patches of remnant nature, while others want facilitated nature with boardwalks, benches, and reasonably placed parking lots. So when we say we want biophilic cities, do we really know what we want?
Perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia itself
There is mounting research demonstrating people’s needs for nature, and even more evidence for broader societal needs in cities in terms of ecosystem service delivery, resilience, sustainability, and generally keeping the show on the road. We know, without a shadow of doubt, that we need nature. But not everyone knows that, and perhaps we (those of us in the know) feel that if we can keep this notion of biophilia alive, then we can use it to meet broader environmental and nature-related needs in cities.
So perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition. Perhaps what scares us is the emerging idea of extinction of experience and constantly reduced exposure to nature; we fear the death of biophilia. We fear the generation that will lead without this biophilic dimension in them. We fear that we will somehow manage to let biophilia—and nature—go, live without it, to not even notice when the last vista goes under for a complex of high-rise buildings. I propose what we really want is to ensure that this notion of “biophilia” is kept alive in all of us.
So the metric of success becomes biophilia itself—and the people who engender this notion. Of course, to achieve that, we need nature in cities.
What we need is to be in schools, and out in society, asking the kinds of questions that get to the heart of whether people still have this biophilic feeling. While we must, of course, continue to secure green parklands and remnant patches of vegetation growing wild in our cities, and continue to strive to expose our populace to these features, what we need to keep an eye on in terms of success is whether people have the love of nature required to continue to fight for its existence. I think the exposure to nature needed to maintain the biophilic feeling is extensive and varied, both for individuals and to capture the extremes of society as well. In this way, I believe that the measure of a biophilic city can be found in its people. I am no social scientist, so I offer no exact metrics of how you go out there and measure biophilia, but I believe that is the correct metric to measure success.
All cities differ, and people differ, and how old or how young a city is, as well as the settlement history of its people, will all inform their views of and love of nature. The kind of nature they want; what they want to do with it; and when and where they want to do it, will all be informed by these different elements. For this reason, I don’t believe there is a single answer to what a biophilic city should look like. I believe it is a question of being in tune with the residents of the city, ensuring that they are exposed to enough of the right kind of nature, the kind of nature they desire, packaged in a form that pleases them, that will give rise to biophilic cities.
Tim Beatley is the Teresa Heinz Professor of Sustainable Communities, in the Department of Urban and Environmental Planning, at the University of Virginia, where he has taught for the last twenty-five years. He is the author or co-author of more than fifteen books, including Green Urbanism, Native to Nowhere, Ethical Land Use, and his most recent book, Biophilic Cities.
Tim Beatley
About three years ago, we launched the global Biophilic Cities Network, and it has been getting a lot of attention and gaining traction in recent months (see www.BiophilicCities.org). To join the Network requires the adoption of an official resolution or statement of intent to become a biophilic city, among other requirements. Recent additions to the Network include Washington, DC; Edmonton, Canada; and Pittsburgh, PA. These are cities on the edge of what we describe as a global movement.
Biophilic cities are nature-immersive, shared spaces of wonder and coexistence. They want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion.
The BIophilic Cities movement represents an important shift in our vision of cities. There is no question we still need to design and plan cities that are sustainable and resilient, but increasingly we realize that they must also be joyful, restorative, wondrous places: places that allow for human flourishing. Genuine and full human flourishing requires, I believe, contact with nature—not just on the occasional vacation, but nature that is all around us (ideally all the time), in the urban neighborhoods and communities where we live and work. Biophilic cities put nature at the center, and that urban nature can and should take many forms—biodiversity and remnant and restored ecosystems, but also new, more human-designed forms, including living walls, rooftops, and nature included in the vertical spaces of tall buildings, among others. Abundant nature and nature-experiences are central. Biophilic cities seek to maximize the moments of awe and connection, whether it is the sight of a Humpback Whale in the Hudson River or an encounter with a line of pavement ants. We sometimes speak of a need for a “whole-of-region” approach or goal (we want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion—ideally integrated, and in all the space between). And our notion of biophilic cities is also “whole-of-life”—it must provide rich, abundant opportunities to experience nature from early childhood through to our senior years.
We must push our vision even further and many of our Network Cities are increasingly aspiring to a model of natureful cities that is profoundly more immersive: the idea that we don’t just want to visit nature in cities, we don’t just have trees and parks. Rather, these places aspire to a vision of cities where the city IS the park, IS the forest, IS the garden. Singapore’s official change in its motto from garden city to “a city in a garden,” is one important example (and involved much planning work to bring about: see our film about Singapore, a biophilic city).
Biophilic cities are defined by more than just the presence or absence or biodiversity or nature, but also by the extent to which residents in these places are engaged in enjoying, participating in, and caring about this nature. We aspire to cities where citizens spend much more of their time outside, are able to recognize common species of flora and fauna and fungi, where over the course of a day, there are many moments for personal or collective awe. We want cities where there is a culture of curiosity about nature, and a culture of caring about, and caring for, the local nature. Biophilic cities understand urban environments as spaces shared with many other forms of life, and recognize an ethical duty to work towards co-existence.
Two cities that have recently joined the Network exemplify this spirit of caring and co-existence. Austin, Texas, now famously celebrates the arrival each spring of the 1.5 million Mexican Free-Tailed bats that take up residence under the Congress Avenue bridge. Thanks to heroes such as Merlin Tuttle, founder of Bat Conservation International, Austin residents shifted remarkably in their view of the bats, from biophobia to biophilia. In Tuttle’s recent book, The Secret LIfe of Bats, he describes Austin as “A City that Loves Bats.” Several years ago, we filmed a segment about the bats for a documentary film called The Nature of Cities (You can watch the segment here). It was wonderful to see firsthand the palpable excitement and fascination and anticipation of (especially) the kids waiting to see the emerging columns of bats that evening.
The City of St. Louis is our most recent member of the Network (officially entering the Network in March 2017!). Here, fervor surrounds butterflies in much the same way as it now surrounds bats in Austin. Through the leadership of Mayor Francis Slay, and Sustainability Director Catherine Werner, the city has taken many steps to educate about and promote habitat creation for Monarch Butterflies. They set a high goal of planting 250 butterfly gardens through an initiative called Milkweeds for Monarchs. The number is now 370 gardens and rising, and seemingly everyone in this city knows about and cares about Monarchs.
I want to live in a city that loves bats and loves butterflies. This is a pretty good measure of a successful city—and a pretty good way for us to foster hope and wonder and flourishing in an age of despair.
What are the components of a city? They are commonly assumed to be the buildings, infrastructure, and open spaces. But it is the interaction between the living organisms, including people, plants, animals, microorganisms, etc. and the physical man-made features that make a city a dynamic entity!
A biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware.
Can a truly biophilic city exist, or is it just a utopian dream?
The challenge is that the goals of a biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware. Biodiversity considerations should be taken into account in the development processes of a city. The city will not be able to do this unless it knows what biodiversity thrives in it. Everyone must play a part to actualise the goals.
I would like to relate a case study of a city that embodied biophilia. A man had a vision and he planted a tree on 16 June 1963 which grew into the Garden City programme. This programme became the mission of a city-state which evolved into a City in A Garden (see also Tim Beatley’s contribution to this roundtable). That man with foresight was the late Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, and the city is Singapore.
In 2015, the National Parks Board (or NParks) of Singapore decided that it was time to systematically consolidate, strengthen, and intensify its biodiversity conservation efforts. This formalization process is manifest in NParks’ Nature Conservation Masterplan (or NCMP).
The NCMP comprises four focuses: 1) Conservation of Key Habitats, 2) Habitat Enhancement, Restoration and Species Recovery, 3) Applied Research in Conservation Biology and Planning, and 4) Community Stewardship and Outreach in Nature. The goals and targets of a biophilic city would be to ensure that all four of these aims are synergised and implemented successfully.
Some of the actions that can be taken to ensure the successful implementation of the first aim are the identification, safeguarding, and strengthening of the most important biodiversity areas that harbour the bulk of the native gene pool; the enrichment of buffer areas and ensuring that land use is compatible with that of the important biodiversity areas; the enhancement and management of additional nodes of greenery throughout the city, such as parks, roadsides, roof-tops, vertical and sky rise greenery, etc.; and the development of ecological corridors so that the effective area that can be used by wildlife is enlarged.
Most urban areas are degraded; hence, habitats for wildlife should be enhanced, restored, or created as targeted by the second of NParks’ aims. Rare species can only be sustainably conserved if the condition of the ecosystems that they thrive in is good.
Applying state-of-the-art technology would greatly assist in the achievement of the third aim. Indeed, the application of modern technology to biodiversity conservation work, including the use of geographical information systems, drones, 3D modelling, agent-based modelling, genomics, etc., has made possible much data collection and analyses that eluded us in the past.
Without community stewardship and public outreach, the efforts towards a biophilic city would be meaningless and would not be sustainable on a long-term basis. Biodiversity should be incorporated into the curricula of all levels of the education system. To build more ground support, we must also encourage citizen science.
There are many cities around the world that are biophilic in their own special way, including, Curitiba (Brazil), Edmonton (Canada), Montreal (Canada), Bonn (Germany), Nagoya (Japan), Wellington (New Zealand), and more.
Right metrics for measuring progress toward these goals
How can the success of achieving the goals of a biophilic city be measured?
In May 2008, the Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, alongside the Global Partnership on Local and Subnational Action for Biodiversity (or GPLSAB) designed a self-assessment tool for cities to benchmark and monitor the progress of their biodiversity conservation efforts against their own individual baselines. This index is now referred to as the Singapore Index on Cities’ Biodiversity because of the pivotal role Singapore played in its creation and spread.
Determining an optimal number of indicators is not easy: if there are more than 30 indicators, it would be too onerous to assess, whereas fewer than ten indicators would compromise the robustness of the assessment. The GPLSAB tried to strike a balance with 23 indicators that first measure native biodiversity in the city; then measure ecosystem services provided by biodiversity; and, finally, assess governance and management of biodiversity. To be scientifically credible, the indicators we use must be quantifiable so that they can be verified by independent evaluators. Hence, each indicator is assigned a scoring range between zero and four points.
To date, 25 city governments have applied the Singapore Index (or SI). Academics have applied the SI to an additional 14 cities, and 11 more city governments are currently in the process of applying the SI. Academics who research biodiversity indices for cities have found that the SI is the only index currently in use for measuring biophilia—Timothy Beatley collated a list of indicators of a biophilic city in his book, “Biophilic Cities: Integrating Nature Into Urban Design and Planning”, but did not cite how these indicators were applied.
Any city can be a biophilic city—but becoming biophilic is made that much easier if all its citizens embrace biophilia into their ethos.
A city becomes biophilic when each year:
1) The area of green cover and tree canopy increases
2) More natural and human-created habitats are enhanced and restored with native species
3) The number of native species escalates due to discovery of new species, re-discoveries of species thought to be extinct, and new records
4) The participation rate of citizen scientists expands, and
5) Over 50 percent of the residents can name and recognize at least ten native plants, birds, and butterflies.
Cities, join in this challenge, and enjoy your journey to becoming truly biophilic!
Ian is Emeritus Professor at the University of Manchester. His works take an integrated of urban ecology and environment. He is lead editor of the "Routledge Handbook of Urban Ecology" and has produced a textbook, "Urban Ecology: an Introduction", with Philip James.
Ian Douglas
My first memories of urban nature are how my father grew vegetables in our London suburban garden. He had dug up part of the lawn to increase the area used for growing vegetables. The other part of the lawn still had flowerbeds at the side, but there were also blackberries, and, farther down, the garden fruit trees and a larger area of vegetables. A few hundred metres from the house, the local golf course had been ploughed up to grow wheat. My childhood escape to wilderness was to find a path through the wheat to an overgrown bunker, which still had trees, and to me was an island in a sea (of wheat).
Forms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife provide lessons in making biophilia work.
The park opposite my primary school had been almost totally dug up for vegetable allotments, as had most of the sports ground belonging to the company for which my father worked. My aunt kept chickens in her garden and we placed food scraps in the trash bin in the street, which I knew as the pig-swill bin. The food waste was collected and taken to pig-farms that had been established in the local area to enhance the meagre wartime meat rations. Looking back at this time, I now interpret this as a biophilia of necessity, a forced biophilia far beyond the control of any family or local community. The London suburbs at this time were part of a special kind of biophilic city.
A different awareness of urban nature came ten years later, when our sixth-form history teacher took us to the City of London to look at the remnants of its past that had survived wartime bombing. I was amazed by the way plants had colonised the bomb sites, with a great diversity of flowers and foliage, containing many species that I had not seen before. This spontaneous urban vegetation had caught the attention of many naturalists and ecologists, including E.J. Salisbury and R.S.R. Fitter, whose writings eventually led to the creation of urban ecology parks on pieces of neglected, derelict land (a story told brilliantly by David Goode in his “Nature in Towns and Cities”).
A different perspective on urban biophilia arose 12 years later, with my first experience of a tropical city which then had considerable poverty. In Kuala Lumpur, on the banks of the Sungai Gombak, people were cultivating vegetables; patches of land between buildings were used as temporary, precarious gardens, even within a metre or two of heavy traffic. Here was an urban agriculture of necessity: a subsistence biophilia that risked flood damage, pollution and contamination to increase families’ food security.
By 1999, 800 million people worldwide were engaged in crop, livestock, fisheries, and forestry production within and surrounding urban boundaries. In many low latitude countries, over 30 percent of households are engaged in urban food production, with over half the poorest 20 percent of households relying on growing their own food. This represents another form of biophilia arising out of need. However, other biota, especially insect pests and disease vectors, pose major problems for these communities. If adequate water, sanitation, and drainage could be provided to the informal settlements in which most urban farmers live, the problem biota could be greatly reduced and the benefits of urban greenery could be enjoyed by more people for longer.
Following the 2001 economic crisis in Argentina, 60 percent of the inhabitants of the city of Rosario had incomes below the poverty line and 30 percent were living in extreme poverty. Urban food production using vacant land was encouraged and incorporated into municipal policies. A biophilic city developed, with specific provisions for the agricultural use of public land and a municipal “green circuit” consisting of family and community gardens, commercial vegetable gardens and orchards, multifunctional garden parks, and “productive barrios”, where agriculture is now integrated into programmes for the construction of public housing and the upgrading of slums.
Rosario, and my other examples of forms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife, show that, when there is political will and a clear policy of social inclusion, it is possible to incorporate urban agriculture into a wider urban green infrastructure and create a biophilic city that is socially inclusive and provides equitable access to ecosystem services.
Writer, architect, urban evolutionary, founding convener of Urban Ecology Australia and a recognised ‘ecocity pioneer’. Paul has championed ecological cities for years but has become disenchanted with how such a beautiful concept can be perverted and misinterpreted – ‘Neom' anyone? Paul is nevertheless working on an artistic/publishing project with the working title ‘The Wild Cities’ coming soon to a crowd-funding site near you!
Paul Downton
When I look at goals and targets for biophilic cities, I find that my concerns don’t lie with issues of design so much as values, social organisation, and culture. For instance:
Does the city environment encourage or discourage awareness of non-human nature?
Does the city demonstrate its connection with the life of its supporting hinterland/region?
Does the management and operation of the city (read “urban system”) protect and celebrate the living systems on which it depends or otherwise connects?
What is the status of non-humans in the city? Do non-humans have legal rights; are they protected in law? Are their lives valued?
Are there penalties for damaging living systems? (I’m not keen on penalties, personally, but they seem to be an essential part of organised human society and if there are penalties for harming humans there must, in a biophilic city, be penalties for harming non-humans).
Who represents the interests of nature? Can we consult with non-human species?
In 1988, John Seed proposed a “Council of All Beings” as a way for representatives of non-humans to be given an opportunity to put their views in a general council. Strip away the countercultural trappings of feel-good rituals and it is essentially role-playing, but it’s as good a means as any for incorporating the interests of non-human nature in a formal framework.
If our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself, then we’re missing the point of biophilia.
Adapted to a more mainstream, science-based footing, it is possible to see how informed human representatives could present the ecological needs of their adopted species, and that they might be ideal candidates for helping to shape biophilic city goals. What could be more genuinely biophilic than letting nature speak for itself about what is beautiful?
Is it beautiful?
Beauty is measurable to some extent in fractal dimensions (Downton et al. 2016). People respond positively to images of nature but non-living and virtual fractal imagery score highly, and that is a conundrum any biophilic city goals must address.
Translating biophilia into something “actionable” in the city is a challenging idea once you accept that, measurable fractality or not, “beauty is in the eye of the beholder”; even something that measures up well in terms of fractal geometry may not be universally regarded as beautiful. Writing about “The Divine Proportion”, H. E. Huntley quotes Sir Francis Younghusband, musing on the beauty of Kashmir scenery: “It is only a century ago that mountains were looked upon as hideous” (Huntley 1970 p. 89). Those “hideous mountains” are the same magnificent mountains as the modern ones (give or take a bit of snow cover and glacier extent), but there has been a cultural shift. People tend to see as ugly things that they find threatening. In Western culture, for instance, men with long hair have been seen as both fabulous and threatening.
Is it useful? What’s it worth?
Beware measures of mere utility that “justify” the role of nature in the human universe by showing how it provides services to our species. That is not biophilia, and one can despise that which does you good service or serves you well. Biophilia is about the love of nature, not its financial reckoning. If you love a flower more because it is suddenly worth a lot of money, it is not the love of nature that is driving your passion, but a base desire for filthy lucre.
At one end of the spectrum, the appreciation of nature is driven by emotion. Here, nature is enjoyed at a visceral level for its perceived emotional, aesthetic, and spiritual benefits. At the other end of the spectrum, nature is valued for its utilitarian benefits as a service provider, e.g., as an agency for cleaning the air and water. On the face of it, it is easier to demonstrate the value of nature to urban populations by demonstrating that it is worth money, i.e., that it provides, or saves, thousands or millions of dollars in servicing costs. But the monetary system is a completely human invention with no basis in objective reality. Every aspect of the financial system is a fantasy and can change on a whim or overnight—literally. Billions of dollars rocket around the planet daily, but they have no existence outside of the shared (and enforced) cultural assumptions that equate bits and bytes to dollars and cents.
Natural systems, on the other hand, are real. They are healthy or not, they work or not, they live or die whatever we want to call them and regardless of what price we put on them. Hideous mountains probably offended early American pioneers because they were massive impediments to their push westwards. Mountaintops have been blasted to smithereens because human value systems could convert them into millions of dollars—they were worth more as rubble than as the abiotic base for a living ecosystem. The shared human belief in a magical financial system has proven, time and time again, to be stronger than concerns about damaging nature. The attribution of monetary value to nature is part of the same fiction that allows for the idea of endless growth on a finite planet. It is intrinsically flawed and, given the inter-relationship between money and politics, politically unstable and ill-suited as part of any measure of biophilia.
Image: Paul Downton, photoshop manipulation of image from www.eattheweeds.com
So, beware of what numbers “mean”. But in drafting our goals, we cannot rely on assumptions about the meaning of language, either. It does not remain stable or inviolate. It is a human creation and subject to all the vagaries and inconsistencies that implies. It changes as the central concerns of society change. I have written before about how the buttercup and another four dozen words relating to nature and the countryside have been redacted from the Oxford Junior Dictionary in favour of computer terminology like “broadband” that the dictionary’s editors decided was more “relevant” to modern children.
If it is necessary to be pragmatic in order to value nature in a way that can be converted into goals, then that pragmatism must be about recognition of intrinsic value as a part of what it means to be human. Because biophilia is about loving nature and the visceral/utilitarian spectrum is about appreciating nature, it might be concluded that goals for biophilic cities should “strike a balance” and include both kinds of evaluation of nature’s worth. But in some ways, that would miss the point of biophilia. If our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself in the human constructed environments of our cities, then maybe we’re losing the plot. Innate love fits with intrinsic value. One of the primary purposes of architecture and design in human settlement is to make places that please the human spirit, sensibility, and aesthetic sense. Disagreement about what exactly constitutes beauty does not diminish the value of pursuing it, and diversity of expression and response is part of the dialogue of culture. Loving nature for what it is should be enough, and if it isn’t, then there is a deep flaw in our culture.
References
Downton, PF, DS Jones & J Zeunert 2016, Creating Healthy Places: Railway Stations, Biophilic Design and the Melbourne Metro Rail Project. Docklands, Melbourne: Melbourne Metro Rail Authority
Huntley, HE 1970, The Divine Proportion: A Study in Mathematical Beauty. Dover Publications, New York
Dusty Gedge is a recognised authority, designer, consultant and public speaker on green roofs. Dusty has also been a TV presenter on a number of UK shows and makes his own Green Intrastructure and Green Roof and Nature Videos. He is an avid nature photographer and social networker posting on Twitter, Facebook and G+.
Dusty Gedge
“Biophilia” is the term coined by Edward O. Wilson to describe what he believes is humanity’s innate affinity for the natural world. I am all with Wilson, but I think the term has been taken over by others without such a profound understanding of biodiversity. There is a clamour about biophilia and landscape design and cities. This is good, don’t get me wrong, but I do have a concern that “biophilia” can draw focus away from nature per se and become just about well-being and the health of humans.
The biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits.
I am sure everyone writing in this forum is implicitly interested in making cities greener and better for both humans and wildlife. I am reminded of a 2015 article last year that Amy Hahs wrote for this site: “In the future will we build cities for wildlife and design the countryside for people?” I found this a very thought-provoking piece. I think it challenges some of the pavements in our heads that need to be cracked open. Below, I will share several examples that illustrate why the primary metric that cities should use to assess biophilia should be function, not form
Are bird boxes for birds, or are they for us?
Personally, as a birdwatcher, I find bird boxes really irritating in cities. I have been wanting to write about them for a long time. As I was discussing this the other day with a couple of colleagues, there were some interesting responses. In a city, there are plenty of places for birds to nest—holes in walls, on roofs, in industrial plants, and in backyards. Yet, I see stacks of bird boxes on the sides of buildings and in trees in inappropriate places. And I have rarely actually seen them in use. A bird box is a relatively easy, quick “win” for ecologists and designers. It is also a great tool for conservation bodies to get corporate-types to build something during volunteer days. Bird boxes are also useful for engaging young people in birds. But are bird boxes serving birds or us? As my colleague said: “Well, if I didn’t have a blue tit box into my garden, I wouldn’t see them nesting.” “But they would find somewhere else to nest, wouldn’t they? And they would still come to your garden”, I pointed out. So, the nest box wasn’t about the bird, but about my friend’s pleasure. I have seen blue tits in London nesting in holes of corporate buildings right in the heart of the city. Please don’t get me wrong, I don’t want to stop people having pleasure from watching nest boxes. But I do have concerns that they can easily be commodified if the metric for their success is the number of nest boxes installed (the story is similar for trees planted). These are metrics that don’t serve nature or biophilia. They are a form of accountancy. I wonder what Edward Wilson would think of this conundrum.
I am sure I will get a little harangued for my distaste for bird boxes, but I think the point stands—and is reinforced when I consider swifts. Swift boxes should be installed in buildings because there is trend of sealing up buildings in modern architecture. The thing about swift boxes, though, is they are high up and nobody can see them. So, humans rarely have the pleasure of witnessing their breeding activity. However, I am sure all would agree, must urban dwellers would get great pleasure from witnessing the screaming swifts in the brief summer. They are something that enhances our experience of living in the built realm. It is not the box, but the bird’s presence that gives pleasure.
Parklets and fresh air squares
The other day, I was at two meetings discussing parklets and fresh air squares. These are areas of street pavement that are transformed into green spaces for people. In general, they are movable. In one discussion, the promoter of one such design recounted that when a local authority placed one in a certain street outside a café, the café’s sales increased by 27 percent. Well, this is good for the business and probably good for the people who chose to purchase a coffee so they could sit in the parklet. Obviously, the parklets (or fresh air squares) have plants and some soil. However, they are mostly planted with standard horticultural fair. They are greening and they are very popular. I am sure they are likely to increase exponentially as an intervention not only in London, but in cities around the world. Yet, are they really functioning biophilia? They make a more pleasant environment for city dwellers, but that would appear to be their only function.
Accessible vs non-accessible green roofs
In London, where there are over a million m2 of green roofs, I have often been asked, why aren’t more of these roofs accessible to the public? Accessible, intensive green roofs only make up about 20 percent of London’s roofscape, a proportion that is similar in many leading green roof cities. Surely. in a dense city such as London, people should be able to roam across these spaces more often? Aside from health and safety/disability access issues, there are two thoughts that arise from this question. Firstly, if more of London’s green roofs were accessible and therefore known by the public, this would increase the wider population’s understanding and desire for them. Secondly, there is an implicit “selfish” factor in the question–the person posing such a question presumably wants to experience the green roofs.
These are valid questions, but it remains true that the 80 percent of London’s green roofs that are not accessible to people are still providing ecological functions for the building, the neighbourhood, and the city they are on and in. And in London, they are doing what is implicit in Wilson’s definition of biophilia—they are performing usefully for fauna and flora without much interference from humans. They are also delivering a range of other ecosystem services that are important for the city. I would call this biophilic design of the highest order. There is a sense, however, in the question, that lack of access and direct human use depreciates them.
The primary metric should be function over form
The spring of 2017 is hitting the streets of London as I write this piece. Soon, the blossoms will be out in force. Down at the centre of my neighbourhood, Greenwich, there will be a trio of cherry trees. In a week or two, their pink blossoms will be wowing passersby—they certainly have the “wow” factor for me. Yet, they stand on a corner that, during flash storms, creates a huge pool of water on the road. Now, if those trees had been planted as a rain garden to alleviate that large puddle, wouldn’t the cherry trees have even more of a “wow” factor? Beauty can be beguiling, and there is an element in the world of design that is over focussed on aesthetic provocation. But the real “wow” factor of biophilia is when all the invisible benefits are as important as the visible ones.
Designing for a biophilic city—the metrics that count
We are currently involved in two projects that relate to this discussion. First, we are reviewing a greening strategy for a neighbourhood in London, following on a project in the same neighbourhood in which we were involved six years ago. Since the first programme, when we managed to get a vertical rain garden installed and some rain garden planters, people have undertaken a lot of additional greening, including much conventional gardening. What we want to do now is set out a strategy that ensures that greening is multi-functional. The delivery of biodiversity is a primary aim. A consultation undertaken last year showed that for the people of the area, greening is the most important and pressing issue. Nature is not just about pleasant environments. Nature is about the services that are not visual—that don’t have the “wow” factor of the cherry blossom, but which are as important for our health and well-being as the observation of beauty.
The biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits, including benefits, such as biodiversity, that may remain invisible to much of the human population. Cities are at their best when they are culturally and socially diverse. Likewise, I believe biophilia is at its best when it is delivering the fullest range of possible benefits—not just beauty.
Second, I am currently preparing a series of podcasts on green infrastructure. The first, due in early April of 2017, includes an interview with friends involved in Depave in Portland, Oregon. Ted Labbe says some very interesting things in this conversation, but one strikes me as particularly relevant here, “There is an impervious surface in our heads. The biggest crack in the pavement is not the asphalt we have ripped up, but the crack in the psychology that says pavement is permanent.”
In the same way, the flash of a kingfisher on an urban creek, a solitary bee in a city park, a wildflower growing where someone said it shouldn’t, all influence the human psyche. Nature takes us away for a moment from the manicured and over-managed realities of city life. In our cities, where we are surrounded by human constructs, both physical and psychological, these moments take us to the “other” via a fleeting crack that opens the city up, reminding us that the world is not all ours. Achieving such moments is something that biophilia should be aiming to do, regardless of metrics.
David Goode has over 40 years experience working in both central and local government in the UK and an international reputation for environmental projects, ranging from wetland conservation to urban sustainability.
David Goode
It is crucial to have a vision, and that vision needs to be big. When I was appointed to a new job in London as Senior Ecologist in 1982, we didn’t have the word biophilia, but I knew what I wanted: to promote nature at every opportunity throughout the capital. That meant working with a huge range of different disciplines, including planners, architects, landscape designers, civil engineers, and a host of others. For most of them an understanding of ecology was not part of their daily life, and for many, removing nature was much more familiar.
There is much we can learn from our biophilic successes. The target is to think big.
To achieve my aims, I had to be explicit in the ways that these professions could foster a positive attitude to nature. The crucial areas were strategic planning, management of public open space, and the creation of completely new ecological habitats, including novel designs for ecological parks, as well as new habitats within the built environment, such as green roofs. The social dimension lay at the heart of our programme, the object being to enable all who live or work in London to have greater contact with nature in their own locality.
At that time, strategic planning for nature conservation in London did not exist other than through designation of a few important “sites” by national agencies. We had a clean slate. We needed to identify sites of importance throughout the capital that would do two jobs. They needed to protect the best examples of the range of ecological habitats across London, but also provide access to nature for local communities.
So, we embarked on a survey of all open land to identify the main ecological types and to select sites for long-term protection. This resulted in over 1,500 sites being protected through the statutory planning process, representing about one fifth of the area of Greater London. This matrix of protected sites includes some nationally important nature reserves and numerous smaller patches that enable people to maintain daily links with nature. Since then, people have identified districts that are deficient in accessible wildlife sites and, in many parts of London, have taken action to remedy this by creating new habitats. The whole approach is now adopted as a central tenet of the statutory London Plan. Gaining political and public support has been crucial to success. We had a clear objective that was achievable, based on sound criteria, and was demonstrably supported very strongly by the people of London at a series of planning enquiries.
Habitat creation has been the second major element in this programme, and it has resulted in some of the most dramatic urban nature conservation projects in Europe, as well as numerous smaller schemes that benefit local communities. New wetland habitats have been particularly successful, and it is no surprise to find that major residential developers have now recognised the economic value of having attractive wetlands associated with new domestic housing schemes. Prime examples include the London Wetland Centre in Barnes and Woodbury Wetlands in Hackney. The persuasion to create natural landscapes is now being driven by some of the key developers, and others are likely to follow.
The creation of new “natural parks” or “ecology parks” in parts of London deficient in nature has been of immense value to local schools, which have given strong support to such initiatives. These places provide a vital experience of nature. The children come from school to visit the park, find it an exciting experience, and then bring their parents or grandparents to join with them later in identifying dragonflies or other species. This builds the crucial awareness of nature that is so much a part of biophilia.
Ecological design is now becoming mainstream in an integrated approach to urban development. Much of this is driven by the need to mitigate the future effects of climate change, but there is evidence that developers are also listening to what local people are telling them. The new eco-parkland landscapes being developed at the Elephant and Castle, just south of Westminster, demonstrate a huge contrast to the debilitating housing estates of post-war years. Affluent sectors of the capital are seeing similar schemes. There is currently a major scheme to create roof gardens and other green roofs across a significant area of London’s West End. And of course, the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park, created as a legacy of the 2012 Olympics, is another fine example of eco-landscaping.
From my experience, it takes about 25 years for new ideas to take root. I well remember the negative responses I had from British architects when, in 1992, I was invited to talk to them about green roofs after the publication of Building Green. Some thought I was totally “off the wall”. Well, we have moved a long way since then. We are seeing cultural shifts that go way beyond the bounds of ecology. All this has happened piecemeal, without any clear set of targets, but it is certainly achieving many of the things that I had in mind in 1982.
There is much we can learn from our successes. The target is to think big.
Bram Gunther, former Chief of Forestry, Horticulture, and Natural Resources for NYC Parks, is Co-founder of the Natural Areas Conservancy and sits on their board. A Fellow at The Nature of Cities, and a business partner at Plan it Wild, he just finished a novel about life in the age of climate change in NYC 2050.
Bram Gunther and Eric Sanderson
“New Yorkers need and have rights to a local environment that is healthy and whole . . . such rights are essential to each individual as part of the community of nature as a whole.”
This quote, from the Declaration of Rights to New York City Nature is the living, beating heart of our efforts to establish nature goals for New York City.
Making New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.
Hosted by the Natural Areas Conservancy (NAC) and the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), approximately 35 representatives from public, non-profit, and academic institutions have worked for two years to establish goals for New York City nature out to 2050. Through discussions, we came to consensus around the following five functional goals. Functions express what we want nature to do.
By 2050 the nature of New York City should:
Provide living environments for species (Biodiversity/habitat)
Mitigate damages from coastal storms (Coastal protection)
Absorb and filter water from runoff and clean our air (Air and water quality)
Enable movement of species through the city (Connectivity)
Encourage human creativity and appreciation of beauty (Inspiration)
How will the nature of New York City provide these functions? Through the composition of nature we seek now through 2050. Composition provides the structures to do nature’s work in the city. We came to agreement that New York City nature needs us to:
Conserve and restore nature’s communities (Native ecosystems)
Encourage a diversity of species to keep ecosystems vibrant (Native species)
Support genetic variety to help local populations thrive and adapt (Native genes)
Make nature locally available to New York City residents (Access)
Plan for nature along with the built environment (Integration)
Enrich people’s lives and communities through active participation (Engagement)
To date, we have consensus among a subset of the New York City biodiversity conservation community that these functional and compositional goals reflect a broad spectrum of aspirations. Leaders from the non-profit organizations; city, state, and federal government; and academia, all see that this kind of large structure can help coordinate our actions and directions constructively, while still enabling freedom of action and initiative.
The real trick is to refine these goals into targets that can motivate policy and action, while maintaining consensus and alignment. Essentially, what we need to figure out together is how the different compositional elements of New York City nature satisfy the functions we outlined. In other words, how do native species contribute to coastal protection? How do ecosystems provide inspiration? How does engagement lead to biodiversity and habitat? Answering these questions—depicted the image below—lays the basis for setting specific, actionable targets between now and 2050.
We are working toward nature goal targets through a call and response structure in Phase II of the nature goal process. We have convened a large plenary group (approximately 75 people) of nature managers, academic scientists, urban planners, biodiversity conservationists, and advocates for environmental justice. About 30 of these people have volunteered for two working groups, one focused on ecological dimensions of the compositional elements of ecosystems, species, and genes; the other focusing on cultural dimensions of the elements of access, integration, and engagement. The working groups will propose targets for the plenary group to respond to; the working groups will revise and re-present. Through a set of four plenary and three working group sessions, we hope to find consensus across our minds and hearts and forge a consortium of organizations that will work to make New York a leader among biophillic cities. We propose to complete this work by 2018.
What comes next? In the third and final phase of nature goals, we plan to see concerted work to move the targets we establish into public and private sector practice; to establish a long-term funding mechanism for nature conservation and restoration in New York City; and to build a coalition and alliance of organizations and individuals to advocate for nature goals through the middle of the century. In part, we will accomplish all three of these through open community-based forums and workshops.
It is our objective to develop a shared list of specific, time-bound targets for fulfilling the five functional goals in relation to the six compositional goals. In the working groups, we will consolidate concepts into cohesive targets to be discussed and approved by the larger plenary group by the end of the workshops. It is our ultimate goal for these targets to influence policy.
This initiative has been co-organized by the NAC and WCS and funded by the J.M. Kaplan Foundation. The NAC is a New York City-based conservation organization focused on the restoration and protection of the city’s over 20,000 acres of forest and wetlands. NAC programs are based on a belief in information-driven land management and coalition building as a means to sustainability. The WCS was founded in 1895 as the New York Zoological Society with the dual mission of helping New Yorkers connect with wildlife and to help conserve the places wildlife need. Today, WCS works to conserve wildlife and wild places in more than 60 countries in Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the Oceans, manages the largest network of urban zoological parks in the world, including the Bronx Zoo and the New York Aquarium, and connects urban people to nature through investigations of the historical ecology of cities.
Eric Sanderson is a Senior Conservation Ecologist at the Wildlife Conservation Society, and the author of Mannahatta: A Natural History of New York City.
Chris Ives takes an interdisciplinary approach to studying sustainability and environmental management challenges. He is an Assistant Professor in the School of Geography at the University of Nottingham.
Chris Ives
The literal meaning of biophilia is affinity or love for nature. In this context, discussion of what constitutes a “biophilic city” and what meaningful targets may be must engage social and cultural dimensions as much as ecological ones. Certainly, targets must incorporate assessment of biophilic “elements” of cities (e.g., trees, parks, green roofs). But targets need to also account for the diverse values, perspectives, and preferences of people who live in and visit cities. These social and cultural factors are essential to understanding the degree to which biophysical elements of cities influence the human experience of urban environments. But how can these be assessed and incorporated with ecological evidence?
I don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, gathering data can be useful for understanding whether a city is heading in the right direction.
An important first step in pursuing this question is to stop and reflect on what is the ultimate goal of a “biophilic city”. Timothy Beatley defined a biophilic city as:
“a city that puts nature first in its design, planning and management; it recognises the essential need for daily human contact with nature as well as the many environmental and economic values provided by nature and natural systems” (Beatley, 2010: 45)
In this way, we see that the goal of biophilic cities is multifaceted. They are “nature first” (i.e., promoting ecological health), but biophilic cities also emphasise human interactions with nature. Developing targets for biophilic cities must therefore consider both ecology and people. I also suggest that rather than adopting a “standards approach” to developing targets, a “needs” or “values” based approach should be pursued. So rather than adopting a universal goal (e.g. a proportion of the landscape under tree canopy cover), targets should be developed that reflect context-specific demands.
A recent study by my colleagues and me on values for green spaces in Australia may provide some guidance in this direction. We assessed how urban residents assigned values to their local parks and reserves by engaging them in a participatory mapping exercise. We found that people assigned a range of different values to green spaces, including aesthetic, activity, and cultural values. We also found that these values were related to the design of the green spaces and their position in the landscape: for example the amount of vegetation cover in a green space and the distance of the space from a water body all had an effect on how people valued it. Further, analysis of socio-demographic data also showed that different types of values were more important to some residents than others. This research revealed what was important to the local community, and which areas of the landscape were underappreciated and in need of further management attention. Such data can feed into targets and goals for biophilic cities.
To really get to the heart of biophilia—affinity for nature—there is also a need to move beyond instrumental and functional values of green spaces and natural features in cities. While much attention has been paid to the health benefits and ecosystem services provided by green infrastructure, there is a risk that this framing does not capture the depth of the human experience of nature. Urban forests can be sites of mystery and intrigue—a reminder of a world that is bigger than us. Indeed, it is often the less-managed spaces that harbour the greatest biological diversity, yet also prompt ambivalent feelings of awe and fear. Human spirituality is also commonly intertwined with experiences of the natural world. Sometimes, it is the places that are least commonly visited that hint at a dimension of transcendence, that provide the space for reflection away from the congregating masses in shopping malls and busy streets. Undoubtedly, these kinds of experiences of nature are the hardest to translate into goals and indicators. Yet, surely, they must also be part of what constitutes a biophilic city.
I don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, quantitative and qualitative data can be useful in generating targets and indicators that act as signposts that signal whether a city is heading in the right direction. These must necessarily be designed in a way that reflects the unique character of the city. Below are four domains for which data may usefully be pursued in the interest of developing such indicators:
Physical design: What places exist that provide opportunities for nature to flourish and opportunities for people to experience a diversity of ecosystems? What elements of biodiversity are especially important that need protecting and enhancing?
Human behaviour: How do city residents use green spaces and interact with nature? Is there evidence of “nature routines” as part of a regular lifestyle?
Human values: How important to residents is urban nature, and for what reasons? Are there particular places that are more meaningful than others? Do city residents consider nature to be part of their personal or collective identity?
Governance: What formal and informal institutions exist for the management of biodiversity? How do decision-makers and government practitioners seek to enhance nature within the city, and promote residents’ appreciation of it?
Generating data around these four themes could be a useful way of developing indicators of biophilic design appropriate to each city’s context.
Tania Katzschner is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of City & Regional Planning at the School of Architecture, Planning and Geomatics, University of Cape Town.
Tania Katzschner
In 2017, we are on the cusp of radical changes for our living world, culture, economy, and society. Our world is undergoing the largest wave of urban growth in history, and the city is thus one of the strategic sites where most of the questions about environmental sustainability become visible and concrete. Engaging with the problems we face in the world today requires a new understanding of our “sustainability dilemma” and reworking sustainability from modernism, so as to accommodate a better sensibility of dynamic complexity and aliveness.
Creating sancturaries for presence—being present in the world—could help us reclaim and recognise that we ARE the environment.
Civilization largely operates as if reality is about organizing inert, dead matter in efficient ways. The current ideology of dead matter, mechanical causality, and the exclusion of experience from descriptions of reality in ecology and economy are responsible for our failure to protect aliveness in our world (Weber and Kurt, 2017) [1].
It is impossible to build and sustain a life-fostering, flourishing, and enlivened society, or the “biophilic city”, with our prevailing “operating system” for economics, politics, and culture and within an anthropocentric mindset. It seems that we are abstracted, inattentive, and preoccupied rather than present to our surroundings—the living world we inhabit so carelessly. One can argue that human beings have become unearthed, distracted, dislocated, and resoundingly separate, and that our cities and our inhabitants need to come alive again.
I am an urban planner, which has a history of viewing cities as separate from nature. The urban is understood both in human exceptionalist and urban exceptionalist terms. This kind of thinking regards cities as places that have somehow risen above the biophysical constraints of nature. We foreground ourselves and our artefacts rather than the living world we belong to. The dominant attitude is one of doing what we want when we want, such as demanding strawberries for Christmas or avocados all year round.
There are many unconscious and unacknowledged precepts in current dominant thinking through which we see the world—such as linearity, causality, predictability, identity through separation, replicability, inertia, search for material causes, and explanation. One could say we largely live on rather than in the land, and we use and exploit rather than appreciate. This is a relationship with the landscape of “non-place”, where all is the same (Auge, 1995) [2].
To move towards “biophilic cities”, we need to wake up to connections and reestablish ties in a world of structural blindness. It is vital to discover a different form of thinking and to cultivate a living understanding of the spirit or power of the place, living connections and understandings of a place. I would argue that it is vital to create sacred spaces in our cities as sanctuaries for presence and sanctuaries for cultivating an open mind and openness every day, much like a child encounters the world without knowing. We need spaces that offer reprieve and the possibility of spiritual and imaginative recovery, reverence, and reconnection. Honouring the biological realities of Homo sapiens means acknowledging that we are completely dependent on our ecological systems. Creating sanctuaries for presence could help us reclaim and recognise that we are the environment.
Human beings are sentient creatures, yet over the last hundred years, human beings have increasingly lost the ability to be in touch because we have focused primarly on our intellect. When we observe the world of things, the world of stasis, we observe from the outside and our observing is instrumental. Too much appears discovered, disclosed, noted and listed.
Yet our world is not at all finished and given, but is changing, metamorphising, coming alive through the relationship between ourselves and itself all the time. Biophilic cities need to enable a moving beyond the borders of the known so that place can be intimately known, recognised, understood, and truly inhabited.
Targets and goals for biophilic cities need to move beyond the quantifiable and visible objectives to more indirect objectives, which can be much grander in forging ties and building enduring responsibilty. The story of the fox in Antoine de Saint-Exupery’s The Little Prince (1946) illustrates this well. In order for the little prince to get to know and tame the fox, they need to build a relationship and ties with patience over time. It is not about one being overpowering another or ownership, but about building connection, intimacy, and responsibility.
The Standing Rock resistance similarly depicts the significance of indirect objectives, which are so valuable when thinking about targets for biophilic cities. I have watched the unprecedented Standing Rock resistance with incredible excitement. Although the immediate objectives were not met—the camp is now evicted and the pipeline will almost certainly be built—it represents something so much bigger. It represents a coming together like we haven’t seen and something else is being forged in that. There are ripples of moral action, which feed a sense of possibility. There is no knowing what Standing Rock will do, but it may well set precedents for hundreds of years and contribute to changing our story because it engaged many sensibilities, head and heart, perception, intuition, feeling and imagination. In this way it also shifted and changed all that it touched. In working towards biophilic cities, we need to focus on cultivating healthy forces, connections, and relationships more so than only healing what we perceive as broken systems.
[1] Weber, Andreas and Hildegard Kurt (2017) The Enlivenment Manifesto: Politics and Poetics in the Anthropocene, in Resilience
Biophilia is about Love, and Love is about attitude—not abstract metrics.
There’s more to biophilia than a leafy city with lots of parks. Photo taken at Ashton Court Park, Bristol, by Steve Maslin
There is a risk that we objectify biophilia and see nature purely as a biological input that is other than of ourselves. We know from Dr. Jean Ayres’s work on Sensory Integration Theory, the work of people such as Dr. Ute Leonards on the visual effect of patterns, and Bill Browning’s work on the positive sensory benefits of natural outlooks, that our minds vary in their ability to process sensory signals. We not only cope better in natural environments, but appear to derive positive stimulus for recovery and productivity from them. However, biophilia is arguably more than a one-way input; rather, it is one where we, too, are in a loop.
Which is more biophilic: a community that takes its leafy affluence for granted, or a community that is seeking to do something about its lack of biodiversity and address other issues in the community at the same time?
We need to constantly remind ourselves that biosphere isn’t just about the flora and fauna around us. We are part of the biosphere, too! Our attention should be focussed on the attitudes of people and their love not only for nature, but for one another, also. For those from a Judeo-Christian background, one will recognise that to “love one another” is the second greatest of the commandments, only preceded by love for the Creator! Wouldn’t it be a tragedy if we neglected a deep sense of thanksgiving and paid scant regard for one another whilst only “loving” flora and fauna in a manner that was other than of ourselves? By all accounts, Babylon was known for its gardens, but also for its deep inhumanity before it fell. It was hardly a sustainable community!
Biodiversity performance indicators may help us see part of the picture, but may also cause us to “fail to see the forest for the trees”. Assessing how effective communities are at instilling love is arguably a better means of determining whether a socio-environmental ecosystem is working overall. In other words, biophilic cities shouldn’t be measured solely by the number and size of parks or even by their overall biodiversity. Take Bristol, for example: it’s a city of parks and green open spaces, but whose wealth was gained on the back of its infamous slave trade! Not only that, many of Bristol’s parks become no-go areas and as socially “grey” as car parks after dark.
Despite the beauty of parks, I’m much more a fan of small-scale local initiatives—community gardens and pocket parks, and even so-called guerilla micro gardening. I have vivid memories of my father planting trees not only in our garden, but on the margins of our neighbourhood. These activities reflect a human scale and the love that goes into them. I also believe that many parks and green spaces would be greatly improved if they were to include dwellings that enabled stewardship roles and fostered both greater biodiversity and human enjoyment of our parks simultaneously. In numerical terms, affluent, leafy areas might have more biodiversity than poorer areas of our cities, but is this simply a reflection of wealth, rather than evidence of biophilia?
For those that know Bristol, despite its parks, there are neighbourhoods crying out for their communities to plant trees and foster wildlife together! Although it may seem that some “treeless” areas reflect a poverty of community, this isn’t always the case. Whilst the Bristol garden birdwatch found the neighbourhood of Bedminster to be one of the least biodiverse areas in Bristol, it is nevertheless one of the strongest and most active communities in Bristol. It not only facilitates the “My Wild Bedminster” initiative, but is bringing about change in other social initiatives as well.
If we are part of the biosphere, then biodiversity also includes human diversity as well. Our biodiversity needs to be Intergenerational and inclusive, allowing for people of different ages and abilities to enjoy their surroundings. For this reason, I am very encouraged by the work of charities such as Alive, LinkAge, Growing Support and other Bristol based organisations that engage in community building activities with diverse members of our communities. If we fail to include diverse people of different incomes, cultures, ages, and abilities in greening our environments, then what are we really achieving other than gentrification for the privileged few? In other words, for whom are we making our cities liveable?
If we are to transcend the metaphoric qualities of biophilia, we need to go beyond measuring our green spaces and counting species (as important as these measurements are for biodiversity) to assess the activity, attitude, and quality of community, which underpins a healthy biosphere in our neighbourhoods.
Peter Newman is the Professor of Sustainability at Curtin University in Perth, Australia. He has written 19 books and over 300 papers on sustainable cities.
Peter Newman
A Biophilic Parable
A recent article in a local online newspaper in Perth seemed very symbolic of the point biophilic urbanism has reached here in Australia, and perhaps elsewhere. It was a fight between some locals trying to preserve two large trees that were much loved but which were “lifting curbing” on the road.
Biophilic urbanism is part of post-modernism, which has more potential to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions.
As the photos below show, the two mature trees, described as “local icons”, are relics of a time when the road was quite narrow and so they have become a traffic hazard. In reality, they are not a hazard, as they slow down cars, which must go through the gap one at a time, rather than in two lanes. What offends the traffic engineers and planners is that it is very messy.
Photo: Emma Young
Nature has a way of making cities messy. The biophilic urbanism movement is about making nature a part of our everyday life and, so far, this mostly means neat proposals for green roofs; green walls; green balconies; reclaimed streets; and parks and waterways with functional but natural systems. We often argue that the natural systems are just as good or better than engineered systems. But I think we should expect it to be messier than engineers want.
Neat cities are the result of modernism, which has detailed manuals for each profession on what is the single “best” way to plan and build infrastructure, buildings, landscape, economies, and even communities. As we move towards biophilic urbanism, we should see that it is part of post-modernism, which has more capacity to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions, rather than just the simplistic single “best” ways of modernist professions.
Biophilic urbanism will be much messier.
The two trees in Perth were granted a last-minute, temporary rescue from the woodchipper after pleas from residents to find another solution. The residents are very attached to the trees and like what they do to the street in terms of landscape, but also in terms of traffic.
Photo: Emma Young
The local government wrote to residents to say it did not usually support the removal of trees but in this case it had no choice because the trees were “damaging infrastructure”. It also said they would not be replaced because there was a lack of space for new trees: “The City has plans for infrastructure upgrades to the traffic management devices in the street next financial year (subject to budget) which our engineers believe will require their removal.”
One of the residents said, “I am no greenie. I am involved in mining, but there are black cockatoos that spend a lot of time in those trees. The slow point is a key point as traffic is on the increase”.
I was asked to comment and said that trees slowing cars down was a worthy concept:
“The trees look beautiful and many suburbs would welcome such large specimens with canopies so attractive to bird life…I think the cars will be able to manage their way through. In my view the future of cities is to plant many more trees like these and create much more biophilic urbanism that people love…They need nature in their everyday life.”
We need to accept messy if we are to make a biophilic city.
Phil Roös is known internationally for his leading work in environmental design and sustainability on large scale infrastructure projects. He is an ecological systems-inspired architect, designer, planner, and strategist. He is also Senior Lecturer in Architecture - Environmental Design (Ecology & Sustainability) at the School of Architecture & Built Environment, Deakin University, Geelong, Australia.
Phil Roös
The danger is that “biophilic” and/or “biophilia” becomes a catch phrase, a new trend where there is no substance under the surface. Frustratingly, I have started to notice more and more articles in the media about projects where the practitioners in the design and planning professions unfittingly refer to biophilia, arbitrarily using the words biophilic design, biophilic urban design, biophilic architecture, biophilic landscaping, and even “inspired by nature”, amongst many others.
Because the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, our biophilic design agenda must include the characteristics of the complex order of living structures.
Upon further investigation, many of these city-based projects use nothing different from a standard landscape design, or the use of vegetation in an architectural or urban design as a means of incorporating “greenery” into the urban fabric. If uncritical use of the term continues, the concept of biophilia will be watered down (as with sustainability and green design) and we will end up with nothing more to show than superficially green, vegetated landscapes dispersed in the city mosaic; vertical green walls in public buildings; and landscaped gardens based on the aspirations of our clients and those in power. In this short contribution, I would like to raise importance of the inclusion of the integration of deep patterns in our city-making process to support the right metrics towards a biophilia-inspired and resilient future.
Biophilia is “the innately emotional affiliation of human beings to other living organisms. Innate means hereditary, and hence, part of ultimate human nature” (Kellert & Wilson, 1993). My interpretation of this phrase is that we are nature. We are not above nature, we are not just part of nature, but we are part of the whole.
The concept of “the whole” (inclusive of everything) as written about by Christopher Alexander (1977), can be supported by the Gaia principle, in which we, as Homo sapiens, are one species amongst many others that interact with our organic and inorganic surroundings on Earth to form a synergistic, self-regulating, complex system that helps to maintain and perpetuate the conditions for life on the planet. It is this deeper connection to the organised complex order of abiotic and biotic systems that results in us being nature, being part of the whole.
To be part of the whole is not simply to reflect on the need to link aesthetic preferences alone, but rather indicates a deep connection to the geometric structures and patterns that occur in the form-making processes of the living systems of nature (Salingaros, 2012). This biophilic effect, an important part of our daily lives, can be divided in two parallels; one source of biophilia instinct derives from inherited memory due to evolution, the second source of biophilia derives from the biological structure of nature itself. This structure comprises the geometrical rules of biological forms, a language of patterns—in essence, the combination of geometrical properties and elements of landscapes embodied in the complex structures found within all living forms (Salingaros, 2012).
This narrative indicates to us that the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, that what we see on the surface is only a reflection of the complexity of living structures underneath.
Our biophilic design agenda thus need to include the characteristics of a complex order, the complexity of the traditional ornament structure (Salingaros, 2015), inclusive of the rules of living structures (Alexander, 2001-2005). Rules for how ornament structure contributes to a healing environment can be derived from understanding how our brain is wired to respond to our surroundings. These rules are patterns. Our daily activities are organised around natural rhythms embedded within nature’s cycles. Patterns in time are also essential to human intellectual development, recognising the periodic natural phenomena such as seasons, annual events, and their effects.
Based on these rules of patterns, Christopher Alexander (1977) introduced into the design and planning of our urban spaces the notion that patterns influence place settings and provide formations for “living structures” in an orderly way. This structure of order, with reoccurring outcomes based on empirical rules, encompass a list of 15 fundamental properties that link geomorphological sequences and patterns in nature with geometric living structures of the built environment (Alexander, 1977; 2001-2005).
Perhaps these empirical rules of nature are the metrics we need to apply to the discourse of biophilic cities. The goals and targets we set for our future cities must be based on the generative processes embedded in the geomorphological sequences of the complex structures in nature—in essence, the structures beneath the surface. The biophilic discourse is not just about the greenery of our cities, as we have clearly identified in this article that there is much more to biophilia than surface.
Dr. Jana Söderlund has spent her career being active as a sustainability consultant, environmental educator, tutor, lecturer, and presenter.
Jana Soderlund
My vision of a biophilic city is one in which city planning and design facilitate a seamless integration of the natural and built environment. A city where nature is given equal status to roads and buildings, or even takes precedence. City dwellers are healthy and happy, commuting through innovative electric vehicles, or simply just walking and enjoying the beauty of the city. Dedicated green corridors connect the city to its bioregion and provide safe pathways for local fauna. Biodiversity is flourishing. The urban heat island is a memory.
By looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been achieved, we can transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards connectedness between nature and humans.
If we could start building a city from scratch, this vision is possible. The technology and the economics are there to support it. But the reality is that many cities are a long way from this biophilic ideal and the question is: How can we transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards achieving a biophilic city of connectedness between nature and humans?
By looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been successfully achieved globally, we obtained an understanding of the metrics needed to move cities towards biophilic nirvana. This required an investigative, immersive journey to explore the origins of biophilic design and to meet with forerunners in the field as a way to gain an understanding of what motivated them to create a social movement of change in the way we design our built environment. The journey also explored examples of biophilic initiatives and how these had coalesced from the early conceptual ideas.
The first and most obvious commonality between these early initiators was a connection to nature, an understanding and intuitive knowing that the inclusion of biophilia in our cities is the way forward. Conferences were held which united these interested players and frequently resulted in the emergence of a local champion. Local champions are important to nurture, as it is often solely their passion, their vision, and their motivation that drives a movement forward. These leaders all appeared to have an undiminishing sense of wonderment about nature and the most frequently expressed word to describe their feelings in nature was peace, followed by wonder. The concept of biophilic design, when researchers or practitioners discussed or presented it at lectures, often attracted comments that this is common sense and why do we need research about what is intuitively obvious? For most, these beginning internal motivators coalesced into drivers of external action, which then advanced the social movement.
This is a social movement which needs to include nearly every profession and area of knowledge. Collaboration and integration of silos of knowledge, and the arenas of government, community, and industry, are essential in the delivery of biophilic outcomes. It is through this collaboration that the multiple benefits of biophilic design become more apparent.
The social and environmental benefits unite to create the economic benefits, thus presenting the necessary business case. The barriers need to be identified for each design approach and profession involved. By doing this, and through creating partnerships across the silos, there is greater potential for case studies and demonstrations to be implemented.
As people innately respond to the biophilic aspect of the demonstrations, a ripple effect of implementation is created. This brings further opportunities for the multiple benefits to become apparent, and for people to enjoy the aesthetics and benefits of increased livability and well-being for urbanites.
As implementation, also driven by the recognition that biophilic design features can address local urban crises, expands, there is increasing opportunity for integration into the professions through education and practice. Government strategic policy and delivery structures are needed for industry and business. Where community has come together and initiated biophilic principles, government needs to ensure that policy does not block these actions but enables and supports local champions in combination with professions and research.
With progression in biophilic design initiatives and greater implementation, the opportunity for innovation and research increases conjunctly. The complexity of components and influences on biophilic design and planning outcomes necessitates the need to consider potential innovation and change in any one part with an adaptive system that responds to change. Active reflection is vital to keep moving forward, with the sharing of knowledge and ideas through online media, articles, and research to continue the inspiration.
Fleur is a trained and a practicing landscape architect and urban designer with vast experience in functional ecological and biophilic design from small settlements to city and regional scale master planning.
Fleur Timmer
How can we cure “sick city syndrome”? By focussing on mental health and eating disorders as indicators
One of my great concerns with the ever-expanding human urban population, is that it appears to be going against the grain of progressive evolution. Mental and physical health is of great concern. How can we heal our sick cities and to retrieve what I call “the lost humans”!
Future generations should be granted, in their basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world.
How can biophilia positively impact the majority of urban dwellers?
Taking the theory of Nature-Nurture and playing with its meaning in the context of the natural world and our lives within it, we can explain its new meaning as, “Nature Nurtures us, but even more so if we Nurture Nature”. We can use this philosophy as the basic ethos and key influence for implementing perpetual growth of biophilic cities.
So, what are the potential methods of infiltrating every open space, hidden cranny, basement, rooftop, interior, home…every cell and, eventually, every aspect of mental and physical human function with Nurtured Nature? How can we instil a desire to Nurture Nature and indeed a common belief that Nature will Nurture the individual and the community.
Mental health and eating disorders: a result of “falling out of the ecosystem”?
It is widely acknowledged that mental health issues are an epidemic among urban dwellers of all ages. Anxiety and depression are most common among young adults and adults, whereas Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (or ADHD) and related conditions tend to be more common among children and young teens. In many cases, the drugs—appear only to lead their consumers on a path of lifelong medication. My point is that many of these conditions arise first in the younger population. These conditions are hard to monitor for target-setting purposes, as many go undetected or wrongly diagnosed for some time, but they are probably the most important to reduce/eliminate for the general health of the population.
Obesity, anorexia, and other eating disorders are often linked to the above mental health disorders and are also occurring across age groups. These disorders tend to appear first in the younger population and are probably easier to monitor for target-setting purposes than mental health issues.
Total disconnection from the natural world
I believe that in a mere three or four generations, urban-dwelling humans will have completely lost their connection with the natural world, finding their only connection to nature through TV programs of what appears to be another world entirely. I call them “lost humans”, sick due to “falling out of the ecosystem”.
I suggest “falling out of the ecosystem” can lead to mental and physical health issues. I believe those in the best position to re-engage the lost humans are the youth, for it is their world in a mess, their elders that need re-education and redirecting, and they are the ones that possess the key to quick change with the drive, vigour, and youthful sense of purpose!
Keys to intercept
Working from the hypothesis that mental and physical illnesses occurs initially more frequently in children and young adults, and that it is proven that direct contact with the natural world improves mental and physical well-being, I propose: creating a global program for biophilic education in all secondary schools, as part of core learning.
Nature-based study is popular in primary school curricula globally; however, it is limited in secondary education, where often the only nature-based learning includes such things as dissecting a frog—not quite the education we’re after! A biophilic education program in secondary education, taught in a cross-subject setting, covering curriculum targets and with outreach projects within the local area, should be compulsory.
My idea aims to encourage the learning about species-interdependency on all levels (including human-to-human), re-educating the “lost humans” while future generations are perpetually engaged in the biophilic enhancement of their local area and co-creating their biophilic city.
Below is an example project:
A two-term program of “Feeding our City’s Ecosystem”
The aim is to grow plants for biodiversity from seed, to grow food from seed, and to build wildlife installations to be distributed in local and appropriate areas, all of which will engage local communities and support groups for mental and physical health.
Such a program would slot into the curriculum like so:
Maths: local statistics on health, obesity, and mental illness; setting target matrices…
Geography: evaluating statistics to determine appropriate locations for implementation; climatic conditions…
Biology: Plant suitability; monitoring and target setting species …
Food Technology: Nutrition of local and naturally grown foods; science behind food and health…
Sociology: Ethics of appropriate monitoring; creation of surveys for students and the public…
Design and Technology: Installation design and fabrication, digital media linked with other schools…
Art, Textiles: Creation of environmental art; fabrication of hanging installations…
There are many opportunities for subjects to overlap, encouraging “real life” problem solving and critical thinking—another valuable tool for healthy communities.
Monitoring targets for success in the reduction of mental and physical illness rates of the pupils could be assessed by the pupils themselves; by means of individual, confidential, and personal monitoring of health and happiness targets throughout their school life. The school as a whole can be monitored by professional observation using anonymous survey results from pupils as well as evaluating entire school targets, such as: monitoring disruption in lessons, violent behaviour, caring behaviour (!), health statistics, and so on.
Community monitoring of mental and physical health could come in the form of voluntary surveys, statistics from support groups/doctors, and general statistics on the city’s crime rates, activity in green space, commuter information, and so on.
If we implemented this program across our many schools, it would take only a few years to see a substantial improvement in human health and well-being, community cohesion, and urban ecosystem vitality.
I would take great pleasure in seeing a future generation that has been granted, in its basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world and that they depend on it as much as it depends on their nurturing of it.
Chantal van Ham is a senior expert on biodiversity and nature-based solutions and provides advice on the development of nature positive strategies, investment and partnerships for action to make nature part of corporate and public decision making processes. She enjoys communicating the value of nature in her professional and personal life, and is inspired by cooperation with people from different professional and cultural backgrounds, which she considers an excellent starting point for sustainable change.
Chantal van Ham
A growing body of evidence suggests that early childhood experiences with nature provide physical and mental health benefits, stimulate child development, and can help to generate a lifelong sense of connectivity and stewardship towards the environment—yet urbanization poses a growing challenge to these types of experiences (Revolve Magazine Spring issue 2017). We are part of nature, but in a rapidly urbanizing, noisy world, filled with entertainment and technological innovation, it is easy to forget that the state of the planet reflects the well-being of its inhabitants. Restoring the connection between people and nature is the foundation for improved quality of life.
Cities that prioritise green space development and budgetary input from citizens show how biophilia can be achieved in urban spaces.
I believe there cannot be enough nature in cities, particularly if we think of the diversity of benefits it can provide to urban citizens, from reduced risk of stroke, cardiovascular disease, and obesity to lessened symptoms of anxiety and depression. I grew up in a small village in the countryside in the South of the Netherlands, and nature captured my heart from a very young age. I can only imagine how different it must be to connect with nature when growing up in a city.
I believe that stewardship for nature comes only from the heart, from within, wherever we live. Experiencing nature—especially in early childhood—counts, and therefore it is important that people who live in cities can connect with nature close to their homes. If we want to restore this connection, it is also essential to educate people all around the world as to why nature is special; there are many ways of doing this.
Cities that prioritise green space development share core attributes: they protect, value, and celebrate their natural assets through education, community engagement, and monitoring and sharing successes. The inaugural issue of the Biophilic Cities Journal, launched in February 2017, is filled with inspiring examples, such as Vancouver’s Biodiversity Strategy; Pittsburgh’s riverfront trails and parks; the Butterfly Highway in Charlotte, NC; and the Oak Bottom wildlife refuge in Portland. These show how achieving biophilia in cities can be done.
In Europe, cities in different countries, such as Poland and Belgium, give citizens the opportunity to participate in decisions on how the city budget is spent. This offers a good starting point for dialogue, ownership, joint responsibility, and stewardship for the results of these decisions. Antwerp, for example, works with a citizen budget in several city districts, which gives citizens the chance to decide about the thematic priorities in which the city will invest. This means that they will become partners in policymaking, and city planners get better insight in their expectations, dreams, local sensitivities, and interests. This video shows some of the projects that have been realized in Antwerp in 2016 thanks to citizens’ involvement in the budget decisions. Over the last four years, Wroclaw, Poland—Cultural Capital of Europe in 2016—has opened 30-40 percent of its budget for citizen decision-making. It is perhaps too early to assess the results and compare the impact on nature as a result of citizen involvement in comparison to traditional decision-making, but it seems to be a positive way for co-creating public spaces and stimulating creative ideas and social cohesion across the city.
Setting goals and targets and developing metrics for measuring improvements for a biophilic city must start with awareness, ideas, and actions that are in harmony with nature—and by engaging all who make part of the city in developing its future.
Dr Mike Wells FCIEEM is a published ecological consultant ecologist, ecourbanist and green infrastructure specialist with a global outlook and portfolio of projects.
Mike Wells
Biophilia is about humans’ love of and response to nature, and many will naturally consider that designing to nurture this “weak innate tendency” is pretty much solely about humankind; that is to say, it’s about how we can create better, healthier, more productive lives for Homo sapiens—the “clever”, and now predominantly urban, species.
Perhaps the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia is its very anthropocentricity.
It has been argued elsewhere that a key value of emphasizing biophilia is in getting us not only to cope with, but to prefer, high density urbanism, which will in turn help us to avoid urban sprawl with all its damaging resource use inefficiencies. This is a key theme that my colleagues and I have developed over many years, and which I believe to be more important now than ever.
Biophilic cities, however, must be about more than that. Perhaps, ironically, the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia (as with sustainability) is its very anthropocentricity—its focus on urban humans and their well-being and comfort. I would like to explore this paradox a little in this short contribution.
I began my career not in cities, but in remote parts of the globe studying flora and fauna in wild (or semi-wild) places. Wherever in the world I have worked or visited, the pressures of anthropogenic habitat loss, extinction of species, and general degradation of the biosphere have been patent and distressing. We have little time to save a world worth living in and passing on to our progeny. We have used multiple methods for addressing this crisis of global biodiversity loss, all of which are part of the solution. Most governmental and scientific approaches these days focus on serious and pressing issues of economics and livelihoods of those in poverty and on fighting ecosystem imbalance that lead to disease. Nevertheless, the threats from development; population increase; resource demand and depletion; pollution; and warfare become ever more acute. We are reduced to drastic decisions over where to spend limited conservation resources or how to extract DNA from vanishing species in the hope that some future generation may be able to reconstitute what has been lost. We are locked in endless struggles to fight off particular threats, such as intense poaching, to feed cultural urban markets for ineffective cures. We are not winning overall—instead, we are driving the mass species extinction of the Anthropocene.
That is why I personally switched my attention from working in the wilds to focussing on design of the urban realm at a midpoint in my career; and to the pressing concern of how to change human attitudes and behaviours, altering the hearts and minds of urban citizens and consumers, towards a fuller understanding and love of nature. I was not then versed in the statistics of global urbanisation. But now I know that in about 30 years hence, 70 percent of us will probably live in cities. Any rural poor that remain in the countryside will be vying with the urbanites for scarce resources. Something, somehow, has to be done to reset our balance with nature, or we face a world reflecting some of the starkest views of science fiction, perhaps with nature reduced to simulators and our living space to “caves of steel” enclosures.
To me, biophilia is the latest useful conceptual mechanism in the armoury we have to save the overall biosphere in a condition worthy of the name. Most of us appear to be aware deep down in our psyches that we need nature. The power of the biophilic response, as opposed to the value of other urban ecosystem services, is that it relates to primal emotions that are considered innate. It is also one that auto-reinforces; when the weak tendency from childhood that has atrophied in adulthood is rekindled, it can grow. And the importance of this is that we have now reached a point where logical, numbers-based arguments, though having an important role to play in saving and promote nature, are not going to be sufficient to save nature from anthropogenic decimation.
We need to appeal to our deepest positive emotions and instincts. Biophilic theory—and, now, the theory of biophilic design—have raised the potential to tap into these emotions and instincts to a new level of professional focus and, thus, action.
Recent publications on “biophilic cities” have described in some depth the struggle there has been to define what such a city looks like. Many of the images that we love and use when talking of biophilic cities, from Gardens by the Bay Singapore, to Bosco Verticale in Milan, to the Acros Centre in Fukuoka, strongly tap into the health and well-being responses in people that so many new research initiatives are quantifying and documenting.
But the creation of a love of, and respect for, wider nature, including those parts of it that we might not even know about, or ever directly encounter, is, to my thinking, every bit as important as focussing on our own urban well-being. Generating this emotion follows the degree to which biophilic city programmes can be shown to change how much urban humans starts to care for “that which is other” and should be a primary metric of their success. We need to look hard for shifts in cultural attitudes and voting opinions from dominion over and use of nature, to ones ofprecautionary restoration,stewardship, inquisitiveness, and wonder. The metrics could be varied, but would probably be based on social, political, and psychometric surveys of citizens.
The types of measures implemented to achieve this goal may differ from those that comprise the most frequent components of the biophilic design canon at present. What those measures need to be could be the subject of a future contribution to TNOC. What is certain is that they need to work very strongly to awaken human awareness of, and care for, global biodiversity, and not just those parts of it with which we share our cities.
A final thought
There is even a risk that, by focussing on the urban ecosystem services that nature provides to us to make our lives better and more comfortable in the cities where we now spend most of our time, we could actually be distractedfrom thinking about the wider plight of nature. We may be lulled into feeling that all is well with the world in our nice, verdant urban realm.
Perhaps we also need, at times, to be made to feel uncomfortable, sad, compassionate—even desperate—about the plight of the wider natural world.
This is a very fine balance to strike.
Several times in my life I have had the pleasure of speaking with David Attenborough and, on the last occasion, I asked him why he does not directly present more hard hitting messages about humans’ harmful stewardship of the natural environment more often. He told me that he saw his main skill and main role to be inspiring people about the wonders of nature, and that from that love, perhaps sustainable stewardship would emerge. As an experienced broadcaster, he was all too aware of the risk of overloading viewers with depressing news to the point that they will “turn off”.
So, we need to employ all of our skill to create both nature-inspired wonder and knowledge-informed concern and action for nature in equal measure, in the effective “biophilic city”.
Dr. Ken Yeang is an architect, planner, and ecologist. The Guardian newspaper named him as one of 50 individuals who could save the planet.
Ken Yeang
Many refer to the contemporary city as an “ecosystem,” but the contemporary city is not an ecosystem, nor is it ecosystem-like. The contemporary city is mostly inorganic. It is denatured, ecologically inert, and lacks the key attributes of the ecosystem that would enable it to biointegrate seamlessly and benignly with the ecosystems and the biogeochemical cycles in the biosphere. The existing city is, in effect, parasitic on the planet for its energy and material resources for its sustenance, and it gives nothing biologically beneficial back to the natural environment.
Instead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focusing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.
The existing city has an incomplete biotic-abiotic biological structure, unlike the naturally occurring ecosystems in nature. The existing city is unable to assimilate the emissions from the built environment’s production systems within the resilience and carrying capacities of the ecosystems in its surrounding bioregion and hinterland.
The land which has been fragmented for building the city remains disconnected, with poor ecological nexus, disrupting species interaction and mobility.
While greening the built environment as motivated by biophilia is good for the environment, it must not just take the form of undiscerning inclusion of organic mass. For example, the biotic mass must have non-invasive species. The species need to be native and their inclusion must come in the context of landscape conditions that must be designed to become habitats that will enhance overall biodiversity of the locality.
Biophilia is essentially an anthropocentric proposition, whereas we should be seeking nature-centric physical and systemic solutions. Nature-centric solutions seek to find ways to make our cities, our built environments, and our production systems (i.e. those systems producing energy, artefacts, and food) to be seamlessly and benignly biointegrated with the ecosystms and with the biogeochemical cycles in the biosphere. Instead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focussing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.
In September last year, the IUCN World Conservation Congress—Planet at the Crossroads—brought together in Hawai’i more than 10,000 participants from 180 countries, including top scientists and academics, world leaders and decision makers from governments, civil society, indigenous peoples, and business. It presented a unique opportunity to discuss the unprecedented challenges facing our planet.
If we don’t maintain our connection to nature, our desire to protect it could disappear.
The Congress made clear that our future depends on tackling numerous challenges, including unsustainable food systems, the health of oceans, wildlife trafficking, business engagement, and climate change. A central theme throughout the 10 days was the need to restore the connection between people and nature in order to tackle these challenges and secure a healthy and livable planet. The Hawai‘i Commitments capture the key messages from the Congress as well as ideas for turning them into action in the coming decades.
Traditional Hawai‘ian dancers at the opening ceremony IUCN World Conservation Congress. Photo: IISD
Reconnecting people and nature
Something that became very clear during this Congress was the deep connection the people of Hawai’i have with their natural environment—the land, the ocean, the wind, and the stars.
Ancient Hawaiian life held a deep reverence and strong sense of responsibility for the natural world. Hawaiians saw themselves as part of, not separate from, nature, and as the direct kin of the plants and animals that shared their world. The people of Hawai’i understand the interconnectedness, the interrelatedness, between themselves and the natural world. This contrasts greatly with the Western style of thinking of nature as something to be dominated and consumed, a manner of thinking which has created immense pressure on our finite natural resources.
To create new momentum for people in cities to reconnect with nature, there are various entry points, starting by unleashing opportunities for local experiences with nature and bundling forces for creating new ideas in the neighbourhood. This means that all of us have to reach out to others, also to those we normally may not talk to or engage with, e.g. scientists, business, government representatives, local NGOs, the media, artists, or private investors.
Education and arts can be a powerful way to create better understanding of nature, and if children have the opportunity to play outside and spend time in nature, they will naturally start to care for it and protect it the rest of their lives. As highlighted by this Nature of Cities article on leveraging arts for education, “this cultivates imagination, engagement, connection, and reflection, artists help us to think critically and creatively about our environment”.
Another entry point for restoring the connection with nature is by creating business opportunities through investing in green spaces in urban areas. An example I referred to in one of my previous essays is the Green Infrastructure Audit, which was developed in London’s Victoria Business District to identify options for installing new green spaces and improving the value of existing areas. Seeing nature as an essential provider of social connections, business opportunities and well-being starts with considering nature as part of one’s own life.
The Story of Nainoa Thompson Nainoa Thompson, navigator of the Polynesian Voyaging Society who addressed the IUCN Members during the General Assembly, made a deep impression on me. He spoke about the danger of forgetting our history, and losing the connection to our world and to nature. In 1980, Thompson became the first Hawaiian and the first Polynesian to practice the art of wayfinding on long distance ocean voyages since voyaging ended in Polynesia around the 14th century. Thompson has developed a system of non-instrumental navigation, drawing on traditional methods of Pacific navigation, guided by the stars and modern scientific knowledge. He explained that nature has a way of telling us where to go and drawing on the ancient methods of sea navigation can help to restore our connection to our ancestors and renew the spirit of who we are as people today. He is currently on a 37-month long ocean voyage around the earth with a replica of an ancient canoe, the Hōkūle‘a, to raise awareness of the threat that extinction is posing to so much of life on Earth. According to Thompson: “The ocean is a great classroom for all of us to understand the issues of sustainability and understand that we do not dominate the world, we are only part of it. And for our world to be of high quality, so does the environment in which we live” have to be of high quality.
Thompson also said: “We learn differently when we are young, intuitive and unencumbered.” This is something we should all take to heart—the way children grow up, how they connect with nature and what they learn to value determines their future. This is why every child should have the opportunity to learn about nature in school and be given the chance to experience nature, to play outside, climb a tree, grow plants and watch them grow.
Nainoa Thomson. Photo: IISD
If we want to protect nature, we have to restore this connection and educate people all around the world as to why it is special. Initiatives such as Nature School in China can help with this. It is a national programme to build capacity to grow nature education which aims to nurture talent, provide training and guidance, build a network of nature schools and promote exchange and cooperation between nature and other fields, targeting not only teachers but also government staff, communication professionals, NGO representatives, and students. This creates the basis for increased awareness of the values of nature across society and
If we don’t maintain our connection to nature, our desire to protect it could disappear. The revival of Monterey Bay, on the Californian coast, known for its abundant and iconic wildlife, is a great example of what can happen when people choose to work with nature rather than against it. Industrial development and commercial interests had a devastating impact on the environment and the local community of Monterey. In the late 19th century, the fishing industry became the area’s most profitable and important economic sector and the once plentiful otters were almost trapped to extinction, followed by the abalone, whales, squid, and finally, the sardines. The bay was dying, fish disappeared, local inhabitants became sick as a result of the polluting sardine canneries; the ecosystem was on the verge of collapse. However, all was not lost. Several actions helped to turn the tide: the creation of two marine refuges along the coast, the establishment of sustainable fishing practices, the involvement of local fishermen who are an excellent source of firsthand knowledge of the marine environment, and the creation of the Monterey Bay Aquarium, educating inhabitants and visitors about the unique ecosystem and its values. The restoration of Monterey Bay is a great example that shows how the efforts of passionate conservationists and the dedication of the local community can turn things around.
Speaking the same language
Before I joined IUCN, over 10 years ago, I studied International Business and worked in the private sector as a consultant for PricewaterhouseCoopers. This experience has helped me to reach out to those who are not part of the nature conservation community and speak the language commonly understood in the business world. I have found that bridges between the conservation world and the private sector are largely lacking and there is a need to create dialogue and trust between the scientific community, the business sector, nature conservation, and government representatives at all levels. Making these connections work is the only way to make sure that all actors in society can do the right thing and make their contribution to a better world. We need a language that everyone can understand.
Children playing on a log. Photo: Shutterstock
As Marthe Derkzen points out in her recent contribution The Nature of Cities, there are very promising dynamics between ecology and society; there are some remarkable stories of people and communities who are changing their world for the better and sharing their messages in ways that can be understood at multiple frequencies.
For example, the city of Ghent, in Belgium, aims to create more green areas in response to climate change and actively seeks citizen involvement to achieve this through a crowdfunding platform. Citizens can share their ideas and raise the necessary funds to support their initiatives, and the city also offers initiators the opportunity to apply for municipal subsidies to fund their projects. One of the projects that was funded is developing mini-gardens on balconies of social housing, creating more green areas to help mitigate extreme temperatures in urban areas and promote local food production, which reduces the need for long-distance transportation and therefore reduces carbon dioxide emissions. Social integration is also enhanced by stimulating cooperation between residents from various cultural backgrounds.
Another example from Southern Portugal shows how sustainable water management is the basis for reforestation and sustainable food production. To avoid rainwater run-off, a Water Retention Landscape has been developed in Tamera, where the hydrological balance is restored and all the rain that falls in the area is taken up by the vegetation or earth, thereby recharging the groundwater and reducing erosion, flooding, and droughts. The Water Retention Landscape was created in 2007, involved the local community in the region, and now provides multiple benefits with support from the local community, government, and water utilities. Today, food-producing biotopes thrive, biological diversity has visibly increased, the groundwater table has stabilized and since 2011 the community of Tamera supplies all of its drinking water needs from wells that are fed by the Water Retention Landscape.
Let’s start the conversation and make the change
There is clearly a mismatch between the demands we are placing on the planet and the earth’s ability to regenerate. There is also a growing disconnect between humans and nature due to urbanization and the rise of technology. Nevertheless, we can adjust our frequency and shift our mindset to learn about the benefits that ecosystems provide for day-to-day life. We can even learn a lot from nature to find solutions, as Leen Gorissen highlighted in this The Nature of Cities roundtable on “making nature more visible to people”.
In Cambodia for example, one of the poorest countries in Asia, people are directly dependent on nature for fish to eat, drinking water, and meeting other basic needs. As the Cambodian government strives to develop the country’s economy and improve the lives of its people, it must balance development with the need to maintain the lifeline that nature provides for people. Conservation International is helping to map the biodiversity and ecosystems that support human well-being, to help fundamentally change how humans think about and value the earth and to make way for implementing changes so people and nature can thrive.
Interface, an innovative producer of carpets and textiles, known for its leading role in taking corporate sustainability to the next level with its “Mission Zero” journey, is now pursuing an even more ambitious vision, “factory as forest,” in which their manufacturing facilities become positive contributors to the environment, providing as many ecosystem service benefits as their surrounding landscape. This requires a change in mindset, not only cherishing nature and restoring the environment, but by making a production plant function like an ecosystem.
At the IUCN World Conservation Congress, a new initiative, called NatureForAll, was launched in September by the IUCN Commission on Education and Communication and the IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas and engaged over 120 partner since then. NatureForAll is a global movement to inspire a new generation of thinkers and doers across all sectors of society to connect with nature and take action to support its conservation. At its core is the idea that the more people experience, connect with, and share their love of nature, the more support there will be for its conservation. For IUCN, NatureForAll is a way to reach and convince new audiences and unconvential partners to fall in love with nature. With over 140 partners already confirmed, the intention is to create a major force for transformational change by sharing stories, making new connections, and creating partnerships for action.
Uniting around a common cause
If we aim to protect what we believe is special about nature, we have to restore our connections to it and educate people all around the world as to why it is special. And there are many ways to do so, as some of the examples above show.
Even though not everyone could be part of the IUCN World Conservation Congress, we can all be part of the journey towards making the world a better place. We can decide whether we connect with nature, work together, and create change. All of us can help to develop understanding and respect for nature in the next generation. Let’s do so by sharing our knowledge and the most compelling stories, so that we can learn from each other and reconnect with nature. Let’s also make sure that we engage with new audiences to create a broad coalition of stewards for nature. I am curious to learn more about your success stories.
Street vendors. Market peddlers. Musicians walking through subway cars. Parking spot guards and car watchers. Van drivers with handmade signs competing for passengers. Hawkers who sell stuff out of the trunks of their cars, out of baby carriages, and from bicycle carts. Hagglers looking to pocket some cash along the road, at a red light, or in busy intersections.
Should cities view people who claim public spaces through informal market activities as insecure persons—or as entrepreneurs?
Informal economic market activity comes in many varieties, and this type of unlicensed trade occurs in most cities worldwide. Maybe it’s hidden out of view in seedy back alleys or behind the markets where bootleggers with sketchy reputations secretly offer their wares. In other places, it’s out in the open, an accepted and normal part of the daily sell-and-buy routine for many products such as fruits, vegetables, household items, and clothing. In other corners of the world, informal markets come off as a sport, with petty traders doing a song and dance to gain attention and prospective buyers circling tables elbowing and jockeying for the best price.
However they are viewed, informal markets bring with them inherent challenges that many cities struggle to deal with.
A few months back, when I was in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, I had a long conversation about what cities can do about these activities with Lela Rekhviashvili, a post-doctoral researcher at Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography. Her area of study is in the informal economic practices of marginalized groups in urban settings; she has researched these informal practices in Georgia and was in Bishkek examining the marshrutka system, a complex public transportation web of mini-van operators that locals throughout post-Soviet countries depend on.
Marshrutkas, or mini vans, are the main form of public transportation in former Soviet countries. The operate under formal and informal economic arrangements that vary by city. Photo: Lela Rekhviashvili
The urban dilemma
To understand the backdrop, cities have to look at who is involved.
Typically, shadow markets and illegal vending opportunities are the only source of income to a city’s poorest group of people. These are the people living on the fringe of society, scraping by and living in survival mode. They represent the part of society that falls between the cracks or those whom cities don’t know how to adequately help. In today’s political climate, many of these people have the faces of “undesirable” migrants who have washed up somewhere; they are the ones selling brand-knock-off sunglasses, purses, or watches on dingy sheets that can be quickly rolled up when the police come, or small pocket items such as cigarette lighters or packs of tissues out of plastic bags that can be easily stowed away.
“When we talk about these small-scale informal practices, we have to think of it as the practices of ‘have-nots’ who do not have access to owning things, and they do not have the capital to invest in something.”
Although they may be among a city’s most vulnerable citizens, local officials and police who enforce city rules have a hard time managing these people’s needs. This is indicative of a double-sided dilemma cities face: How do you manage these activities—which are needed as income sources—without marginalizing people by defining which activities can appropriately take place in public spaces?
“The strategies these [marginalized] populations deploy rely on non-commodified resources, such as public space,” Rekhviashvili said. “So somebody comes and starts using public spaces and commercializes it, to a degree, but their access to this space is not commercialized. They don’t pay market value to anyone for standing there. The only thing that saves their access to this spot is that essentially another informal activity is taking place another 100 meters down. Access is ensured, in some ways, by the level of social approval… Access to the most important resources they have—the land and location—is not market-based, but based on social approval and also based on their claim to public resources being common resources that they can draw on.”
The questions of how public spaces should be used, and whether informal economic activities should take place in them, have many city officials’ heads spinning worldwide.
On an overarching level, the answers lie in how urban officials delineate public and private spaces and how they balance marketization of these places or commodify urban spaces. This process of marketization—which is a necessary part of capitalism, and by extension economic growth—plays a significant role in how informal practices take seed and expand or remain dormant activities.
But the actual management approaches are as varied as the economic practices they are meant to control.
A man and woman sell goods out of carriages along a busy street. Using public space for these types of informal economic activities raises many city-level questions about marginalization and just systems that benefit all residents. Photo: Lela Rekhviashvili
Some city governments feel that these non-taxable activities hurt licensed commercial vendors who pay sales and property taxes and deserve more city support, prime selling space, and customer loyalty. In an effort to reduce what they call unfair competition, many cities (including European cities I have lived in and visited) take a harder stand on this; they not only make it illegal to sell goods informally on the street, but also impose hefty fines and/or prison sentences to those caught engaging in these practices.
Other places have developed more creative ways to integrate this marginalized population into mainstream society and have changed the way its constituents are viewed by the general citizenry.
And, at the extremes, cities without adequate resources have let informal economies run rampant without any control mechanisms in place, while others have gone as far as criminalizing homelessness, for example—which creates a vicious cycle of repeat offenders who can never rise above their lot in life, according to Rekhviashvili.
Creating balance
It’s hard to pin down one approach as a good one in all circumstances. In many situations, it boils down to a few key introspective questions.
“How do we see people who claim public spaces? Do we see them as entrepreneurs, or do we see them as insecure persons who have no other income or ways of generating income to secure their livelihoods?” Rekhviashvili asked. “These are two different kinds of judgments. An entrepreneur is seen as someone who turns profit into investment, expansion, and growth. But many of the people who engage in these activities are turning profit into survival.”
In a place like Tbilisi, Georgia, for instance, a street vendor or parking spot watcher can expand 50 meters more, but they cannot have a kilometer more, she noted. “They can’t go beyond that, again, because their access to the space is not private. They don’t own it. They only have it because somebody else approves of it….the immediate social context approves of it.”
If this is the case, and it’s likely that these practices won’t ever really vanish, how should cities monitor, control, or capitalize on them? Are there examples of cities handling such activities well?
“One way is the Bishkek way,” Rekhviashvili responded. “It’s fascinating to me. It really reminds me of the Georgia of the 1990s, where this ‘do it yourself strategy’ was allowed by the government. It’s the same here now. Everybody does a bit of informal things. Public spaces are not restricted. You can see a lot of vendors at the place of their convenience. Some trade with more things, some only sell a few things and you can see clearly that they don’t have anything else. They only sell strawberries, for example.”
Informal economic activities take many forms. People could be selling onions in the market, strawberries on the street or watermelons out of trucks. Photo: Bangkok to Barcelona On Foot
The marshrutka mini-bus system is another example. The only thing the state regulates about them is the price of transit, she added. “Almost everything else about this is unregulated. The state does not intervene.”
Part of this may stem from state or city’s lack of resources to do more, resulting in their turning a blind eye to the web of informal practices tied to the marshrutka mini-buses, including drivers, dispatchers, and work standards.
For cities that may see such a hands-off strategy as giving away too much control, Rekhviashvili recommended regulations…but not regulations that criminalize the behavior, which often prove counterproductive in the longer term.
“Rules that criminalize these small-scale activities punishes people who are poor,” she said. “This, again, comes down to how do we want to see these people. The question of whether they are entrepreneurs, marginalized or criminals becomes an important discussion point.”
How does your city manage informal economic practices? How has public policy been shaped to integrate this activity into more formalized trading? What rules have or haven’t worked in delineating public spaces for this kind of use? How are informal vendors viewed in your city?
It takes distance to gain a sense of perspective, and so I find myself sitting in a small market town in the north of England looking halfway across the world at my time living in one of the world’s great emerging megacities, Bangkok.
New investment and land speculation in Bangkok could reshape urban futures…or exacerbate inequalities and relocate risk. So far it is the latter.
From this market town there is a sense of history that goes back over a thousand years, with the architectural and cultural artefacts laid out in the physical structure of the town, and the historical product of massive social upheaval and political struggle evident in the common land that surrounds the town, and the many alms houses that provided early forms of social housing. As enduring as this history is, much of the evidence of the past is missing. During the last 20 or more years, the dockside area has closed and is now rusting, and the manufacturing industry has all but disappeared.
Scenes from Bangkok. Photo: Richard FriendPhoto: Richard Friend
Yet this point of perspective provides a sense of clarity on two enduring tensions: how much we are shaped by our urban history, and how much we continue to find the possibility of radical, transformative change.
The story of Bangkok illustrates a strange contradiction, revealing both the ways in which cities can grow and reshape themselves in dramatic fashion, but also the ways in which cities can become locked-in to a degree of path dependency, whereby alternative trajectories for the future appear constrained by actions of the past and the politics of the present.
Bangkok is a relatively new city, a mere 200 or so years old. But it is a city that has grown in geographical area and population, and in the global cultural imagination, from the Venice of the East to a form that is increasingly land-based, stretching higher into the sky, lit up through the night. This process of change is visible on an almost daily basis.
Photo: Richard FriendPhoto: Richard Friend
Having lived in different parts of the Thailand as well as Laos and Cambodia, I moved back to Bangkok in 2008 just as the impacts of the global financial crisis hit deep. My time in Bangkok was a period in which this relatively modern city went through a fresh round of expansion and intensification, revealing long-standing fault lines of potential conflict, and creating new ones. Arriving in the summer with petrol prices at an all-time high, the notorious Bangkok gridlock seemed to have eased dramatically. People were no longer using their cars, and many who still did were converting petrol engines to liquid gas.
But shortly, the quiet of the crisis was replaced by a new wave of frantic activity. This was especially evident in my own neighbourhood, which was once a relatively distant part of the city, defined by the canal system that joined the main river of the Chao Praya and the low lying floodplain land around it. It was only three or four years ago that the last of the fruit orchards, fish ponds, traditional houses, and small farms disappeared here. Admittedly, they had been hanging on by a thread, but they provided a window into a former time. They were a connection to the wider agricultural landscape around Bangkok. There are still some families that continue to live in much the same way as they have for generations, with houses along the waterways, using small boats to punt themselves and their children across the bank to reach the main urban transport infrastructure. But the waterways were now targeted for a fresh round of land speculation and investment, with high value condominiums and housing estates scheduled to take over the canal banks.
For some reason, it took me some time to appreciate what was happening in my own neighbourhood, but soon it became a regular occurrence to walk down a familiar street, only to find that much of it had disappeared overnight, ready for a new round of construction. The impermanence of the urban landscape—the way in which it could be brought down, reshaped, and reconstructed (sometimes through several rounds) within an astonishingly brief period—was, and is, quite staggering.
Bangkok has witnessed a continued growth in land speculation and investment, drawing capital from around the world but also, significantly, from within the country too. Land speculation has been a persistent theme in the economics of Thailand for many years, and citizens have widely used the phrase “rich in land”, often for those who benefited from the increased market value of what had previously been low-value land. In this way, we have seen farmers sell up to land speculation across the country. This has not always brought the benefits that were expected and there is an enduring motif in popular culture of the rural person who sold their land for quick returns, only to blow the proceeds within a short time and find themselves landless, working as hired labour, worse off than when they started.
Much of Thailand does not have the kinds of land rights that would allow for any opportunity to benefit from the emerging land markets. And so, while investment in land and property involves many people, the costs are often quite clear. Stumbling on an old residential area near the main market that had, disappeared overnight (as if purposefully doing so under cover of darkness), I stopped to talk to the few people that had remained. Initially, they were suspicious, assuming that I was somehow connected to the company that had bought the land to build a condominium. Their story is all too familiar. Despite having lived there for around 90 years, the families had no legal rights. The purchase of the land came as an enormous surprise. There seems to have been no effort to address their rights or their concerns. They told me that the offer of compensation was 3000 Baht (USD$ 86) per household—take it or leave it. Not only were they losing their homes, their connection to place, and their community, but the compensation would not cover any of the costs required to move. And as they said, where else is there left in Bangkok that is affordable and near to work?
Photo: Richard FriendPhoto: Richard Friend
Two factors seem to drive the patterns of speculation, and subsequent conversion and construction that follow. Evidently, part of these trends is an apparent attempt to break the path dependence of Bangkok’s transport. The imperative to improve public transport and break the deadlock of traffic gridlock has led to continued investment in the skytrain system. My neighbourhood benefited from such infrastructure. Once considered remote, it is now only a few stops from the glitzy parts of town. Indeed, the glitz has moved out along these routes, and the new urban ideal of the condominium within an overhead walkway stroll’s distance to the skytrain and associated shopping malls has become a physical reality. My neighbourhood is now an area with some of the fastest rising land and property prices—a new investment frontier in the capital.
The sky train demonstrates how investment can reshape traffic. It provides a fast service for getting across the vast area of the city. It also is an alternative to the noise and pollution of the ground level traffic, with air-conditioned carriages and televisions for advertisements. But it is a transport service, and lifestyle, that comes at a cost that is beyond the means of most working families. There is a clear class divide between those who use the service and the rest of the city, that is as strong as the physical separation of the sky train from the ground.
The other factors that have contributed to this reshaping of city transport are much more clearly to do with the way that investment operates in a fast-growing Asian city. Following the maxim of buy low, sell high, money has flowed in such a way as to target cheap land for speculation. Cheap in this context can mean different things—land where ownership is unclear, or where tenancy rights are weak. The relocation of long-established communities is testament to this trend.
An additional feature of the current round of speculation and, indeed, of the history of much of Bangkok and the surrounding provinces, is that much of the land that is targeted is somehow marginal because it is flood prone. Some of the greatest investment in Bangkok and the Chao Praya basin has been on the floodplains, wetlands, and rice fields that flood annually by their nature, and that for a time were protected in state land use plans and zoning. These were easily overturned as capital sought new investment opportunities and high returns; the financial investment, in turn, bought political returns. And so, even the famous King Cobra Swamp, a low-lying wetland on the edge of the city, was targeted for the new international airport. Despite public warnings of the risks this type of land conversion posed to the city of Bangkok, even from the much-revered King, the investments moved forward.
Photo: Richard FriendPhoto: Richard Friend
The implications of these investments were revealed in 2011 with the great floods. Many of the industrial parks and housing estates that had been built in the floodways around Bangkok were under water. The impacts cascaded through production chains across the world. At the same time, the pressure to protect the inner city of Bangkok and the international airport led to desperate measures: trying to divert water and halting the flow while maintaining flood levels in some areas. Inevitably, this leads to conflict between those flooded and those spared.
While the new round of investment and speculation in Bangkok illustrates the potential for reshaping urban futures, the most dominant themes that emerge from current trends are of exacerbating inequalities and relocating risk. With limited public dialogue on urban futures, there seems less opportunity for a transformative future that might be more just and more ecologically viable.
Sometimes, reaffirming the basics can have enormous influence. One of my Thai colleagues used to tell me that rights of access to information and participation, and redress and remedy—the Access Rights of Principle 10 from the Rio Summit—would be the foundation for real progress in environmental and social justice. Sitting back in England, I find it’s easy to take these rights for granted. Of course, in Europe, people have come from prolonged, intense political struggle. Their rights have been claimed, rather than granted. From the vast open space of common grazing land that surrounds this market town, to the ability for citizens to organise and petition against local development plans, the landscape here is very different. It does not necessarily mean that outcomes are better, but certainly the odds seem better stacked.
The first five people we spoke to in the San Anton neighborhood of the Mexican city of Cuernavaca didn’t know the location of the Salto Chico (small waterfall).
How can a once popular natural attraction, in the middle of a densely populated city, disappear from the mental maps of residents? Garbage.
The neighborhood’s larger waterfall, referred to as the Salto Grande or Salto San Anton, is known as a place to buy ceramic planters originally made from the local clay. A small effort is made to promote the waterfall and surrounding basalt formations to tourists.
Top and bottom: signposting the Salto Grande. Photos: Janice AstburyMinutes away from the Salto Chico–who would imagine it’s there? Photo: Janice Astbury
The existence of the Salto Chico, however, only seems to be common knowledge among people who live a five-minute walk or less from it. Passing through a barely visible entrance off a narrow street, it is a surprise to discover that the Salto Chico boasts its own stunning waterfall and basalt columns. The decaying infrastructure of walkways, terraces, and hanging bridges indicates that it was once an attraction. How is it that such a place in the middle of a densely populated city has disappeared from the mental maps of residents? How has a place of such beauty become a dumping ground?
Bathe at your own risk: the Salto Chico. Photo: Janice Astbury
At some points, we must wade through garbage to move around a waterfall-fed basin still recognizable as the sort of iconic bathing pool associated with ecotourism and natural shampoo. The gate at the top of the stone stairs descending down into the ravine or barranca generally remains padlocked, and most people don’t care because the Salto Chico de San Anton is understood to be a polluted place where no one would wish to go.
The situation of the Salto Chico echoes that of most of the barrancas that have historically defined Cuernavaca. Known as “the city of eternal spring”, its pleasant climate is attributed to the cooling effect of its 46 ravines, which have a combined length of about 140 kms and run through all parts of the city (Alvarado Rosas & Di Castro Stringher, 2013).
City centre secret: the Salto Chico. Photo: Janice Astbury
In April 2016, as residents complained about the intense heat, the barrancas seemed to have lost their moderating influence. As Pedro Güereca García suggested during his presentation that same month at the Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos: the city of eternal spring has become the city of sewage drainage. At the Salto Chico, clean water from a spring mixes in with sewage from the houses of both the rich at the top and the poor clinging perilously to the sides of the ravine. Mechanics’ workshops add used oil to this sullied water, and other substances from various other sources are also incorporated—which is what happens in a place that belongs to nobody, explains César Salcedo, who is one of the people who does care deeply about the Salto Chico.
One of the many barrancas visible from the streets of Cuernavaca. Photo: Janice Astbury
Cuernavaca’s barrancas are also the connective tissue of the Chichinautzin biological corridor, in which the city is situated. They have traditionally helped sustain the Corridor’s high levels of biodiversity by allowing plant and animal species to both survive in and pass through a dense and expanding urban area.
The barrancas have provided connectivity for people, as well. Friends tell me stories of walking to school through the barrancas so that the daily commute became an adventure. They often conclude with a sigh as they think about how such experiences have been lost to their own children—a common narrative in much of the world. But even without the great transformation of the experience of childhood, Cuernavaca’s barrancas are no longer very attractive to children or anyone else. As another engaged citizen, Javier Ballasteros describes: “These rocks were formed over thousands of years, but people born since 1980 have no experience of the barrancas. They don’t know this place. Maybe they walk by or pass by here in the bus or in their car. We swam and played here all day. Families came on Sundays. That was 50 years ago. We’ve destroyed it in 50 years…I bring my grandchildren but they want to leave. They say: ‘Everything’s dirty and locked up, we can’t swim.’”
Living above the barranca. Photo: Janice AstburyLiving above the barranca. Photo: Janice Astbury
In addition to the considerable contribution of garbage and sewage made by the general public, the municipal government proposed in 2007 to turn a section of the barranca of San Anton (near the aforementioned waterfalls and in the middle of a densely populated neighborhood) into a landfill site. This was a perceived solution to the closure of the existing dump outside the city—thanks to a roadblock erected by fed-up local residents. After much protest by civil society organizations, the idea of formally turning the city’s greatest asset into a dump was dropped. However, the propaganda that accompanied the lengthy promotion of the project served to reinforce an image of the barrancas as places best suited to receiving waste.
Beside the busy road and supermarket car park…Photo: Janice Astbury…A barely noticeable barranca one can still walk through or alongside. Photo: Janice AstburyCity centre wilderness that’s no longer a playground in San Anton. Photo: Janice AstburyDressed for a day at the Salto Chico. Photo: Janice Astbury
The presence of so much waste in places of natural beauty is a strange phenomenon. I began seriously thinking about it in 1983, during my first stay in Cuernavaca when a fellow passenger threw a bottle from a car window into a beautiful landscape. When I remonstrated with him, he proclaimed proudly: “Mexico is free!”
That moment has come back to me often and I still don’t really understand it. At that time, there was very little garbage in Mexico because there was little that was disposable—and most people wanted the deposit back on their bottles. I have been watching trash accumulate ever since in Mexico, in the U.K., and in various other parts of the world. My bewilderment reached a peak in 2007 in Honduras, when I discovered that a day out at the beach was like a day at the dump. Family picnics involved dozens of items in individual packets and the packaging would pile up around the picnickers as the meal proceeded. Late arrivals had to clear a space to sit before adding their own garbage. I was shocked—this was before I was familiar with the aftermath of sunny days in Manchester parks.
I really began to wonder if people saw garbage differently than I did, if they found the multi-colored packaging attractive, or their ability to purchase the packaged items as a sign of affluence. Or if, like the bottle thrower, they were perhaps pleased to be getting away with something, with not following the rules—which resonates in the context of the once rule-bound English parks, where resident park keepers even had the authority to lock up miscreants over night (Ruff, 2000). Or perhaps some people don’t even see the garbage—and don’t care if they add to it. Other species don’t necessarily care, either, as a key actor in looking after Manchester’s nature described: “We were standing on a small bridge and a heron landed on a shopping trolley in the stream, and you know shopping trolleys are not a problem, they can be a habitat just like any other. It’s only us that have a problem with shopping trolleys.”
Precious asset or waste disposal site? Photo: Janice AstburyUncared for places viewed through rusty fences. Photo: Janice AstburyThe sign says free entry to a lookout onto a barranca but the chain prohibits any entry. Photo: Janice Astbury
The witness to the heron on the shopping cart and I agree, however, that it is extremely important that people connect with urban nature, and that a lot of people do mind if places look uncared for. To many such people—potential stewards of urban nature—wilder versions of urban nature look unkempt. Uncontrolled environments, such as “urban wildscapes”, i.e. “urban spaces where natural as opposed to human agency appears to be shaping the land” make some people very uncomfortable (Jorgensen, 2011, p. 1). They are seen as wastelands to which it is appropriate to add more waste. This means that although urban wildscapes are important places for some people (see Jorgensen, 2011) and for reappropration by other species, it is important for a significant portion of urban nature to show signs of care and to invite people into them (as I discussed in an earlier essay). At a minimum, people should not be met with locked gates.
Locked gates and garbage can make extraordinary urban landscapes, where nature could be at its most visible and interesting, become undervalued and, eventually, almost forgotten.
Behind the falls. Photo: Janice AstburyCleaning up. Photo: Janice Astbury
But things are changing in the hidden landscapes of Cuernavaca in part through the leadership of people who have cherished childhood memories of the barrancas and want to pass their attachment on to the next generations: “It’s about the grandchildren”, several of them tell me—and about engaging youth in the process of transformation. Nearing the end of our quest to find the Salto Chico and now in close proximity to it, a women points us in the right direction before we can even voice our question.
Descending the steps, we see the hundred or so people who have got there before us and already started work. “I don’t know if we’ll get it all cleaned up today,” says César, who is playing an organizing role while insisting that it is not an initiative of any particular group, but of civil society in general. I share his assessment as I survey the scene, noting that some sections of the path passing under the waterfall are buried under more than a foot of waste. However, within a few hours, the place has been completely transformed by dozens of mainly 20-somethings, with a complement of the older people who had played there as children, and of children who perhaps hope to play there yet. “The idea is to look after and restore our barranca here where we live” says César, “and in doing so to set an example for other people in other neighborhoods to do the same, to show them what is possible.”
The difference a day makes. Photo: Janice Astbury
The people who are beginning to look after the barrancas now are trying to restore places they care about. Some of them also think in terms of restoring ecosystem services that they value, including those of clean water supply, temperature regulation, and flood mitigation, as well as recreational opportunities. Some see cleaning up as a political act, even a transgressive act. If mess is normal, clean provokes rethinking, as do citizen led initiatives versus reliance on government, says Javier, who works tirelessly during the cleanup. He doesn’t wait for organized events to do this and he later showed me viewpoints and entrances to the barranca, which he regularly sweeps up to make them look more attractive. He extracts the dead leaves and other organic matter to make a substrate for the street planters that he constructs from recycled crates and installs all along his street, which he also cleans up. “I’m doing an environmental education campaign,” he says, “but not with my mouth.”
Javier says that many people have asked him why he’s cleaning the street. “Who’s coming?” they ask, some are sarcastic and many say that it’s the government’s job. I tell him about my similar experiences cleaning up Manchester canals, where people asked me more than once if I was doing community service as punishment for some crime I had committed. But Javier’s neighbors have for the most part stopped littering and some have started watering the plants; some have asked him if they can have a planter in front of their house. He would now like to acquire a key to the gate of the Salto Chico so he can regularly take groups of young people in to clean and restore it. Javier notes that a lot of people talk about problems in terms of what’s wrong with government, but he says, “I don’t like to talk about good or bad governments; I prefer to speak about good or passive people, because the destruction of beauty was done by all of us, and now we’re waiting for someone to fix it. We need to do it and we can begin to make a difference in days.”
Despite César’s insistence that no one should put their stamp on the big cleanup or the overall effort to restore the barranca, local politicians are soon descending the path, ready to pose for photographs. “That’s ok,” says César, “they bring people. [The people from different agencies] bring people. We need them all… We have short, medium, and long-term goals. Citizens can keep working and if it’s not this government that gets behind it, then maybe it will be the next one. The stages are first cleaning up, then water treatment, and then reforestation of the barrancas.” César believes that the barrancas need the protection of being classified as parks in order to limit what is built on them and what is thrown into them. He wants them to move from places that belong to no one to places that belong to everyone.
Alvarado Rosas, C. & Di Castro Stringher, M.R. (2013). Cuernavaca, ciudad fragmentada: Sus barrancas y urbanizaciones cerradas. Universidad Autonoma del Estado del Morelos and Juan Pablos Editor, S.A.
Jorgensen, A. (2011). Introduction to Urban Wildscapes. In A. Jorgensen & R. Keenan (Eds.), Urban Wildscapes (pp. 1–14). Taylor & Francis USA.
Ruff, A. (2000). The biography of Philips Park Manchester 1846-1996. School of Planning and Landscape, University of Manchester.
A review of Wild by Design: Strategies for Creating Life-Enhancing Landscapes, by Margie Ruddick. 2016. ISBN: 9781610915991. Island Press, Washington, DC. 264 pages. Buy the book.
This book, Wild by Design, is written from the perspective of a landscape architect, Margie Ruddick, who designs cityscapes and individual lots in such a way as to integrate ecology and to reconnect people with their natural heritage.
While Ruddick’s book encourages authentic progress, implying that highly maintained “nature” is a move towards sustainability is problematic.
Full disclosure: I am an urban wildlife ecologist and my review is colored by this. Working in urban areas for over 20 years now with the intent of conserving natural resources, I know the importance of informing and engaging decision-makers in the ways they can incorporate ecological principles into city design and management. For example, yards, cumulatively, can have a huge impact on natural resources (e.g., water, energy, and biodiversity). Without homeowners changing their ways, cities remain unsustainable. I have tried and been involved with similar projects that Margie Ruddick discusses throughout the book. One of the goals for this book was to convey five design principles that help to create more sustainable landscapes. While I applaud Ruddick’s intent, I will comment on the functionality of the examples and fundamental design principles that address the nexus between art and ecology.
The overall goal of the book is to show alternative urban designs that help to conserve natural resources. In her Preface, Ruddick states, “I hope this book will give readers an idea of how they might try to bridge the two realms that were traditionally held distant: the hyper-orderly and aestheticized world of designers, and the sometimes mucky but exquisitely beautiful world of ecologists.” Being an ecologist, that piqued my interest. She goes on to write, in the first chapter, “Landscape architecture. Is it art? Is it ecology?” Again, I perked up and thought to myself, “Aha, a conundrum worth addressing in this age of sustainability. Is there a middle ground?”
Ruddick begins to make the case that creating spaces that are sustainable requires having a cultural component to “…make a landscape that people will internalize, make their own.” While I agree that people need to know what the place was designed to do, I am not sure artful design alone will engage them. I agree, cultural norms do affect whether a community accepts a non-conventional yard. For example, a native woodlands yard, with little lawn, may sequester carbon, provide wildlife habitat, help with water quality, and more, but these qualities don’t mean it will be accepted by the neighbors. My attempts to let my own yard go has, at times, prompted comments from my neighbors, and they were not of the encouraging kind!
In addressing a more ecological landscape, Ruddick says that design took a back seatin the 1990s and the ecological approach had become a more prominent “nondesign approach.” I was a bit taken aback by this, as I have rarely seen an “ecological” approach in urban-based designs, particularly residential neighborhoods. Anyway, I would argue that having areas with “no design” is actually a design choice.
The author goes on to state that for a wild look, you need to walk a thin line between chaos and order. The first chapter delves into her discovery of walking this line when doing her own yard. I read with interest because, as I mentioned above, I have done a similar thing to my own yard. Notably, her use of the word “invasive” in this chapter means plants that spread rapidly and mess up the yard design. This is different from what ecologists consider as “invasive.” As ecologists, we think of “invasive” exotic plants as those plants that are not native and that spread into natural areas, disrupting natural ecosystems. For example, in certain states, the Norway Maple (Acer platanoides, which is in the author’s yard) is listed as an invasive exotic and a threat to natural ecosystems; it should not be planted (USDA Noxious Weed List). I do love that the author highlights that there is less lawn and more structure in her design for her yard. But from her photos, I did see a lot of “showy” exotic flowers. It seemed like much of her yard had exotic plants, which is not good habitat either for insects or for birds. She did leave “snags” in her yard (these dead trees provide habitat for birds and insects, particularly woodpeckers) and talked about wildlife habitat. Ruddick seems very interested in creating an unconventional yard. Her writings about her yard and her experiences with neighbors and the local weed judge were engaging.
The rest of the book discusses a design process that incorporates fundamental principles. Her design process was broken down into five parts: Reinvention, Restoration, Conservation, Regeneration, and Expression. Below, I give my impressions of each section.
Reinvention: The idea here is to think outside the box. As a case study, the author offers up a reinvention of Queens Plaza in Long Island City. First, this project is really a hardscape reinvention and more about people, cars, and noise abatement. The images were beautiful and the landscape plan combined some vegetation with re-designed bike trails and automobile roads. I especially liked the vegetative catchments, designed to capture stormwater. However, the interventions could have gone further. For example, the large concrete curbs could have had cut outs to allow stormwater to infiltrate, a first step in transforming these areas into raingardens. Instead, I assume the vegetation had to be irrigated.
Restoration: I never knew that restoration is considered by some landscape architects as “ … what people with no imagination did.” In my experience as an ecologist, “restoration” refers to a very complex process that requires lots of imagination, historical knowledge, and creativity. I do like, though, that the author mentions the importance of restoring ecological processes in the landscape. However, a concern I have is with some of the definitions the author uses. It was unclear to me whether Ruddick knows the difference between exotics and exotic invasives. She writes, “They [other researchers] argue that plants formerly called ‘invasive exotics’ may not prevent the local ecosystem from functioning. If the food web is functioning so that most species can be sustained, then a plant that is exotic may not be so bad.” Exotic plants that did not historically occur in the area can be solely exotic, without having the additional characteristic of being invasive (i.e., impacting local ecosystems by spreading throughout natural areas). I sense confusion here, as I often do on this subject with some landscape architects—an exotic plant is only an exotic plant, and could theoretically be planted in an area without substantial impacts to surrounding ecosystems. I also get the impression that the author thinks of an invasive as a plants that escapes its landscaped area and goes into other areas of the landscaped area (which is NOT how ecologists think).
Elsewhere, Ruddick talks about using invasive exotics to remove pollutants in contaminated areas. “But where a system has been messed up, and you need to bring in the big guns that can pull contaminates out of the water or soil, invasive species are the star of the show.” Here, the author is thinking at a bigger scale about invasive exotics and that they should be contained. However, I would caution that these invasive exotics, by their very nature, escape and spread. Often, native alternatives exist and could be explored.
Ruddick provides several wonderful examples (especially Living Water Park in China) that involve local communities in the described projects and draw from their experiences. I do agree with the author’s sentiment that designs need to incorporate local people’s wants and ideas.
Conservation: As ecologists, we stress that conservation is the most important step when trying to conserve biodiversity. It is much easier to conserve than to restore (imagine trying to grow a 70 ft.-tall tree!). I like that the author emphasizes this. It takes a huge amount of effort and time to restore a piece of land, but conservation is relatively cheap and, if done correctly, can really make or break a project in terms of sustaining natural resources. As the author suggests, ecologists should be involved in design processes to make this happen. The chapter discusses many ecological principles. However, the case example that Ruddick gives is of a home landscaping project that was not a conservation example at all. Rather, the project was about conserving desert landscaping in “principle”—even though no native plants were there to begin with. It felt a bit out of place.
In another case study concerning a resort landscape plan that was going to be compact (for economic reasons), the author argues about constructing over a larger area to take “ … advantage of the diverse landscapes and to ensure that being out in the landscape would be an integral part of one’s stay.” As an ecologist, to conserve the “wild,” we often recommend that a development should be more compact, not less. This minimizes impacts; spreading the development out typically causes more harm to ecosystems. While I do appreciate the notion that people visiting a compact resort may be exposed to fewer ecosystems, a dispersed design may come at the cost of destroying these ecosystems. If a design truly were meant to conserve natural resources, then, in most cases, I would recommend that it be compact.
Regeneration: The central idea here is that one is setting in motion a set of processes that will restore something that is lost. I agree with this sentiment, as one needs to understand that landscape change, even in an area as small as a city lot, happens over a long period. And I like that the author talks about using local knowledge and establishing partnerships with local people. However, I did not see this as separate from the Restoration section and was confused about why the author chose to separate the two.
One neat example in this chapter came from Liberty State Park, Jersey City, NJ. They designed bird blinds that became living walls. I thought this was a fantastic way to combine bird watching with creating habitat.
Expression: This chapter was the most informative to myself as an ecologist, because I am very interested in what makes landscape architects “tick.” While I play lip service to aesthetics in my own work, I read this chapter with deep interest. According to the author, landscape architects’ motivations revolve around the desire to employ creative powers that express beauty or touch emotions. The goal is to create beautiful places, and the author noted that most people came to the landscape profession through art (Is that true in others’ opinions? I did not see a reference for the notion). But, is beauty not in the eye of the beholder? I mean, an ecologist’s definition of beauty in a landscape could be quite different than a non-ecologist.
The examples the author gives in this section are a mix of formal and wilder gardens, but they tended to have symmetries, straight lines, and manicured vegetation. To me, as an ecologist, beauty looks more like “controlled chaos,” where patches of chaotic, native vegetation are mixed in with a few exotics and mowed or trim edges. However, in my view, the controlled areas should be a minimal part of the landscape. Overall, this chapter tended to cover formal gardens and designs that occur inside built areas. It emphasized plant sculptures and building shapes that resembled “wild critters” but, in itself, it was not about conserving natural resources as much as it was about representing the wildness around us. Again, I noticed that some of the example gardens used invasive plants, such as Snake Plant (Sansevieria hyacinthoides), in a Florida landscape, which gave me pause about how much impact these areas would have on surrounding natural landscapes.
Reading this book was informative for an ecologist that works in urban areas. It helped me understand more about how landscape architects think and the possible synergies among humans, wildlife, and art/creativity. The whole book is full of great illustrations, photos, and case examples.
The author’s overarching message may be that people feel deeply connected to wild landscapes, and that a design should reflect this. However, I came away concerned that people would read this book as truly incorporating ecological principles into city landscapes. In my opinion, green development is a continuum of doing nothing to doing the whole thing. Almost all efforts are somewhere in between. This book moves the needle towards a more sustainable, wild, and natural way. But it did not go far enough and had some examples that could actually cause more harm than good.
My other worry is that design is not enough; long-term management is critical. This book offers little thought or concern for what happens over the long term. For example, those critical habitat patches in the middle of a subdivision could be compromised by what is put in each of the built lots nearby. If invasive exotic plants in yards were not managed through removal, they would escape and spread into nearby wildlife habitat. Ruddick ends her book by talking about promoting stewardship, and I agree that we need more environmental stewards. My concern is that the designs offered up in her book may demonstrate or reinforce the opinion that highly maintained “nature” is Nature, when it could more accurately be described as highly maintained art.
It is easy to be somewhat critical of different projects using hindsight. However, the devil is in the details and while Ruddick’s book encourages authentic progress in some areas, several of its shortcomings—e.g., not fully addressing ecological concerns—still give me pause. The recommendations and designs contained are not truly “wild.” I hope that as we move down a path of sustainable landscaping, people will appreciate and see the beauty in the “ordered chaos” that is Nature.
I have an affection for cities in transition. I like when I visit a city for the first time and get an immediate sense that things are changing, that there is a blurring between what’s old and what’s new.
Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan was one of those cities.
Raushanna Sarkeyeva, a Bishkek community organizer, is aiming to increase transparency of planning initiatives in his native city.
When I first arrived in this Central Asian capital last spring to collect onward visas for our walking journey, an expat from the U.S. said something that stuck with me. Bishkek, he said, and had been told by others who had lived in the city for many years, has “old bones,” meaning that the Soviets designed it well and its core urban planning concept was well conceived.
Today, Bishkek is trying to shake off its outdated image of utilitarian buildings and factories, and, as a result, there is mish-mosh of new things happening. There is a sense that it is still defining what it wants to be now, and what it will offer the world.
New building construction marks many of Bishkek’s neighborhoods. Photo: Jenn Baljko
For me, it’s a city of contrasts. It’s modernizing itself while holding on to traditional ways. There’s plenty of new construction underway, but quite a number of individual apartments look empty. There are fancy Lexus, Mercedes, and SUVs parked any which way alongside workhorse Russian Ladas. There are high-end coffee shops, big-box supermarkets, and brightly lit commercial centers next to mom and pop shops with mysteriously darkened windows and thick metal doors. Locals stroll through beautiful green pedestrian zones and well-manicured parks and then turn a corner and stumble over unpaved streets, broken sidewalks, and potholes.
Starting a movement
I was curious about this Central Asian city, so when I returned to Bishkek a few months back for another extended stopover along our route, I asked locals for an insider’s perspective.
One person I spoke with—Bishkek native Raushanna Sarkeyeva, founder of the city’s Urban Initiatives Foundation and a former business analyst who previously worked and studied change management in the Netherlands—had some interesting things to say about city planning, urban development initiatives, and citizen advocacy.
On a high level, creating a sense of ownership is one of the biggest challenges Bishkek urbanists are tackling.
Faced with the hangover of a Soviet, top-down way of doing things, groups such as Sarkeyeva’s Urban Initiatives Foundation are encouraging people to participate in urban planning, to form tighter-knit communities, and to reclaim and take care of public spaces that are not well maintained by city agencies or that are being doled out to private developers.
Commercial centers and big-box supermarkets have found their place in Bishkek, and are usually found alongside mom-and-pop shops with mysteriously darkened windows and heavy metal doors. Photo: Jenn Baljko
The group’s initial project focuses on working on a neighborhood level to renovate municipal libraries and encourage their use as open spaces where residents can meet and do more than borrow books.
Other priorities include building a grassroots movement around urban development; reviewing near-term zoning plans and better matching planning ideas with the needs of citizens; and fostering more open dialog among all urban development stakeholders.
Here are a few transcribed excerpts from our conversation (It has been edited for length).
Jenn: What is the history of Bishkek? What was the Soviet-era vision for the city, and what are some of the development challenges the city now faces?
Raushanna: Bishkek was a planned city, and was planned quite well in terms of urban design and the design of public spaces. It also went through a period of rapid growth after World War II, and there was a plan to build a new city with more social housing for people working in the plants and coming for here for different industrial enterprises. Then—20, 30 years ago, and we have this vision from people who have nostalgia—Bishkek was thought to be a green city. It was a friendly city, a livable city, a nice place to walk.
Now, Bishkek is, I must say, still quite livable, when you look at other cities in the world. In Bishkek, you still have this idea of “human scale” that has stayed with the city. It’s a vibrant city with a good street design, and this environment creates personal contact and accessibility.
The bad side of development that we now see is all these fences; they are everywhere. It’s for security, but it is also a sign of people saying, “This is my private ownership. I own this land. And, I don’t want to see people I don’t want to see right now.” … With all these fences, the city is becoming more closed on itself.
Jenn: So the city is becoming more exclusive and less inclusive?
Raushanna: Yes, there is that. And the interest in the private and public spaces is changing; that’s becoming more evident. Our public spaces are now in transition from being super planned…with wide avenues (a demonstration of Soviet power) and vibrant centers to now being lost to private development. To some degree, we also need it. It’s a good sign of investment and interest in Bishkek, and I believe entrepreneurs are one of the major actors in changing and improving the city. But we also have bad examples of the city losing public spaces to private developers. For example, green zones and public parks were given for construction of high-rise development.
Residents of Bishkek have their choice of pedestrian green ways, parks, and public squares thanks to Soviet urban design and planning. Now, however, many green zones are threatened by private development. Photos: Jenn Baljko
Jenn: I was surprised to see so many high-rise buildings under construction in Bishkek. It’s something I noticed right away. Is this coming at the price of sacrificing green spaces? How are zoning and planning regulations controlling this? Is there a long-term city plan that balances development and open spaces?
Raushanna: The urban planning side is an endless story. I could talk about this for hours! This is my third year doing this, and I’m still digging into this issue and trying to understand different problems, collisions, and conflicts in this field. Right now, we do have a so-called general plan that is like a master plan, but slightly different from how master plans in the West are understood. But, we do not have zoning, and that is a big problem we face.
This is a paradox. There are 14 small and medium size towns in our country that do have zoning. They have legal zoning. This means they have a good base for transparency and for negotiating and integrating public and private interests. It’s also a key for local self-governance and for communities to express their priorities and defend its interests.
In Bishkek, no; we don’t have this. You see too much commercial interest here, and the stakes are higher here in Bishkek. In 2005, the process to bring that here started but, under lots of excuses, it was closed.
That said, the extent of civic engagement in our country, compared to other Central Asian countries, is higher. We have had good experiences with building democracy and defending our rights. But, surprisingly, in Bishkek, people—they do not have sense of ownership. That’s why, quite often, they are not using their right for information and their right to inquire about the quality of construction. They are not appealing to development or planning agencies, and the construction industry is generally quite closed and acting in its own interests.
Our group is seeking out interviews with these developers and different stakeholders. In Bishkek, though, we do not have a powerful mechanism or tool that we can use to defend our rights. But, we do now have a few activists, who, for example, help citizens of high-rise buildings build a community and fight for their rights.
One problem is that people find out about new development very late, after the developer has been granted permission to build. Usually only when the trees have been cut, an area demolished, a fence erected, and construction started does the public learn that there is new development happening. By then, it’s already too late to do anything.
Jenn: There’s no notification process, no zoning board meetings where the public can comment, no interaction with the community? These projects are rubber-stamped with approval but the community doesn’t know about them? That’s a big issue to fix, isn’t it?
Raushanna: This is one of our organization’s initiatives. One of our projects is to put procedures in place and have a system to help notify people. For example, we see the Bishkek city architecture department has this and this application, and the committee of the city is scheduled to approve this and this construction site; we would like to see something that says, “Starting from this date, you have 30 days to study the project, to make an appeal, to comment on it.”
Bishkek native Raushanna Sarkeyeva (fourth from left), her team at Urban Initiatives Foundation, and other urban planning activists are creating a grassroots movement to increase awareness, encourage public participation, and widen conversations around urban growth. Photo: Jenn Baljko
Jenn: Is there an interest from the public to have this information?
Raushanna: I think now it is emerging. Now, compared to what was happening in the public discourse five years ago, people are more aware, and yes, we have this interest.
Jenn: It’s good to see that the idea of urban development is beginning to take hold and conversations are creating more awareness and involvement. How, then, does this link to the idea of creating Bishkek as a city of opportunity? How can you drive more accessibility and accountability in a sustainable way? What’s Bishkek’s biggest opportunity?
Raushanna: One opportunity now is to work on the small and medium level, on the neighborhood level, and try to start something from the bottom up. But the biggest opportunity is for the people to build a cooperative city that works for the community, for the officials, for the entrepreneurs, for the academia. It’s an opportunity to learn how to work together for the common interest. It may also be our biggest challenge. But, if you have this multi-sided partnership, that could be a key to a lot of change.
In the science of natural resource management and planning, we often think about land from a “bird’s-eye” view: parcels on a map that delineate parks, residential properties, and the city streets—for example. Understanding these sites from a “worm’s-eye” view presents a different, more grounded experience of space and place.
The edge is an interstitial space between public and private realms that can draw us toward or away from our parks and natural areas.
In particular, boundary lines clearly delineated on parcel maps may become blurrier when viewed in person. The edge often serves as a porous space of interface and exchange, but it also can be a site of exclusion or division. The ebbs and flows of people moving through these boundaries become visible; the mimicry in forms across land uses and ownership can be observed; and we can detect signs of stewardship, attachment, and expressions of identity. Qualitative methods in social science can open up this grounded experience of place to provide insights about the uses and meanings of urban parkland, which in turn can inform our design and management strategies.
Figure 1. Distinct and clearly marked edges of Canarsie Park in Brooklyn (top) and Spuyten Duyvil Shorefront Park in Brooklyn (bottom) demarcate space and affect pedestrian flows.
Social assessment of park use
Since 2013, an interdisciplinary team of scientists and natural resource managers at the New York City Urban Field Station and the Natural Areas Conservancy have been undertaking a study to investigate the social dimensions and value of public green space in New York City. This study, a Citywide Social Assessment of New York City Parks and Natural Areas, explored approximately 9,000 acres of New York City parks in an effort to better understand the social meaning of these green spaces. Adrian Benepe previously reflected upon the findings of the 2013 social assessment in a May 2015 TNOC post.
With this portion of the study, we sought to understand: what are the spatial patterns of human park use? We paid particular attention to boundary dynamics at the edge interface between the park and the community, developing a different methodology and protocol for treating the edge. We defined the edge as the area directly adjacent to, but outside, the park boundary. The protocol guided qualitative observation through field notes and photo-documentation of the streetscape and properties adjacent to parks. Unlike the rest of the social assessment, research crews did not conduct interviews on the edge, but took detailed notes of all encounters with individuals who voluntarily approached them to speak.
Figure 2. Less clearly marked edges of (above) Brookville Park in Queens and (below) Conference House Park in Staten Island
Porosity: visual and physical access and openness
Across different parks and within each park, we observed large variations in park edges in terms of their porosity: some edges were very clearly marked, with fences or other physical barriers distinguishing between the park and the surrounding neighborhood (Figure 1) while other edges were less distinct (2). Along one of the fenceless edges of Conference House Park in Staten Island, we also observed signs of a bench in the shade of a tree creating an intentional viewshed from a private lawn to the public park (Figure 2).
Blurred boundaries: overlapping territories
Occasionally, it was difficult to distinguish between the park and the surrounding neighborhood. For example, in Clove Lakes Park in Staten Island, we saw a small informal garden (Figure 3a) on what appeared to be NYC Parks’ property according to our maps, but also happened to be on the other side of a house at the end of the dead end road. Near Conference House Park, we saw a very large deck that appeared to extend to the edge of NYC Parks’ property, if not onto the park itself (Figure 3b). The deck was around 3 to 4 car lengths, so both its size and its location were unusual.
Figure 3. Edges of (a) Clove Lakes Park with a garden on the park edge, (b) Conference House Park with a private deck at the park edge, (c) Clove Lakes Park with an intentional gap in shrubbery on private land, (d) Brookville Park, with vegetable gardens along a chain link fence
Many parks are also directly adjacent to private backyards, and we observed different ways that residents had made the park an extension of their backyards. For example, at Clove Lakes Park, we saw a backyard with a row of shrubs planted to distinguish between private property and NYC Parks property, but there was an intentional mowed and unplanted gap between the backyard and the park, allowing for physical access between the spaces (Figure 3c). At Brookville Park in Queens, we saw informal vegetable and herb gardens along chain-linked fences that separated an owner’s property from the park (Figure 3d). We observed that these were likely maintained by a resident or multiple residents, as there was an open gate in the chain-linked fence, and there was often a pile of gardening supplies near that gate.
In simple terms, these overlapping territories can be seen as positive (engagement, stewardship, ownership, and attachment) or negative (encroachment, privatization of public space). Instances of blurred boundaries between park and home should be further investigated in order to understand how urban residents form attachment and meaning to parks and natural areas. At the same time, what may appear as encroachment or privatization may actually stem from the need to create a safe and viable space, suggesting that these types of activities are a form of stewardship and civic engagement.
Figure 4. Landscaping on the parks side (top) that mirrored the neighborhood side (bottom) near Forest Park
Mimicry: shared sense of ownership and identity
At Forest Park in Queens, we saw signs of landscaping on the park edge that mirrored the neighborhood side directly across the street and was not found in any other part of the park or other parks (Figure 4). It was unclear whether this landscaping was performed by NYC Parks workers or the community; nonetheless, it is notable that time and effort was invested into creating a sign that linked the park to the neighborhood. We see these acts of mimicry as subtle signs of shared ownership and identity through care and design.
Exclusion: boundary marking and contested meanings
While some signs showed integration between the neighborhood and the park, we also observed signs of a desire to erect clear boundaries between the neighborhood and the park. At the edges of Brant Point Wildlife Sanctuary and Dubos Point Wildlife Sanctuary, residents installed fences along with “Private Property: No Trespassing” signs to clearly mark the border between public and private land (Figure 5). Similar signs were also posted near Alley Pond Park in Queens and Wolfe’s Pond Park in Staten Island (Figure 6).
Figure 5. Top to bottom: Edges of Brant Point Wildlife Sanctuary in Queens and Dubos Point Wildlife Sanctuary in Queens demarcate private property
Portions of Brookville/Idlewild Park in Queens are very wet and marshy. Numerous residential street- ends adjacent to the park occasionally flood in heavy rains. We interviewed one neighbor who told us about her work in stewarding this edge of the park. Her family had collected money to remove storm debris after Hurricane Sandy, out of concerns over aesthetics and the potential for mosquitoes to breed, which could be vectors for West Nile virus. She had made requests to her NYC Parks Borough Forester related to nuisance trees. At the same time, she was maintaining a small, manicured garden, directly on the edge of the park, saying, “This is mine, I claim it!” Clearly, these neighbors feel a strong attachment to this edge garden, though they do not venture into the wetlands beyond the edge.
Figure 6. Top to bottom: Edges of Alley Pond Park and Wolfe’s Pond Park demarcate private property
Overall, park edges can convey information about the surrounding neighborhood’s attitudes towards their own private property in relation to the park. While some residents appear to welcome the blurry boundaries between the park and the neighborhood, other residents feel the desire to make those boundaries explicit and marked, through signage and through stewardship practices.
Re-designing the edge: Parks Without Borders
In policy and planning circles, there has been a recent acknowledgement of the importance of the park edge. The City of New York launched a new program in 2015 titled Parks Without Borders to improve the entrances, accessibility, site lines, and edges of New York City parks (NYC Parks 2016). Drawing upon extensive community input and voting, NYC Parks selected eight showcase parks across the five boroughs of New York City to receive a new design treatment of their edges that will create a more seamless public realm between the park, the sidewalk, and the street. This effort is informed by NYC Parks Commissioner Mitchell Silver’s background as an urban planner and as a former president of the American Planning Association. Silver presents this initiative as good planning and design put into practice.
Parks Without Borders: Before (top) and after (bottom). Images: Courtesy of NYC Parks
In a dense city of 8.5 million people, the square footage to be gained from a redesign of the park edge and its interface with the public right of way is not an insignificant amount of open space. While the eight showcase parks will receive the most extensive design treatment, NYC Parks is already implementing these design strategies into new capital investments whenever possible.
One underexplored area to investigate and consider is how the edge of natural areas—woods, meadows, and wetlands—can be designed to invite use, exploration, and stewardship while still providing valuable habitat to many species, including rare and sensitive ones. Certainly, different strategies will be required for natural areas abutting recreational parkland, open water, private property, and public streets—but all of these present opportunities for thoughtful trail design, wayfinding, entrance points, public art, and interpretation.
The worm’s eye view is the view of the park user, of the street ethnographer, and of the section drawing in an urban design. It is crucial to bear in mind as we make decisions about how to design, manage, and program our edges and interiors. The edge is an interstitial space between public and private realms that can draw us toward or away from our parks and natural areas.
Lindsay Campbell, Novem Auyeung, Michelle Johnson, Erika Svendsen
New York City
Novem Auyeung is a Senior Scientist, Division of Forestry Horticulture & Natural Resources, NYC Parks. Novem guides conservation, research, and monitoring priorities for the Division.
Dr. Erika Svendsen is a social scientist with the U.S. Forest Service, Northern Research Station and is based in New York City. Erika studies environmental stewardship and issues related to hybrid governance, collective resilience and human well-being.
When I see titles like this, I always wince. Half-baked, hastily-gleaned, Internet-trolled info-news parading as something useful; it’s everywhere, and it’s only ever there as time-wasting click-bait. It all lives in the land of hyphenated-nowhere that delivers most of what we now think we know about the world. But I won’t let that stop me. Ecocities are important.
There are ecocity definitions that have both vision & practical purpose, which have been debated & tested for over three decades—let’s use them.
Delving into this exercise in trying to pin down definitions, not only was I confronted with intermingled and mangled definitions of eco-sus-bio-smart-fab cities, but I was suddenly struck by the thought that I was navigating a sea of “alternative facts”. Not wanting to help spread the darkness of these times of optional truth any further, I nearly gave up on the spot! Still, it has to be okay to have definitions shaped by opinion, provided that there is some rational, defensible basis for them; the danger is in adopting a word just because you like it (and maybe in rejecting it because you don’t). Read the following in conjunction with the review of Can a City Be Sustainable?
Defining an ecocity—what is it?
There are, and have been, many interpretations of the ecocity concept [see illustrations]. At the time I first started talking about ecocities, it was usual to hear the term dismissed as an oxymoron. I suspect that the number of people who think they know what “sustainable” means greatly outnumbers those who are familiar with the “ecological” variant of city ideas, and I thought it was high time I tried to clarify some of the basics. The Wikipedia entry on “eco-cities” provides a rather rambling mish-mash of what comprises an ecocity, but although there is probably nothing in it that is actually “wrong”, it lacks any sense of visionary purpose. For that, it’s hard to go past Richard Register’s definition in “Ecocity Berkeley” (the first book in English to have “ecocity” in its title), in which he writes, “An ecocity is an ecologically healthy city”. Those seven words set out a powerful and challenging agenda, begging as many questions as it purports to answer. With the brevity and pertinence of a koan, Richard’s next four words speak volumes more: “No such city exists.” (Register 1987 p. 3)
Richard Register has provided the best one-liner definitions of an ecocity, complemented with “postcard” images of what they might look like—in this case San Francisco is depicted after its transformation into an ecocity. Image: Richard Register
An ecocity is about ecological health. It is conceived in aspirational terms because we don’t yet know even half of what we need to know to make the concept real. Although we don’t know enough about how the world works, the assertion of the ecocity is an article of faith that once the idea becomes strong enough to set development and political agendas, provided it is understood amongst the wider community and people can engage with it and live the idea, the system of knowledge we call culture can begin to create ecocities. As Register says, “the concept must be firmly established and broadly understood and supported”. It’s not only about creating “the ‘sustainable’ city that coexists peacefully with nature”, it’s about “a new creative adventure accessible to everyone” and “nothing less than a new mode of existence and creative fulfillment on this planet” (p.5). In this view, an ecocity is about very much more than solar powered trams, energy-efficient buildings, and fewer cars (even if they’re electric).
Thirty years on from the publication of Ecocity Berkeley, it is not always easy to sustain the optimism and hope that the task of promulgating the ecocity meme demands, for these are, as Richard insists, “dark times” (Register 2017, personal communication).
International ecocity conferences have been running for almost three decades
Al Gore’s 1992 fax message to the Second International Ecocity Conference organisers.
There have been many “ecocity” and ecocity-related conferences in the past several years, but there is only one Ecocity Conference Series. Renamed Ecocity Summits in recent years, this is a conference series that started under the helm of Richard Register in Berkeley, California, in 1990.
The conferences have always been about bringing together diverse voices with a passion for issues and ideas that are essential to making ecological cities and taking the ecocity vision to the streets. The early conferences, in particular, were characterised by a degree of eclecticism that was suited to the creation of the kind of multi-facetted and fascinating places that early ecocity protagonists imagined ecocities would be. The first conference included a dazzling range of speakers and thinkers (not all American) that included David Brower, original founder of Friends of the Earth, and Ed Mitchell, the sixth man to walk on the moon. There have been 11 conferences in the series to date, hosted on six continents with the deliberate aim of moving north to south, developed to developing country, seeking a wide, culturally inclusive platform to share and disseminate ecocity theory and practice.
Al Gore was invited (under the auspices of Richard Register) to be lead speaker at the Second International Ecocity Conference in 1992 in Adelaide, Australia (see photocopied fax). He was unable to attend at the time but now, 25 years later, he is the confirmed principal at the forthcoming Summit in Melbourne, Australia.
The International Ecocity Summit/Conference Series
• 2015 Abu Dhabi, UAE
• 2013 Nantes, France
• 2011 Montreal, Canada
• 2009 Istanbul, Turkey
• 2008 San Francisco, USA
• 2006 Bangalore, India
• 2002 Shenzhen, China
• 2000 Curitiba, Brazil
• 1996 Yoff, Senegal
• 1992 Adelaide, Australia
• 1990 Berkeley, USA
A smart city might not be an ecocity
A smart city is all about using technology to capture, interpret, and employ the data generated by urban systems to make those systems, and thus the city, more efficient. Is an ecocity a smart city? It can be, but, in the sense that “smart city” protagonists use the term, it certainly doesn’t need to be, unless you accept the definition broadened to include sentient, carbon-based, bi-pedal life forms as integral to the operating system.
Smart city agendas invariably refer to improving the quality of life of people, but rarely mention the need to maintain the quality of life for other denizens of the planet.
In summary, an ecocity does not have to be a smart city, but a smart city can aspire to becoming an ecocity.
Biophilic and ecological cities are not necessarily the same
As the leading advocate of “biophilic cities”, Tim Beatley might argue otherwise, but, whereas an ecological city must acknowledge and fit with nature, it doesn’t necessarily follow that it operates so that the citizens have a sense of biophilia—although it is most likely that it would, and it is hard to imagine creating a city “in balance with nature” if nature wasn’t celebrated for its own worth. Likewise, a biophilic city may be ravishingly attractive but, in theory, it could be supported by fossil fuels and produce streams of toxic waste (i.e., be a conventional, current-day city with biophilic overlays—see my last TNOC blog for a brief discourse on what is “authentic” in biophilic experience).
Sustainable cities and ecological cities are not the same
You’re probably beginning to get the theme here. Twenty-five years ago at EcoCity 2, I prompted some real distress on the part of some very strong advocates of “sustainable cities” by insisting on there being a difference between what they were talking about and what I understood by the idea of an ecocity. Hair-splitting infests all professional and academic endeavours, so it may not be surprising that, with sufficient effort, one can argue a chasm of difference between two very similar ideas. My argument rested on my fear that “business as usual” was quite able to assimilate the incremental improvements that were being advocated to move “towards sustainability”, and thence appropriate the tag of “sustainable” without there being any qualitative shift towards anything like an ecocity. I’m inclined to rest my case on the 25 years of history that have failed to deliver anything remotely like a real ecocity, but there have been some significant improvements in urban systems performance around the world and urban experiments such as Masdar in the UAE that have to be welcomed.
Masdar Ecocity in the UAE. A rare on-the-ground example of ecocity ideas in action—but notice the obvious automobile-dependency. Photo: Paul Downton
Ecopolis isn’t a brand, it’s a theoretical position
Ecopolis appears to be just another word for ecocity, but it harbours some profound, albeit subtle, differences. Simply put, the concept of ecopolis (that I favour and have promoted publicly since 1989) is broadly shared by Russian, Chinese, Italian, and other European researchers and protagonists and refers to a “city plus its region”. Thus, an ecopolis is not just bricks-and-mortar, steel, glass, and concrete, but includes its essential hinterland. Its ideal model would be that of urban systems embedded in their bioregion in an interdependent relationship.
From “eco”, to do with ecology and “polis”, a self-governing city, I take ecopolis to mean city plus region (like Magnaghi and Wang) but that clearly isn’t the definition adopted by Vincent Callenbaut who would have well-heeled “climate refugees” living on self-contained, hi-tech ocean-roaming Lilypads each claiming to be an “ecopolis”. Register prefers ecocity to ecopolis, arguing that as a word it is more readily understood (and is easier to render in the plural). To include the region, he favours “ecotropolis”. But we’re all trying to say pretty much the same thing.
The various terms in use can be confusing—is a book about sustainable cities also a book about ecocities, even if the word ecocity is barely acknowledged? The most important thing is to be a little bit tedious and, in any discourse on the subject, begin by making plain what definition in terms you are using.
Ecocities die
All cities change, grow, shrink, live, and, eventually, will die. To quote myself:
“Although the science of cybernetics and systems theory allows that cities might be considered organisms, it may be more correct to say that a city is not an organism, but it is alive. The ‘city as organism’ is a useful and powerful metaphor, but ‘city as ecosystem’ is not a metaphor. It is an entirely appropriate and scientifically defensible description. A city is a massive constructed device that integrates living and non-living components into a total living system that is a physiological extension of our species. It only lives when it is occupied, and it can die. Dead cities are the subjects of study by archaeologists, who can discern a great deal about their living state from the condition and disposition of their carcasses and bones, whilst an analysis of the land around them tells much about the way they lived and the impacts from their reach into the hinterlands.” p.357
Cities outlast empires, even those to which they are central and essential. The Roman Empire lasted about 1,500 years, but the city of Rome has been continuously inhabited for longer than the empire that carries its name. Argos, in Greece, has probably been continuously inhabited as “at least a substantial village” for the past 7,000 years, and Damascus in Syria and Beirut in the Lebanon have existed for over 5,000 years.
All living things die. If a city is to be regarded in any sense as a living system, then it too will have a lifespan. It may reproduce and continue the essence of its existence even if virtually all trace of its original form is lost. Jericho, for instance, can be dated in several “layers”, but the building up of the layers that archaeologists study doesn’t happen as a set of palimpsests. Everything that went before provides an armature, or the DNA, if you will, on which the new is constructed.
Paolo Soleri’s “Arcologies” were the first detailed propositions for a new kind of city that has greatly informed the development of the ecocity idea, particularly in its insistence on compact built form and exclusion of motor vehicles. With distinct physical boundaries, arcologies were designed to have (at least notionally) a minimal impact on wild nature. Image: Soleri Archives
Taking sides?
Ecological, biophilic, sustainable—we’re all basically on the same side, and that is important—but some of us remain deeply frustrated by the continual slide towards global ecological collapse and feel compelled to be a little more insistent about the need for much more rapid change. Some extreme discomfort is integral to that proposition. Better to speed that up lest the extreme discomfort get bottled up and explode dangerously—and too late to stop the disaster of global ecological collapse on a +6 degree Celsius planet.
“Ecocity” is an aspirational label. But in the modern world, that has more than one interpretation. For the “true believers” in the idea of making cities that are both measurably and poetically in balance with nature, it encapsulates an enormous amount of meaning and, for them, merely stating the idea of an ecocity implies an agenda for society, culture, economics, and government with a vision and intention for action that stretches indefinitely into the future. For the less committed, it is simply a cynical branding exercise.
Why does any of this matter? Well, if two people are talking about what they think is the same thing and it isn’t—or if they talk about the same things as if they were different, but they’re the same—you have a recipe for confusion and misunderstanding. Terrific if you’re out to scam people, but of no value to any serious efforts to build human habitat for an ecologically healthy future.
To summarise, if there are ecocity definitions that have both vision and practical purpose, which have been debated and tested for over three decades—let’s use them and be critically cautious of anything less. Whilst recognising that a smart, biophilic, or sustainable city may be an ecocity, even an ecopolis, it is clear that there are distinctions and, for clarity at least, they should be acknowledged. After all, cities may boom and bust through lifecycles that transcend empires and politics but—in one form or another—the nature of cities lives on.
I was looking at an infographic on Twitter recently. It was in the form of a wheel of words, listing dozens of objectives and issues relating to urban design. Hoping that soil, water, vegetation, habitat, or biodiversity would be featured, I looked for some mention of these terms. I did not find soil, water, vegetation, habitat, or biodiversity, but I did find the word “green”. What I found to be strange about that is that “green” was the only word in the graphic to be presented in inverted commas. Perhaps the writer wanted to acknowledge that there is uncertainty about what is meant by the term. If so, it would be helpful to choose something more precise. Did the writer mean vegetation or environmentally sound processes? I don’t know. However this episode inspired me to write this article on the various meanings and misunderstandings associated with the word.
Use of the term “green” could be a good thing—if it was clear that “being green” meant applying ecological knowledge.
Part of the background with the term “green” is its political dimension. The German Green Party was founded in 1980, after green candidates began to stand for election in Belgium and Germany in the 1970s. The British equivalent, founded as the PEOPLE Party in 1972, became the Ecology Party in 1973 and, following the European example, the Green Party in 1985. A green party was established in the United States in 1984. There are now Green parties in over 90 countries. One of the key values of the Greens is “ecological wisdom”. Civilization and cities will need to apply ecological wisdom to survive, so conveying that message through the use of the term green could be a good thing, if it was clear that “being green” meant applying ecological knowledge.
Oxford colleges were some the first customers for the lawnmower, which was invented in 1830. Photo: Gary Grant
We frequently read about the need for green infrastructure and the need to green cities, neighborhoods, streets, and buildings. Various definitions of green infrastructure list every conceivable kind of green space and water body (with watercourses and water bodies sometimes referred to as blue infrastructure). A limitation of these catch-all definitions is that the wide spectrum of quality of green spaces may not be evident. Not every category of green infrastructure is of equal value. Although it is nearly always preferable to replace sealed surfaces with soil and unvegetated surfaces with vegetation, some types of green infrastructure lack habitat and species diversity, or may require heavy inputs of energy, irrigation, and pesticides. A notable example of such resource intensive green spaces are lawns, which probably originated as short grasslands maintained by grazing animals in Europe, but which are now found across the globe, even in deserts and jungles, where the climate is unsuitable for lawns and the indigenous vegetation would be unlikely to create this effect. The modern lawn became possible with the invention of the lawnmower in 1830. An area of unproductive land with no purpose other than ornamentation is a display of wealth and control. Lawns have long been considered a sign of “civilization” and have spread in concert with modern city-civilization. “Lawns” must be kept short and must remain green for people to accord them the name. They are maintained by many cuts by gasoline-powered machines through the growing season and, in most climates, also need to be irrigated through the dry season in order to stay green. Apart from a few exceptions, these are simplified ecosystems with a lack of biodiversity and low ecological value. They do not provide the full range and intensity of ecosystem services provided by the more natural habitats that would replace them if they were neglected or abandoned. Lawns are ubiquitous in most all cities and, like many other ornamental landscapes, are green in color. This means that there is an expectation on the part of a typical city dweller for green space to be, literally, green.
Like “Green Party”, the term “green roof” was translated into English from the German. The extensive green roofs developed in Germany during the 1970s were not irrigated and were never a uniform green in the way lawns normally are. Although sedums, which dominate typical northern European green roofs, are green during the winter, they become carpets of yellow and white when in flower in spring and early summer and turn red when dry. Those who have sought to create biodiverse, low-maintenance habitats on roofs, have preferred to use the term “living roofs” or “eco roofs”. These living roofs of drought tolerant wildflowers and grasses are usually the various shades of green, yellow, and brown familiar to those of us who spend time in more natural environments. However, the term “green roof” is now here to stay, along with the common misconception that green roofs, like other forms of green infrastructure, should be green. I still see proposals to irrigate extensive green roofs, which indicates, on the part of the proponent, a failure to grasp the concept of “green” as an application of ecological knowledge.
Color is not the most important characteristic of green infrastructure. Green infrastructure must include fully functioning ecosystems if it is to provide the widest range of ecosystem services. We know that ecosystem services make human life possible, and although humanity has an incomplete understanding of how ecosystems function, there is a recognition that biodiversity is critical to the functioning of ecosystems and the provision of ecosystem services. For the past decade, people have been mapping and attempting to measure urban ecosystem services in research that supports the argument that green infrastructure is an essential component of a thriving and resilient city. Now, more work is required to identify locally appropriate alternatives to the conventional, ornamental types of green space found in cities.
This will require a global effort, where each bioregion rediscovers its indigenous flora and re-invents its urban green space. Horticulturalists and others who have traditionally been concerned with ornamentation or single-purpose landscapes will need to work with ecologists to assist in the creation of functioning urban ecosystems, where biodiversity is restored.
A biodiverse extensive green roof in Switzerland that is neither green nor brown. Photo: Dusty Gedge
There are some promising signs. Ecologists in Switzerland, for example, understood that the exposed dry conditions on green roofs could be important habitats for rare spiders and beetles, and they pioneered research and guidance that has influenced others in Europe and North America. In England, London’s green roof advocates coined the term “brown roof” for biodiverse green roofs designed to mitigate for the loss of brownfield habitats. However, one of those advocates, Dusty Gedge, now discourages use of the term—not because of color, but because of the way in which the concept has been misinterpreted and standardized into an unsatisfactory formula by some designers and builders.
The Dutch pioneer, Thysse, wanted to ensure that people had access to native flora by planting it in parks. These so-called “heemparks” are exemplified by the park named after Thysse in Amstelveen, which was implemented in three phases between 1945 and 1972. Thysse addressed objections to the use of native plants that people expected would have a messy appearance by planting in a deliberately stylized way. Progress has been slow; however, there have been many projects inspired by the heemparks. A recent example is Taikoo Place in Hong Kong, where the rich native sub-tropical flora has been brought to a space hemmed in by high-rises. It may not be designed to provide the full range of ecosystem services, but the use of Hong Kong native flora is a new level of sophistication.
An ecological approach to the daylighting of lost rivers or the restoration of water bodies has seen more success. Wetlands are easily damaged by the spread of invasive, non-native species. Invasive, non-native species have spread rapidly in aquatic environments all over the world, driving indigenous species to local extinction and causing billions of dollars in damage. Due to this pattern, designers working on river and lake restoration projects in cities tend to choose their planting palletes with care. Restoration invariably involves the eradication of exotic species, and continuing control is usually necessary; however, the re-profiling and re-planting of urban river banks has had seen many successes and has restored ecosystem services and biodiversity to some particularly urban settings—including, for example, the Bronx. This may be blue infrastructure, but it is an example of urban greening, because we don’t have urban bluing (as of yet).
The management of surface water, with the creation of features such as rain gardens, is also an important factor in the development of green infrastructure soil and planting design. Soils need to be amended to ensure that they are free-draining and plants must be selected that are drought tolerant (rain gardens that may remain dry for long periods), yet able to withstand temporary inundation (rain gardens that may hold water for a few hours following heavy rain). These demands mean that designers cannot rely on conventional ornamental planting pallettes. The “rain garden people” recommend native plants for these purposes, and emphasize the importance of planting for beneficial insects and animals, so that rain garden provision involves the application of ecological wisdom, in the alleged spirit of the “Greens” themselves.
Despite its name, then, the color of green infrastructure is not as important as the natural processes that green infrastructure provides—natural processes that keep us, and the organisms we share our world with, in the pink of health.
A review of The Ecopoetry Anthology, edited by Ann Fisher-Wirth and Laura-Gray Street. 2013. Trinity University Press, San Antonio, TX. 628 pages. Buy the book.
Are cities beyond the help of poetry?
Donald Trump and his administration seem to think so, and their recent actions give the question urgency for both the U.S. and the world. Reports of their plans to slash the National Endowment for the Arts appeared in the same week that Trump, in his first press conference since the inauguration, continued his blanket tirade against the “inner city,”—an obstinate and unevolving polemic couched in a blunt, transparent racism. (Full disclosure: The Nature of Cities has received funding from the National Endowment for the Arts in 2017).
…“We’ve become ever more convinced that the environmental crisis is made possible by a profound failure of the imagination.”
In the United States of late, we have been so inundated with vitriol relating to all facets of American life, it has become difficult to remember that language can be a tool of inspiration, an implement for acknowledging, praising, and elegizing the contradictions of the urban human—and non-human—conditions, so that we can act to address those conditions: to fix them, or celebrate them.
For this reason, urbanists’ stand to gain much from Ann Fisher-Wirth and Laura-Gray Street’s The Ecopoetry Anthology, a broad and luminous collection of historical and contemporary ecopoetry (not strictly from the U.S.), which delivers us from Ezra Pound’s edifying inhabitation of a “tree amid the wood”—to Marianne Moore’s scintillating evocation of light in “The Fish,” in which
“the submerged shafts of the
sun, split like spun
glass, move themselves with spotlight swiftness
into the crevices—
in and out, illuminating”
—all the way to A.R. Ammons’ quasi-design-oriented meditation on order (or lack thereof) in the world:
“in nature there are few sharp lines: there are areas of
primrose
more or less dispersed.”
On first look, the book is imposing: almost 700 pages from the editors’ prefaces and poet Robert Hass’s introduction to the ending credits and acknowledgments. Yet the intimidation of its appearance is reduced by the emotion of the editors’ words, both in their joint preface and individual introductions to the project, which remind us of the radical capacity of poetry to alter our thinking. Over the course of editing, Fisher-Wirth and Street write, “we’ve become ever more convinced that the environmental crisis is made possible by a profound failure of the imagination.” And although the editors do not speak specifically about the environment in urban contexts, their assessment holds for cities in the Trump Age: there is perhaps no greater failure of the imagination than Trump’s reliance on an evil Other, on the “hellish” inner city as it has stubbornly persisted in our cultural imagination, despite our knowledge that in the United States and around the world, our cities—while far from perfect—tend to be centers of inclusiveness, diversity (including biodiversity), and innovation.
In this anthology, hallmarks of United States identity, including creativity, freedom, ingenuity, and humor—but also oppression by the market, degradation of the environment, and disruption of community—emerge and intertwine with each other in a complex whole. The American city, its archetypal inhabitants and its present challenges, are implied—if sometimes left to linger just out of frame—in all of these poems.
For example, the city is the circulatory muscle at the center of the connective railroad wires that witness Hart Crane’s “last bear, shot drinking in the Dakotas /” who “Loped under wires that span the mountain stream. / Keen instruments, strung to a vast precision” that “Bind town to town and dream to ticking dream.”
Likewise, in his 1962 poem “California,” George Oppen thinks through the strange vertigo produced by globalization long before “globalization” is a defining parameter of the urban experience, let alone a household term. He marks the linkage between geologic formations—“the headland” that “towers over ocean / At Palos Verdes”—to the delightful incongruity of modern transportation—“But I am sitting in an automobile”—which renders far places newly proximal, newly possible. “And I look down at the Pacific,” he writes, “blue waves roughly small running at the / base of land, / An area of ocean in the sun—” and he sees, viscerally, that, “Out there is China.”
Other urban problems become visible in the suburban, in the systems that feed or are fed by cities. Julianna Baggott’s contemporary Delaware is “ripe” with carcinogenic pollutants, “but we don’t speak of it, the hometowners,” she wryly writes—thereby speaking of it, and gesturing to some of the outcomes of urbanization.
Crane’s, Oppen’s, and Baggott’s signals, whether conscious or subconscious, to the United States city—their illustrations of the urban and its consequences with words of despondency, spare wonder, and pain—reflect fragments of U.S. citizens’ fight for our national identity across the rural-urban continuum. Indeed, these are battles being waged the world over as people attempt to handle resource scarcity, worldwide political instability, and a rapidly changing climate.
Yet it is Lucille Clifton’s “Grief” that captures the specific rawness of our mood, and asks for the kind of inadvertently enforced pause in which the United States, in particular, now finds itself poised, wary and waiting for what will happen now that the “myth of america” has been upended. “pause then,” she writes, “for the human / animal in its coat /of many colors. pause/ for the myth of america. / pause for the myth / of america.”
Urban nature graffiti considers themes from the American West in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Photo: Laura Booth
To what myth is Clifton referring? Is it the myth of the United States’ erstwhile “greatness,” a condition which Donald Trump believes we once achieved and must return to—and which other societies have been guided, by hook or by crook, to emulate? A pathological, sick myth that looks to the internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps as precedent for future policy, that perpetuates the racism of voter suppression by spreading lies about voting fraud, that would prefer to supply separate—certainly not equal—facilities for transgender students than their cis-gender peers use?
I believe this myth, which subsumes these and countless other horrors under the wrong heading of “greatness,” is the “myth” to which Clifton is referring. In this fraught moment in U.S. and world history, Trump’s is the inevitable story that emerges from a failure of imagination—a story made mythic only because of our unwillingness to take responsibility for its reality. It is a complicated (but not inexplicable) story that has resulted in the accumulation of immense power for a very few, via the unconscionable and systematic oppression of vast numbers of others and the degradation of the Earth.
But Clifton’s use of “myth” as the operative word, the fulcrum on which her poem turns, is also the word in which we can locate the possibility of a profound imaginative success: the formulation of a true greatness, in which U.S. cities—and, by extension, U.S. and global society—can “pause” in solemnity, and bear witness to “the human animal in its coat of many colors.” It is rich, diverse, overflowing with creatures of tremendous emotional capacity and landscapes of immense wisdom.
The poems in The Ecopoetry Anthology give us the coherent, multi-faceted evidence of a society—indeed, a global urban environmental one—that is strong enough to take ownership of our past, to call attention to its echo in the present. This society is self-aware, introspective, and capable of forging understanding across disciplines. As citizens and urbanists, it is our responsibility to draw on this evidence to help in shepherding a new mythic identity in cities. Going forward, we must listen and learn, as Pound did by embodying the tree—to come away, as he did, with “many a new thing understood / That was rank folly to my head before.”
One way that we can learn is by repeatedly returning to Fisher-Wirth and Street’s big book for an illustrative phrase here, a provocative phrase there. We can infuse these into our work to create cities that are more resilient, livable, sustainable, and just. And we can remember that, as Adrienne Rich says, “No one has imagined us. / We want to live like trees, / sycamores blazing through the sulfuric air, / dappled with scars, still exuberantly budding, / our animal passion rooted in the city.”
“Yet these you may eat among all the winged insects which walk on all fours: those which have above their feet jointed legs with which to jump on the earth.”
—Leviticus 11:21
Masaka
On a recent trip to the town of Masaka, Uganda, I met a number of women who have taken up cricket farming to supplement their family diets and generate extra income. “It has improved the health of our children… it’s not very tiresome… but you get a lot of money from it”, explained Damali Mayito, a full-time school teacher and mother of three. She unbolted her garage doors, which swung open to reveal towers of plastic boxes chirping from within: was this the sound of a simple solution to a suite of complex social and ecological problems?
Damali Mayito. Photo: Russell Galt
Everyone’s at it
The nutritional benefits of entomophagy are well-documented: edible insects offer a low-fat protein source packed full of vitamins, minerals, and fibre. Globally, around 2 billion people regularly eat insects, primarily in the developing world.
The most experimental cultures—those most likely to adopt unfamiliar culinary practices, such as entomophagy—flourish in cities.
Almost everyone else does so unintentionally—from pasta to peanut butter, virtually all processed foods contain traces of the interlopers. At least 470 insect species are eaten in Africa. These include locusts, grasshoppers, crickets, shield bugs, ants, bees, beetles, termites, and caterpillars.
Grasshoppers in a Ugandan market. Photo: Russell Galt
Entomoculture trumps wild-harvesting
Entomophagy may be as old as humankind, but the practice of farming insects for human consumption is a relatively new phenomenon. Only a few countries, mainly in Asia, have established thriving entomoculture sectors. In Thailand, there are over 20,000 registered entomoculture enterprises, while in the USA and Canada, several dozen entoculture startups are now finding their feet. Compared to the wild-harvesting of insects, entomoculture offers four key advantages:
Farmed insects
Wild-harvested insects
Availability
Year round supply.
Usually only seasonally abundant.
Quality
Ability to control the quality of insect feed.
Wild populations may have fed unscrupulously on crops soaked in pesticide. Fearing toxic bioaccumulation, Malian villagers are known to discourage children from harvesting wild grasshoppers.
Ecological impact
Minimal interference with natural ecosystems.
Wild-harvesting may lead to population declines in target species (e.g. mopane worms) and accrue significant by-catch, especially when indiscriminate electric light traps are used.
Safety
Generally non-hazardous.
Wild-harvesting techniques can be dangerous. Foragers may be at risk of attack by wild animals, while makeshift electric light traps are notorious for causing electrocution and blindness..
Crickets for cities
Over the last few years, the Dutch-funded Flying Food Project has trained hundreds of East African women to produce “nutritious crickets for delicious food security”. They rear common house crickets (Acheta domestica), which are ideal for farming, especially in urban settings.
Under good conditions, crickets reach maturity after just 35 days and then reproduce rapidly: each female lays up to 2600 eggs in its 90 day lifespan.
Owing to their high feed-conversion ratio, crickets require as little as one-twelfth the feed of cattle and very little water.
They are unfussy eaters: vegetal food waste otherwise destined for the bin will suffice, as will garden foliage or chicken feed.
On a fresh weight basis, crickets comprise up to 25 percent protein—rivalling beef, pork, lamb, chicken, and seafood.
They are extremely space efficient and can be farmed in boxes, piled vertically.
They require minimal management—a couple of hours’ labour per week is all that is required to manage thousands of crickets.
They are safe to farm: crickets do not bite, nor do they seem to pass zoonotic diseases to people. There’s no such thing as mad cricket disease!
Many of these advantages lend themselves well to cities, where busy, cash-strapped people with poor diets and limited physical space abound. It is in cities where people are hardest-pressed to recycle their food waste and, arguably, it is in cities where people are most acutely aware of the need to reduce ecological footprints and reclaim food sovereignty. More importantly, it is in cities, where the most daring, open-minded, and experimental cultures flourish: those most likely to challenge societal norms and adopt new culinary practices.
Grasshopper trap in western Uganda. Photo: Russell GaltCricket farm in a garage. Photo: Russell Galt
Start your own cricket farm
Do you want to hop on the bandwagon and grow your own easy-peasy, eco-friendly superfood? Entomoculture is simple. Follow these 5 basic steps, which I jotted down in Uganda.
Lay the groundwork
Find a large plastic box with a lid and cut out some holes to form air vents. Glue fine mesh over the vents. Place some empty cardboard egg boxes and a shallow dish of water into the plastic box.
Find your founders
It is possible to purchase crickets online from pet stores or, if you have time, to capture them from the wild. To minimise inbreeding, it is recommended you start with 20 crickets—at least 1 male for every 5 females. The females can be distinguished by their long ovipositors and the males by their rough backs. Put the crickets inside the plastic box and feed them on vegetable matter or chicken meal. For best results, an ambient temperature of 23 to 30 degrees Celsius should be maintained. The initial batch of crickets should be used for breeding only as they are unlikely to have been reared for human consumption.
Let them love and lay
Place a small tray of clean moist topsoil into the plastic box with the crickets. Spray water onto the soil everyday to maintain moisture levels. Eventually little white eggs should appear in the topsoil. Remove the egg-laden tray from the plastic box and place it in a separate plastic box of similar dimensions. The eggs should hatch after 10 days. Note that separation from adults is essential to prevent cannibalism.
Reap a harvest
The 2nd generation of crickets should be reared in the same manner as their parents. They should reach full size after 1 or 2 months depending on the optimality of conditions. It is at this point, before reaching sexual maturity, that they should be harvested. Spare plenty of females for breeding, at least five for every male. Those spared should reach sexual maturity a few weeks later. A clear indicator of sexual maturity is when they grow wings and begin chirping.
Salivate and savour
The harvested crickets should be boiled for a few minutes to kill any bacteria lurking on their exoskeletons. They can then be fried, roasted, or dried and ground into a fine powder. The latter option is popular as the powder can be easily stored and subtly added to baked goods, porridge or health-shakes. The Internet is awash with imaginative cricket recipes!
While in Uganda, my colleague, Steven Bland and I shot a short film capturing our experiences. Let us know what you think: Are you ready to embrace entomophagy?
Kelemu, S., Niassy, S., Torto, B., Fiaboe, K., Affognon, H., Tonnang, H., Maniania, N.K. and Ekesi, P., 2015. African edible insects for food and feed: inventory, diversity, commonalities and contribution to food security. Insects as Food and Feed, 1(2): 103-119
Van Huis, A., 2003. Insects as food in Sub-Saharan Africa. Insect Science and its Application 23: 163-185
Van Huis, A., Van Itterbeeck, J., Klunder, H., Mertens, E., Halloran, A., Muir, G. and Vantomme, P., 2013. Edible insects: future prospects for food and feed security. FAO Forestry Paper 171. FAO, Rome, Italy.
If you have been following the global, regional, and local-level conversations about the Sustainable Development Goals (or SDGs) and their implementation—for example, UN’s Habitat III meeting, held in Quito, Ecuador—you have probably heard of or participated in providing clarity on the role of the private sector in achieving SDG 11, which calls on us to “Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”.
Co-designing the situation of refugees and their information-access strategies in urban markets yielded imaginative solutions for sparking private sector action on SDG 11’s targets.
You may have come across the United Nations Global Compact-Cities Programme[i], a platform that was created for the private sector to find ways of contributing to the attainment of SDG 11. But there is almost no consensus, particularly in Africa, on how the private sector can reinvigorate its practices to deliver on SDG 11. In this article, I suggest crossovers between disciplines and institutions, so that the private sector can build coalitions of new and old agents of change, enabling it to walk the walk on the SDG for cities.
Crossovers between disciplines and institutions are needed for SDG 11!
Burundian national: Photo: Buyana Kareem
“Crossovers” between disciplines and institutions is a system of thinking which argues that breakthroughs to sustainable modes of urban transitions become more likely when the institutional layers that distance researchers from the private sector, policymakers, and urban authorities are cut. If architects, engineers, and urban sociologists are to collaboratively work with construction firms and real estate companies—to create commercially viable developments that enhance tenants’ well-being while using scarce, precious metals sparingly—property owners in the city need ideas on how to manage properties in ways that reconcile the often conflicting means to economic, environmental, and social viability. Policymakers at municipal and central government levels on the other hand, would be compelled to participate if their experiences were used to design a cohesive policy for the affected sectors. In such a scenario, crossovers would eventually co-create a sustainable urban design (an infographic or other design form), as a boundary object for learning a methodology that relies on fewer natural resources to design buildings for the same economic output and lifestyle for tenants. The academics would come up with scientific and socially urgent questions that can guide the co-generation of evidence, on which interventions would be capable of changing the dynamics in buildings in ways that “leave no city behind”.
Periodic market day. Photo: Buyana Kareem
Harness the creativity of crossovers to enable the private sector to “walk the walk” on SDG 11
We need to be aware of the competing visions and rationalities connected to alternative processes of re-making the city and finding breakthrough solutions to complex urban issues. For many corporations, messaging and the image it portrays makes them reluctant to acknowledge the biases that underlie their business ethics and organizational performance measurements. One such bias is the popularization of corporate social responsibility programmes as a mechanism for demonstrating their commitment to and support towards sustainable and inclusive human settlements in cities. For-profit entities usually work with non-profits that guarantee media-visibility in slum upgrading projects, thereby identifying with urban sustainability issues in the marketplace as opposed to starting with changes at the workplace. Other firms cannot openly say to “outsiders” that their business models are based on conventional financial wisdom, which holds that: i) urban sustainability and profitability of the company are not prerequisites for each other; and ii) recyclable use of metals and natural resources in the city only makes business sense if your company relies on organic techniques to lower production or waste management costs.
Crossover workshop. Photo: Buyana Kareem
Urban authorities on the other hand, are usually hesitant to pass and enforce ordinances that require robust change in corporate practices. The rationale is that the private sector is an indispensable player in liberalizing markets, generating municipal revenue, creating jobs, and widening the national tax base; therefore, any “restrictions” on firms would attract pressure from central government agencies. Thus, being forced to repeal the ordinances or face budget cuts would eventually undermine delivery on political promises made by mayors and other city administrators. Conversely, researchers are still operating in university cultures that are devoid of the search for sidesteps that can lead to crossovers between disciplines and institutions. This keeps academics in knowledge-production cubicles that have the least opportunity to initiate experiments and new thinking that initiates working with other disciplines and collaborating with societal agents.
Such competing visions and rationalities imply that there is need for innovative methods that can enable the private sector to adopt a different mindset about cost. This conflict of interests also requires new forms of knowledge production that cut through institutional layers to shorten the distance between researchers, policymakers, and urban authorities.
Mixed classroom. Photo: Urban Futures Studio, Utrecht University
Re-imagine city markets with the private sector through crossovers
At the Urban Action Lab Makerere University Uganda[ii], we are exploring the feasibility of “crossover workshops”, a form of education that is similar to the mixed classroom courses initiated by the Urban Futures Studio at Utrecht University[iii], whose aim is to bring policy makers and industry partners together to develop an understanding of the techniques for researching and anticipating urban futures in connection to SDG 11. Our first edition of crossover workshops focused on the participation and integration of refugees in local markets in Kampala city, with a view that NGOs, the private sector, and city administrators have got to overcome the welfarist thinking of giving handouts to refugees as a measure of dealing with urban humanitarian crisis. The change we want to see is a private sector that collaborates with urban authorities and researchers to understand and support refugees and to get in touch with the elements of the urban informal economy. The School of International Development at the University of East Anglia partnered with the Urban Action Lab of Makerere University in Uganda to co-convene the crossover workshop with representatives from the Ministry of Urban Development in Uganda and Market Vendor Associations.
Vendors on the northern bypass operate an evening periodic market. Photo: Buyana Kareem
We were all interested in the opportunities and challenges that markets provide to refugees from Congo, Somalia, and Southern Sudan in Kampala. Students’ presentations on periodic and informal markets, and the diversity of trading activities they offer to refugees and host communities, were the launch pads for our imaginaries about what inclusivity and safety means for a refugee in a city market. Comments by the managers of the markets on the presentations gradually shifted our focus from markets as trading landscapes to markets as information landscapes. We learnt that inclusivity of a market is seen in the form of designated spaces for sharing trading information through trusted mediators, who assist refugees with navigating the information landscape using visual clues and non-formalized networks, mainly of transporters of merchandise, local omnibus taxi drivers, and motorcycle taxi operators. For the students, the theories and principles of social inclusion and social capital had been at the core of their research, but there was an acknowledgement that understanding the information seeking behavior of refugees requires closer examination of the role played by informal information service providers in the social integration of non-Kampalans into Kampala city’s trading landscape.
Although the crossover workshop did not yield a scalable methodology on how to get the private sector adopt a different mind-set about cost in the context of SDG 11, we were able to initiate a collaboration with new agents of change. The Ministry of Urban Development, Market Vendor Associations, Kampala Capital City Authority, the School of International Development at the University of East Anglia and the Urban Action Lab of Makerere University are co-researching information provision and access strategies that enable social inclusion of refugees into the social fabric of urban markets in Kampala, with support from the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED)[iv]. This collaboration also intends to support “research-by-design” for students from Visual and Creative Arts at Makerere University, to work with architects of the markets and produce tangible images and or animations of what markets as information landscapes might actually look like. We believe that co-designing the urban situation of refugees and their information-access strategies in urban markets can result in imaginative solutions that can become embedded in Kampala’s policy processes around the targets of SDG 11.
We found ourselves scrambling along the slippery, vine-entangled slope, ducking under branches and contorting ourselves around fallen trees. The air was hot and thick with humidity, causing us to sweat after just a few minutes on the trail. As we walked, the noise of the busy highway slowly subsided and the sounds of the rainforest could be heard in the breaks in our conversation. We stopped to look up at a large dipterocarp tree of the Shorea genus. Its straight trunk made it desirable for timber, we were told—one of the reasons so little of this type of forest remained.
For a green future in Kuala Lumpur, multiple actions need to be taken: from localized high-level policy frameworks, to harnessing residents’ love for nature.
From a small scar in the bark flowed an aromatic, sticky sap. We selected a picnic spot: a section of the trail just wide enough to spread a mat, but steep enough that we had to be careful not to drop our fruit lest it tumble down the slope in to the water below. From our vantage point above the lake, we watched as the inhabitants of the jungle revealed themselves. A Bee-eater flew quickly into view and perched on a branch. A kingfisher darted from one bank across to the other. A water monitor lizard glided gracefully through the turquoise water to the great delight of the children. This was a side of Kuala Lumpur that few visitors to the city would experience.
This artificial lake was created by diverting river flow around a new urban development of multi-storey apartments. It is within a piece of biodiverse, remnant rainforest.
As we wandered back through the forest, we caught a glimpse of the imposing residential apartment blocks not more than a kilometre away, which had been constructed just in the past year. It was these apartment blocks that had necessitated the diversion of the creek, resulting in the formation of the artificial lake we had followed. When we finally left the dense canopy behind and entered the clearing, we looked out to the new “eco-village”—a gated settlement of generic bungalows and green lawns surrounded by razor wire. It had been rolled out some years prior, across land that once was covered completely by the same dense rainforest we had walked through. This picture of contrast represents the interface between the city of Kuala Lumpur and the landscape beyond. It raises the question: what does sustainability mean in this city? And what kind of future can be expected here?
Kuala Lumpur: a city of contrasts
Asia is a hotspot for urban growth. In the coming decades, the population of Southeast Asia is expected to increase from 634 million in 2015 to a maximum of 804 million in 2065, and finally to decline to 769 million in 2100, based on 2015 UN modelling using a medium fertility estimate. Projections of urbanisation (based on 2014 UN modelling) suggest that by 2050, 65 percent of the population of Southeast Asia will be urban. Malaysia, in particular, is predicted to experience high rates of urbanisation, with 86 percent of the population projected to live within urban areas in the future. If urban sustainability is to be pursued on a global scale, progress in rapidly developing nations is going to be critical.
Greater Kuala Lumpur (including Kuala Lumpur the federal territory and surrounding municipalities) is a city of contrasts. It is a city of immense diversity, where a Muslim mosque, a Hindu shrine, a Christian church, and a Buddhist temple can be found in the same place.
Total population (both sexes combined) by Southeast Asian nations, annually for 1950-2100 (thousands). Modelling based on medium fertility variant, 2015 – 2100. Data from “United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2015). World Population Prospects: The 2015 Revision”.Annual Percentage of Population at Mid-Year Residing in Urban Areas. Singapore not plotted, as current population is 100% urban. Data from “Urban Areas by United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2014). World Urbanization Prospects: The 2014 Revision”.
This cultural and ethnic diversity is reflected also in the diversity of urban forms. The centre of the city contains some of the most impressive sky scrapers in the world, notably the Petronas Towers and the KL Tower. There are high end shopping malls and luxury apartments. Construction is occurring all around the city, including high density residential areas and intermediate density, planned estates. In Kuala Lumpur, new train stations and highways are being constructed all across the city in a move to help transport the growing population, while, in the meantime, roads are clogged with ever-increasing numbers of cars. The traffic chaos during much of the day in central Kuala Lumpur is a hallmark of the city, as it is for many developing nations (see Jenn Baljko’s recent post on Dhaka). The city of Putrajaya is the new federal administrative centre of Malaysia and is located just outside Kuala Lumpur. Constructed over marshland and oil palm plantations, people planned Putrajaya as a garden city according to Ebenezer Howard’s principles; 38 percent of the area is designated as green space and it is the home of Malaysia’s largest botanical gardens. With all this varied and diverse development, the question remains: What kind of a future is greater Kuala Lumpur is likely to experience, and what place is nature likely to have in it.
Kuala Lumpur is a city of great diversity, as seen by the many varied urban forms visible from the vantage point of the KL Tower.
To understand the future of Kuala Lumpur, the city needs to be considered in the context of Malaysia’s growth and development over time. Malaysia has developed rapidly over the past 50 years. In 1970, almost half of the population was living in poverty, yet this figure had dropped to only 1 percent in 2014, according to the Department of Statistics Malaysia. In this regard, Malaysia is a success story. But this increase in social and economic capital has come at a cost to its natural capital. Malaysia is a global biodiversity hotspot, ranking 12th in species richness and endemism globally. However, resource extraction and deforestation has resulted in a reduction in forest cover, from nearly 80 percent to 44 percent between 1940 and 2014
Malaysia is ambitiously pursuing future economic growth, with the Eleventh Malaysia Plan setting out a strategy for the country to be an “advanced nation” by 2020 through promoting “productivity and innovation”. Although one of the strategic thrusts of the plan is “pursuing green growth for sustainability and resilience”, there is a degree of scepticism amongst Malaysians as to the practical outworking of this plan. Greater KL’s current population of 7.2 million (2016) is set to increase to 10 million in 2020 – 2025 (according to Land Public Transport Commission (2013)), which will bring many more challenges related to green space availability and transport.
Different forms of housing and levels of affluence sit alongside one another in Kuala Lumpur.
Connections to nature and sustainability
During our recent time in Kuala Lumpur, our thinking wandered to the type of connections with nature that people in the city have and how these are likely to change over time. These thoughts have emerged from conversations with academics and community leaders, but are still loosely formed.
There has been little research on perceptions and behaviours towards urban nature in Malaysia. Some research has shown that distance to a nearby green space is very important in influencing frequency of use, along with ethnicity. A recent study also highlighted that Malaysian residents who grew up in rural contexts were much more likely to engage in nature-based activities as children than those whose childhoods were in an urban context. Experience of nature by people living in cities has been shown to be relatively uncommon in the U.K. Considering the increased rural-urban migration in Malaysia, what could this pattern mean for people’s experience of the natural world more generally? Might people become more disconnected from nature just as has happened in the West, or will people actively seek out nature experiences? And how might these experiences of urban nature influence their attitudes and behaviours towards the environment?
In Kuala Lumpur, a great deal of the new housing stock is in the form of master-planned, gated communities. The expansion of this development is threatening existing forest remnants, like the one we walked through for our picnic. Yet ironically, these are frequently sold as “eco” housing, or “green” communities because of the emphasis placed on the provision of communal green spaces within the estate. It appears that the environmental image is a powerful one in marketing terms, presumably because of the notions of freedom, space, and healthy living that it conjures. However, it is the wealthy and affluent residents of the city that are attracted to this type of housing. These are the same people who statistically consume more energy and resources than those in lower socio-economic classes. In contrast, the people who are moving from the countryside to the city typically reside in higher density areas, disconnected from nature experiences, yet their ecological footprints are likely to be much lower. A move to the city is considered a move towards financial independence; concrete and “development” are equated with progress. These dual narratives are a mere snapshot of the complexity of the nature of Kuala Lumpur. So what of the future of the city?
New medium-density “eco” development in the outskirts of Greater Kuala Lumpur in Semenyih.
Nature and the future of the city
Malaysia is at a crossroads. With strong economic prospects and rapid urban expansion, it is clear that decisions made in the coming years will shape the social and ecological future of the city greatly. Moreover, global connectivity between urban activities and changes in ecosystems elsewhere as a function of trade and consumption means that Kuala Lumpur’s development will impact the rest of the world. For a green future in Kuala Lumpur, multiple actions need to be taken. First, the high-level policy frameworks that promote “green growth”, such as the Eleventh Malaysia Plan, need to be operationalised at finer scales. Tangible strategies for curbing expansion of housing into remnant forest and promoting more green infrastructure in the city will be crucial. Second, the love for nature that many residents feel needs to be mobilised in a way that can shape the future of the city. Particularly for those who engage in nature-based activities, translating this passion into decision-making for parks and reserves will help to promote a sense of public ownership of these features. Finally, greater opportunities for residents and visitors to engage with urban nature will help to embed nature experiences in the culture of the city. Designing spaces that are easily accessible, yet provide mystery and opportunities for exploration, may help here. Malaysia is a country of immense biocultural diversity. We hope that this biocultural diversity will also be reflected in the country’s cities of the future.
Chris Ives and Alex Lechner
Nottingham and Kuala Lumpur
Dr. Alex Lechner is a landscape ecologist and Assistant Professor at the School of Environmental and Geographical Sciences at the University of Nottingham, Malaysia Campus.
I read this article by Menno Schilthuizen, a Dutch evolutionary biologist and ecologist, about the evolution of animal and plant species taking place in cities. In cities, evolution is propelled by two forces: the known laws of ecology AND the social dynamics of human society.
The city habitat, as a novel ecosystem, promises a towering stack of current and future questions that cross disciplines.
The article concludes that we are witnessing the emergence of a novel, hybrid type of ecosystem, one that is emerging at different locations all around the world at more or less the same time: the urban ecosystem. This made me question: why are more and more species calling the city home, and how do they adapt to survive in this new habitat?
Let’s start with my own home and habitat: Amsterdam. The Netherlands is one of the world’s most densely built up and populated countries. There are very few places in this country where you will find a horizon free of man-made structures, complete silence (even in the 650,000 ha appointed as silence area, where noise levels should not exceed 40 dB, there is no guarantee that the rules of silence will be complied with), or a night sky lit solely by the moon and stars (actually, we’ve got only two such spots). You will have to get yourself to the coastal outskirts to find these extraordinary places; in the rest of the country, ecology and society bump into each other constantly.
In order to guide this eco-societal contact, we have traditionally isolated one from the other by creating nature conservation areas and limiting urban sprawl by building compact cities. Zoning policies are valuable for protecting the functioning of different stakes that exist in a region: nature, food production, housing, industry, and so forth. The downside of prioritizing one function per area is the risk that the landscape becomes a collection of isolated or thinly connected islands. I will illustrate this using the “island” of intensive agriculture as an example of an isolated landscape, and the wildlife corridor as an example of a way to connect the “islands” of protected areas.
Large-scale intensive agriculture leads to impoverishment of the countryside’s natural character, chasing away birds and small animals that thrive on hedgerows and other linear elements that constitute the more traditional agricultural landscape in Europe. Removing grassy field margins and tree lines may obstruct water infiltration and increase erosion. At the same time, agricultural intensification and field enlargement lead to a decrease in the landscape’s attractiveness for tourism and outdoor recreation. People, just like other living creatures, enjoy variation in a landscape. So by prioritizing one function, in this case food production, there is a risk of losing other functions.
The second exemplary case is the wildlife crossing. The Dutch version of a wildlife crossing, the ecoduct, has become very popular over the past few years as an engineering solution for habitat fragmentation that connects natural areas with each other to enable safe animal crossings. And, as this video shows, wildlife crossings facilitate the movement of wildlife not only in Europe, but all over the world, including, for example, red crab migration in Australia. Yet since people are never far away, at least not in the Netherlands, the question has been raised whether to open wildlife crossings for recreational use. What would the deer, frogs, and hedgehogs think of sharing their crossing with hikers, bikers, and horseback riders?
Wildlife crossings are frequently built as a vegetated bridge over a highway—is there a place where ecology and society bump into each other more literally? Photo: Wageningen University & Research
Both cases illustrate a struggle between isolating versus mixing the diverse functions of the land. There is an ongoing debate about whether to propagate so-called nature-inclusive agriculture that offers opportunities for biodiversity increase through habitat creation—e.g., low-intensity management of drainage ditches that mimics natural processes. Farmers would receive financial compensation if they implement nature friendly measures. Then again, there is a strong argument against nature-inclusive agriculture: nature and large-scale agriculture have different demands on the land that are hard to satisfy simultaneously, such as in terms of the most preferred ground water level. So, in this case, ecology and society experience friction.
But the story is not just sad and gloomy. The bumping of ecology and society actually reveals very promising dynamics. And where do these dynamics reveal themselves most elegantly? In cities.
Because the city offers little space for isolation, functions need to be mixed. The city is a mix of buildings; infrastructure; flows of people, money and knowledge; but also home to an extremely diverse set of vegetation types and arrangements, water bodies, gardens, parks, and all things in between. The result is a unique ecosystem that operates on its own and that can only be expected to gain in importance, considering the increasing cover of urban land globally. Combined with the ongoing loss of natural habitat and the attraction of easily accessible food sources in the city, the emergence of the unique urban ecosystem has driven species formerly living in shaded forests and wild rivers to call this novel habitat home.
So, how do species adapt to urban living? Some are not so familiar yet with their new neighbors and remain on the lookout for spots with little human interference: the outskirts, industrial sites, and railway tracks. Amsterdam’s resident fox has built her hollow in a small patch of woodland right next to the train tracks and a large industrial area flanked by a busy road. Somehow, she manages to cross the road every day without getting hurt and with a meal for her family. On the menu: mostly rabbit (themselves once dumped here by their caretakers), alternated with the occasional rat or pigeon. A kingfisher has chosen to reside in one of the city’s port areas, a spot where the waters of river and sea collide to produce a large nutritional variety. From a sandy wall hidden by marshy bushes, the bird flies up and down while the ships go by. The grass snake has found a home in Amsterdam, too. It breeds in the urban forest, reproduces by the thousands, and the lucky few that are not turned into road kill or eaten by birds of prey can grow up to 100-110 cm long as adults. In March, these fellows like to go out in the sunshine, and you may very well find them sunbathing between the steamy stones of rail track levees—one of those urban fringes not crowded by people. If you’d like to see how the fox, kingfisher, and grass snake came to call the city home, the urban lives of these creatures have been beautifully captured in the 2015 documentary Amsterdam Wildlife, by city ecologist Martin Melchers.
Amsterdam’s resident fox jumping the water that divides its hollow from an industrial site. Photo: nrc (Dutch newspaper)
Other species, birds in particular, seem to mind the presence of human beings to a far lesser extent. Amsterdam is full of swallows building their nests underneath the tiles of sloping roofs; I witnessed a coot trying to build its nest on a deserted boat in the canal in front of my apartment; and people have found blackbirds nesting on inner-city balconies, even when that space is shared with the owner’s pet. People’s presence can even increase an individual’s chance of survival, as shown in a scene from the documentary Amsterdam Wildlife. In one of Amsterdam’s few high-rises, an office of ABN AMRO bank at the Zuidas business district, or “Financial Mile”, employees took over the care of a young Peregrine Falcon after it was deserted by its parents. The bank employees even came in on weekends to feed the bird. Peregrine Falcons are Amsterdam’s penthouse inhabitants; they like heights and started to inhabit the city when tall chimneys and office towers were constructed. From their lofts—often man-made nest boxes—they’re living an easy life, just waiting for a pigeon to fly by below before dinner is served.
A coot nesting on a heap of waste in the Amsterdam canals. Photo: belevenissenindenatuur.blogspot.nl
There are plenty more examples of animals adapting to city life. Madhusudan Katti recently described the growing population of endangered Kit Foxes in a California oil town in an article for TNOC. Matt Soniak has also provided entertaining stories about urban wildlife for Next City. In Chicago, for instance, coyotes have learned to navigate the city’s hectic traffic and can be found waiting patiently by the side of the road for traffic to stop, after which the coyotes start to make their way across. City coyotes in Chicago also appear to be healthier than their wild counterparts, as the city contains fewer of their predators and offers more food sources. Complex as they are, cities can turn out to be safer and steadier than many undeveloped areas. A severe drought in India that killed nearly half of the rural monkey population left Jodhpur’s city monkeys virtually unharmed. To other species, the urban heat island effect is what makes the city such an attractive place to live. Some insects just love the warmth, and this has resulted in more insects living inside than outside of cities. Meanwhile, people are purposely attracting biodiversity into the city. Residents actively plant flowers to attract pollinators and place bee hives on their green roofs, assisted and enthused by people and organizations trying to bring nature closer to the city.
So we know some of the reasons that animals come to the city, and have an idea of the ways in which they adapt their behavior to survive in their new homes. But does this adaptation also result in evolutionary changes? In his TNOC article, Madhusudan Katti mentions that Bakersfield’s Kit Foxes demonstrate novel traits. Also, some birds have adapted their singing to the urban environment. To deal with one of the largest urban burdens, low-frequency traffic noise, birds in San Francisco changed the tone of their melodies to a higher-pitched one. Or, they save their calls for the (relative) silence of the night. There are additional examples of typical urban bird behavior. Schilthuizen explains how, starting in 19th century Germany and extending from there to other European cities, blackbirds stopped migrating because cities offer plentiful food year round. In general, due to a lack of natural predators, urban birds are less sensitive to stress. This means that urban birds are evolving differently than birds of the same species that roam in non-urban areas. Research has shown that changes in urban bird behavior are taking place over decades, not millions and millions of years, and this process is labeled with the term HIREC: human-induced rapid evolutionary change.
Evolution-the-urban-way is happening all over the world. In a MOOC by Leiden University, Schilthuizen explains the effect on a species’ evolution if some reside in cities, facing strong selection pressure, and others of the same species don’t. Speciation may occur: the evolutionary splitting of a species into an urban and non-urban species. And if species evolve while in the city, how then do populations in different cities compare to each other? When the same evolutionary changes take place independently in different places or times, we arrive at what is called parallel evolution. These dynamics promise a towering stack of current and future questions for biologists and ecologists, but also for architects and planners (for a great example, see Mark Hostetler and colleagues’ new Building for Birds online tool), home owners and companies, food growers and traffic controllers. Most of all, these novel changes promise a chance to move from “nature despite people” and “nature for people” focuses all the way to a framework of “people and nature” that is underpinned by an interdisciplinary approach—just the right thing for our multi-function cities.
With the city habitat as a novel ecosystem, there is a whole new world to explore and discover for humans and, indeed, for many more animals.
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