What actions are successful in activating cities to implement urban biodiversity conservation policies, campaigns, and projects?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
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Eric Butler, Portland Though the relationship has grown from one of early tension to a deep and enduring mutual respect, the Friends of Tualatin Hills Nature Park continue the tradition of advocacy and stewardship that saved an amazing park for the public—and transformed a park district into a regional champion for nature.
Georgina Cullman, New York The Native Plant Law in New York City has been key; among other things the law mandates maximizing the use of native plants. The law requires the publication and regular updating of NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide, a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners.
Eduardo Guerrero, Bogotá Effective action depends on a combination of both formal and spontaneous synergies. The recipe to effective action is to reach a critical mass of committed leaders involving a multi-stakeholder common purpose.
Mark Hostetler, Gainesville The Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development manual, originally created for a USA context, can be translated and adapted to any region or country.
Hayato Hasegawa, Fukutsu It is important to understand how we can invite local people to practical nature restoration activities. The evaluation of social networks among local people and its structure, and management methods for building social capital for regional biodiversity restoration is an issue for the future.
Clara Holmes, New York The Native Plant Law in New York City has been key; among other things the law mandates maximizing the use of native plants. The law requires the publication and regular updating of NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide, a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners.
Keitaro Ito, Fukutsu It is important to understand how we can invite local people to practical nature restoration activities. The evaluation of social networks among local people and its structure, and management methods for building social capital for regional biodiversity restoration is an issue for the future.
Mahito Kamada, Tokushima Through multiple workshops, the citizen groups recognize that development of human resources is the one of the most important issues for advancing biodiversity conservation. As a result, Tokushima Prefecture set it as one of the key policies.
Marit Larson, New York The Native Plant Law in New York City has been key; among other things the law mandates maximizing the use of native plants. The law requires the publication and regular updating of NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide, a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners.
Gilles Lecuir, Paris Les « Capitales françaises de la Biodiversité » : au fil du temps, un réseau informel s’est constitué : des personnes motivées, engagées mais aussi expérimentées, performantes, innovantes, qu’elles soient techniciennes, politiques, expertes ou encore chercheuses.
Gilles Lecuir, Paris French Capitals of Biodiversity award: Over time, an informal network has been formed: of motivated and committed people, but also experienced, effective, and innovative municipal workers, whether they are technicians, politicians, experts, or researchers.
Kevin Lunzalu, Nairobi Youth-led organizations such as the Kenyan Youth Biodiversity Network spearheaded campaigns to call for immediate action from the government to save the coveted fig tree and other green urban spaces in Nairobi.
Siobhán McQuaid, Dublin IKEA has taken a community co-creation approach, opening up green roofs to citizens in London, putting football pitches for the community on the roof in Eindhoven, and public playgrounds on the roof in Utrecht. The possibilities are endless. Will other retailers and developers follow these examples for communities and for biodiversity?
Colin Meurk, Christchurch Nature is a great teacher and we are drawn to it. We need to get more of our zest and lessons from nature so we can be better planetary citizens and guardians.
Matthew Morrow, New York The Native Plant Law in New York City has been key; among other things the law mandates maximizing the use of native plants. The law requires the publication and regular updating of “NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide”, a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners.
Tomomi Sudo, Fukutsu It is important to understand how we can invite local people to practical nature restoration activities. The evaluation of social networks among local people and its structure, and management methods for building social capital for regional biodiversity restoration is an issue for the future.
Pamela Zevit, Surrey Ultimately, successful implementation of Surrey’s city-wide biodiversity conservation strategy is tied to political will, long-term support from the community and how broader societal values recognize the importance of nature as integral to a City’s health, well-being and resiliency.
Mark Hostetler

About the Writer:
Mark Hostetler

Dr. Mark Hostetler conducts research and outreach on how urban landscapes could be designed and managed to conserve biodiversity. He conducts a national continuing education course on conserving biodiversity in subdivision development, and published a book, The Green Leap: A Primer for Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development.

Introduction

This roundtable discusses examples where city governments, academics, civil society, developers, and/or individuals have become interested in biodiversity, implementing conservation policies, projects, or campaigns.

City-level action, such as formal regulation and city-sanctioned biodiversity strategy, doesn’t happen out of the air; it is the result of years of science, planning, and activism both inside and outside city administrations.
What works? What are the challenges and lessons learned?

One conclusion from these examples is this: many approaches can work, from activism to collaboration to city regulation and official biodiversity planning, but they need to be tied together somehow to create comprehensive solutions. Each takes dedication and planning, and must be resonant with the context. Indeed, we might say that lasting success requires action at multiple levels and with multiple stakeholders. City-level action, such as the regulation described in New York or the biodiversity strategy in Surrey, doesn’t happen out of the air; it is the result of years of science, planning, community work, and activism both inside and outside the city administration.

The Paris Metro region’s Agency for Biodiversity created in 2010 an annual competition called “French Capitals of Biodiversity”, which over time has created a rich network of interest for urban biodiversity. Friends groups such a Tualatin Hills (Portland) create plans to and support for biodiversity protection at various levels of society. As Eduardo Guerrero describes in Bogotá: “Effective action depends on a combination of both formal and spontaneous synergies.” All success has a basis in committed leaders, both inside and outside of government, and a coherent sense of collective action.

Activist-leaning academics play a key role, as described in Japan and New Zealand. Such work can form the basis of formal action by the city. “Pracademics” such as Mark Hostetler and Siobhán McQuaid create useful guides and model for collective action by conservationists and developers. Such guides can lead directly to productive collaboration with business leaders. And there is direct activism, such as that described by Kevin Lunzalu in Nairobi.

All these levels have a place and can work—need to work—synergistically to create urban biodiversity conservation that produces results.

The idea of this roundtable is to have examples from all over the world. By exchanging ideas and examples of people working for positive outcomes in biodiversity conservation, people can adapt and try in their own cities.

David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Eric Butler

About the Writer:
Eric Butler

Eric Butler is a landscape ecologist and conservation advocate with a particular interest in the urban ecosystems of the Pacific Northwest. He is currently working as a seasonal botanist with the Bureau of Land Management in central Oregon but normally calls the greater Portland area home. He has been a steering committee member with the Friends of Tualatin Hills Nature Park since 2013.

Eric Butler

Though the relationship has grown from one of early tension to a deep and enduring mutual respect, the Friends of Tualatin Hills Nature Park continue the tradition of advocacy and stewardship that saved an amazing park for the public—and transformed a park district into a regional champion for nature.
Today, Tualatin Hills Nature Park in Washington County, Oregon, is a beloved community treasure. This 224-acre greenspace contains a popular nature center, the confluence of two creeks, 4.5 miles of trails, and a remarkable mosaic of wetland and upland habitats supporting exceptional biodiversity for a landscape its size.

A walk in the park might reveal anything from pileated woodpeckers to fairyslipper orchids to the park’s unofficial mascot, the rough-skinned newt. Once, though, it was a forgotten piece of land perhaps destined for development. The story of how St. Mary’s Woods became Tualatin Hills Nature Park is a story of community advocacy, driven by passion, persistence, and a collaborative spirit.

The wooded surroundings of the old Elliot Homestead once served as the big backyard playground of St. Mary’s Home for Boys. The land had existed in a state of mostly benign neglect for a long time, but urban expansion was reaching the area, and in the 1970s, the Catholic Archdiocese of Portland was considering selling the property. Several local community members, who had been exploring the site’s network of informal trails for years, wanted to see it preserved. After a bid to gain the interest of Oregon State Parks fell through, attention turned to the nascent Tualatin Hills Park & Recreation District (THPRD), then a traditional turfgrass-and-ballfields operation just beginning to find its identity in a rapidly growing community. At the time, natural resources were barely on THPRD’s radar, and represented a responsibility they lacked the capacity to take on.

Advocates for a nature park were undeterred, and organized to testify at public meetings, rally their neighbors, and eventually pass a bond measure earmarking funds to acquire the park. It would take successive waves of community advocacy, however, to lead to the park’s public opening in 1998; to acquire an additional 22 acres of critical habitat slated for development; and to support dedicated programs and staff for natural resources, trails, and environmental education districtwide. In the half-century since the notion of a Tualatin Hills Nature Park first began, an amazing thing happened: THPRD evolved from reluctant follower to farsighted leader in urban nature conservation. The ensuing years have seen them acquire dozens of new natural areas—more than 150 in all, encompassing about 1500 acres of diverse urban ecosystems including spectacular sites like the scenic oak/prairie landscape at Cooper Mountain Nature Park or the wildlife-rich wetlands at Greenway Park. THPRD’s nature programs serve thousands of preschoolers, summer campers, teens, and adults every year. A thriving volunteer program welcomes community members to restore natural areas and maintain trails most weekends of the year. And, collaborations with other regional agencies have supported metropolitan-scale watershed enhancements.

The community advocates are still around, as well. The original group behind the campaign to acquire the Nature Park evolved first into an advisory committee and, later, to the Friends of Tualatin Hills Nature Park, which remains active to this day. The Friends work closely with THPRD staff to support park improvements and educational programs, using funds raised through their twice-annual native plant sales, and to welcome visitors and volunteers. Though the relationship has grown from one of early tension to a deep and enduring mutual respect, the Friends continue the tradition of advocacy and stewardship that saved an amazing park for the public—and transformed a park district into a regional champion for nature.

Eduardo Guerrero

About the Writer:
Eduardo Guerrero

Eduardo Guerrero is a biologist with over 20 years of experience in projects and initiatives involving environmental and sustainable development issues in Colombia and other South American countries.

Eduardo Guerrero

Collective action driven by a multi-stakeholder deliberation to conserve urban biodiversity in Bogotá

Effective action depends on a combination of both formal and spontaneous synergies. The recipe to effective action is to reach a critical mass of committed leaders involving a multi-stakeholder common purpose.
Bogota, a capital city of 8 million people located in a megadiverse country offers good examples of ongoing processes preserving and integrating biodiversity in urban development. The emblematic image of this city is Cerros Orientales (Eastern Hills), an amazing landscape feature you can see from every point, which permanently links citizens with nature. But, in addition to Cerros Orientales, we have urban wetlands and Bogota river as other key ecological elements, not to mention surrounding “páramos”, strategic high-Andean ecosystems, themselves highly biodiverse and vital in terms of water regulation and carbon storage. So, one our main challenges is to preserve and restore Bogota’s ecological network (what we call “Estructura Ecológica Principal”) the same as establishing green corridors connecting its key elements.

As part of a complex not easy process, nature is increasingly integrated to urban planning. Photo: Eduardo Guerrero

Within this context let me share some views in response to this relevant question:  What actions actually are successful in activating city governments and developers to implement urban biodiversity conservation policies, campaigns, and projects?

Lessons learned in integrating biodiversity into city planning in Bogotá

In this Andean megacity a promising process is taking place, not well coordinated but somehow effective, led by a deliberative group of committed public, private and community groups of interest. My hypothesis is that we are near to achieve in Bogota a critical mass of stakeholders representing a diversity of interests who share a concurrent vision and related goals regarding urban nature.

Effective action depends on a combination of both formal and spontaneous synergies. Local governments are not enough to ensure sustainable transformations. City administrations work on 4-year periods and consequently not ensuring continuity of programs and projects. On the other hand, developers and local communities represent a diversity of interests and expectations, which requires a common umbrella vision to focus on long run effective actions. Unanimity and full agreement are not realistic, considering the existence of some radical and biased positions. So, the recipe to effective action is to reach a critical mass of committed leaders involving a multi-stakeholder common purpose. Even amid conflicts of interest, misunderstandings, and sectoral and political biases, gradually more and more stakeholders value Cerros Orientales, urban wetlands and Bogota river as patrimonial and strategic elements of Bogota´s natural heritage, essential for city prosperity. Some promising achievements, in the middle of a fervent deliberation, show a route of consolidation.

Cerros Orientales, Bogota river and urban wetlands are formally integrated into the Bogotá planning main tool (Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial) and are protected by judicial decrees in response to citizens allegations regarding the right to a healthy environment.

Cerros Orientales is a national protected area (forest reserve) and, as a complement, it was established an adaptation strip (franja de adecuación) in the space between forest reserve and built city. Local government, developers and community organizations must coordinate actions to preserve it.

Regarding the Bogotá river there is also a coordination process among environmental and local authorities in the territory comprising the river basin. Pressures and drivers of river degradation pose one of the biggest challenges toward a stable recovery of the river for the city.

The case for urban wetlands is quite interesting. Thirty years ago, they were not part of city planning. On the contrary, it was a regular practice to filling them with rubble as part of land preparation for housing and urban development. Fortunately, during this interval, a synergistic process involving gov and community stakeholders was successful in halting such an intense deterioration. Now, the complex of urban wetlands has been recognized by Ramsar Convention and local communities value them.

Challenges to consolidate ongoing actions

Of course, some challenges remain to solidify achievements. We need to consolidate a common ground around a shared vision, as well as a win-win mood, in such a way that interests and actions converge and complement. Paradoxically, we have a multiplicity of gov and non-gov similar initiatives under a diversity of organizations competing among them instead of collaborating. It is also critical to promote a governance based on transparency and participation, social appropriation, the building of trust and joint action. A particular challenge is to reconcile opposing political ideologies around common goals and promote city long-term goals ensuring continuity beyond successive administrations.

My conclusion:

Perduring successful actions are those engaging people with urban nature and promoting common goals among diverse public and private stakeholders, that is, actions generating equal and just benefits for all citizens, because of conserving urban biodiversity.

The recipe: social appropriation and a committed set of leaders representing most groups of interest, that work together in a complementary way instead of competing among them.

Human well-being and urban biodiversity are two sides of the same coin. Photo: Eduardo Guerrero
Mark Hostetler

About the Writer:
Mark Hostetler

Dr. Mark Hostetler conducts research and outreach on how urban landscapes could be designed and managed to conserve biodiversity. He conducts a national continuing education course on conserving biodiversity in subdivision development, and published a book, The Green Leap: A Primer for Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development.

Mark Hostetler

Raising Awareness with Built Environment Professionals about Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development

When residential or commercial developments are proposed, there are many opportunities to conserve biodiversity. Primary decision makers that decide whether to implement certain conservation strategies or promote them are typically the development team (i.e., environmental consultants and developer) and city/county planning staff and elected officials. In collaboration with several colleagues and students, I created a 215-page manual called Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development, which outlines biodiversity conservation strategies throughout the development process. This manual was used in trainings or workshops that targeted development teams and city/county planning staff and elected officials.

The Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development manual, originally created for a USA context, can be translated and adapted to any region or country.
Part 1 of the manual discusses key ecological principles and is an introduction to biodiversity, threats to biodiversity and benefits to conserving biodiversity. Part 2 stresses appropriate actions to take across the three phases of a development: planning, construction, and post-construction. Building upon the concepts in Part 1, the planning section of Part 2 focuses where to build and where to conserve, such as prioritizing areas for wildlife habitat. For the construction section, it discusses construction management techniques to minimize impacts on soils, trees, nearby conserved areas, and wildlife habitat.

Also highlighted is how to install low impact development stormwater treatment train for water quality. The last section, post-construction, focuses on long-term management of the homes, yards, conserved open space, and neighborhoods. It discusses education strategies to engage with people in a community and how to fund long-term management plans. Overall, all three phases must be addressed in order to have successful biodiversity conservation over the long term.

How were the decision makers exposed to the manual? We first offered a 4-hour training course for city planners, environmental consultants, and developers. But why did decision makers come to a training? Some came because they were interested in the topic but also, in the United States, the planning and landscape architecture profession requires continuing education units (CEUs) every few years in order to retain certification through their professional societies (e.g., AICP – American Institute of Certified Planners). The course was approved by the professional society and after taking, participants received a CEU certificate. This was an incentive for built environment professionals to come to a training.

Decision makers also became aware of the manual and strategies to conserve biodiversity through our academic consulting group, Program for Resource Efficient Communities (PREC). Developers and environmental consultants, working on a development project, heard about PREC through our various trainings or by word of mouth. Often, they would come to PREC because they wanted to create a conservation development that conserves biodiversity, water, and energy. However, “coming to the table” was often a result of local regulations that emphasize the construction of conservation developments. This highlights the importance of local regulations (and also the importance of raising awareness of local planners and officials!).

The end result of trainings/conversations with developers and environmental consultants is that it planted a “seed” for folks to evaluate a property and strategize on how to implement biodiversity conservation strategies. Through PREC, conservation design and management recommendations were adopted on multiple development projects, from 32 hectares in size on up to 10,000 hectares in size. Some of these developments will house over 50,000 people. Also, trainings and conversations with city/county planners resulted in new policies or ordinances. For example, “no mow” stormwater ponds were proposed in Alachua County, Florida as a way to improve biodiversity and wildlife habitat. However, without appropriate educational signage about the purpose of these no-mow ponds, they were mowed because residents did not like the “look” of them. I proposed installing informational signs around these ponds and the county made this a policy. It worked as ponds with signs are now being maintained more naturally and are not being mowed.

The Conserving Biodiversity in Subdivision Development manual can be translated and adapted to any region or country. Currently, I am working with Professor Keitaro Ito (Kyushu Institute of Technology) and we have translated the manual for the Japanese context, planning to offer multiple trainings in Japan. If interested in adapting the manual for your area, please contact me to discuss ([email protected]).  

Keitaro Ito

About the Writer:
Keitaro Ito

Keitaro is a professor at Kyushu Institute of Technology and teaches landscape ecology and design. He has studied and worked in Japan, the U.K., Germany and Norway and has been designing urban parks, river banks, school gardens, and forest parks.

Keitaro Ito, Tomomi Sudo, Hayato Hasegawa

Environmental planning project for establishing biodiversity policy with local government in Japan-

It is important to understand how we can invite local people to practical nature restoration activities. The evaluation of social networks among local people and its structure, and management methods for building social capital for regional biodiversity restoration is an issue for the future.
Fukutsu city is located in the southern part of Japan. The land area of the city is 52 km2 and the population is 65,770 (2020) and it has been steadily increasing. The city has coastal area to the west and is hilly to the east. In the tidal areas, we can find designated endangered species such as Horseshoe crab. In wintertime, migrating birds (such as Black-faced spoonbill) stay for several months around the coast and in paddy fields. There is a fishing port at the sea coast where we have extensive ecological system services. The farmers are producing vegetables in the fields and fisherman catch fish around the coastal area. Japanese people, especially the local people around here, they like fish for eating. (I usually eat vegetables and like fish for observing…) Anyway, if we lost Fukutsu’s beautiful environment, nobody would get receive the benefits of ecosystem services, such as fish.

The coast and pine forest landscape of Fukutsu city.
Horseshoe crab (Tachypleus tridentatus) : endangered species in Japan. Photo: Keitaro Ito

From 2014, we have been taking part in a project in city planning for urban biodiversity in Fukutsu city, Japan. Our lab (Keitaro Ito Lab, Kyushu Institute of Technology) has been directing the project in collaboration with Fukutsu city and high school students from Fukuoka Koryo high school and Fukuoka fishery high school. The project’s origins result from the city government’s desire to make environmental planning part of the basic city planning, resting on the ecological characteristics of the city. They asked us to collaborate for establishing this plan, called the Environmental Master Plan and Regional Biodiversity Strategy.

The plan was completed in 2017. In this plan, we are thinking of sustainability and ecological services very close to our city. As we think of sustainability and biodiversity in the city, the plan will be very important for managing the city environment, but also in sustaining people’s connection to nature. Such connection is a key factor in sustainability, since without knowledge of nature, people will be less engaged with the idea of sustaining nature.

Black-faced spoonbill (Platalea minor): endangered species in Japan. Photo: Keitaro Ito

However, it remains a challenge to effectively conserve biodiversity and ecological system services in the city.

Unfortunately, people sometimes don’t realise how the nature they live with is important. A lack of daily connection to nature has become normal for them, a situation one can easily observe in visiting local places in this country. So, one of our important roles is this: How shall we lead the people in a return to thinking about nature in Fukutsu?

We think it is important to think about the green places for environmental and ecological learning. Each green space has functions in this city, not only as habitat for creatures but also for providing places for ecological learning by children. Landscapes and natural environments afford habitats for play and learning. For example, children are not allowed in some river banks, but if we could evaluate and think of such places in terms of nature restoration and education, such areas could be multifunctional. Therefore, this project also aims to provide natural sites for children’s play and activity. It will help to create places in which young children will have sustained contact with nature in the city.

The abandoned bamboo forest in the Fukutsu city.
The ecological learning in the forest. Photo: Keitaro Ito

Around the city, some of the forests have big problems too, such as the expansion of bamboo. Because of the lack of maintenance of forest by people, the forested landscape around the city has changed. As the bamboo comes to dominate the forest, the forest floor is dark in deep shade and other biodiversity is significantly reduced. In such abandoned forests, it is difficult to use for playing and learning place by people and children. The researchers of the Laboratory of Environmental Design have shared and discussed these problems with Fukutsu city’s officers and local people for years in the process of planning. As an implementation of the plans, forest restoration project has been started since 2017.

However, we made plans for planning but sometimes it looks like pie in the sky. In our project, city plans for the environmental and the process of their formulation could be opportunities for building communities that can implement forest restoration contributing to conserve biodiversity and interact people with nature. These processes are intended to enhance social networks and trust among stakeholders and increase social capital for local people’s involvement in forest restoration in Fukutsu city.

Therefore, in association with city environmental management and plans, continuing discussion on how to restore and utilize nature as green infrastructure with various participants has become more urgent in present days. Re-recognizing traditional landscapes as green infrastructure could be given more consideration in city environmental management for regional biodiversity conservation and re-connecting people to nature. Furthermore, it is important to understand how we can invite local people to practical nature restoration activities. The evaluation of social networks among local people and its structure, and management methods for building social capital for regional biodiversity restoration is an issue for the future.

The discussion with local people for forest restoration.

References

Hasegawa H., Sudo T., Lin Shwe Yee, Ito K., and Kamada M. (2021) Collaborative Management of Satoyama for Revitalizing and Adding Value as Green Infrastructure, Urban Biodiversity and Ecological Design for Sustainable Cities , Springer, pp 317-333 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56856-8_14

Hostetler M (2020) Cues to care: future directions for ecological landscapes. Urban Ecosyst.https://doi.org/10.1007/s11252-020-00990-8

Hostetler M, Allen W, Meurk C (2011) Conserving urban biodiversity? Creating green infrastructure is only the first step. Landsc Urban Plan.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2011.01.011

Ito K. (2021) Designing Approaches for Vernacular Landscape and Urban Biodiversity, Urban Biodiversity and Ecological Design for Sustainable Cities , Springer, pp 3-17 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56856-8_1

Ito K., Fjørtoft I, Manabe T, Masuda K, Kamada M, Fujuwara K (2010) Landscape design and children’s participation in a Japanese primary school – planning process of school biotope for 5 years. In: Muller N, Werner P, Kelcey GJ (eds) Urban biodiversity and design. Blackwell Academic Publishing, Oxford, pp 441–453 https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444318654.ch23

Ito K., Fjørtoft I, Manabe T, Kamada M (2014) Landscape design for urban biodiversity and ecological education in Japan: approach from process planning and multifunctional landscape planning. In: Nakagoshi N, Mabuhay JA (eds) Designing low carbon societies in landscapes. Springer, Germany, pp 73–86 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-54819-5_5

Kamada M. and Inai S. (2021)Ecological Evaluation of Landscape Components of the Tokushima Central Park Through Red-Clawed Crab (Chiromantes haematocheir),  Urban Biodiversity and Ecological Design for Sustainable Cities , Springer, pp 199-215 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56856-8_9

Sudo T., Lin Shwe Yee, Hasegawa H., Ito K. Yamashita T., and Yamashita I., Natural Environment and Management for Children’s Play and Learning in Kindergarten in an Urban Forest in Kyoto, Japan, Urban Biodiversity and Ecological Design for Sustainable Cities , Springer, pp 175-198 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56856-8_8

Tomomi Sudo

About the Writer:
Tomomi Sudo

Dr. Tomomi Sudo studies for developing sustainable cities which can provide essential nature experiences for people and children. She has been implementing ecological learning projects for children in urban natural environment. She is studying also Landscape Ecology and Design in Japan and Norway. Her interest is how to develop the materials for ecological education and apply that for ecological design. She studies at Kyushu Institute of Technology, Japan.

Hayato Hasegawa

About the Writer:
Hayato Hasegawa

Hayato Hasegawa is a Ph.D. student at Kyushu Institute of Technology, Japan. He implements the collaborations with local government, residents, and children for re-connecting to nature.

Mahito Kamada

About the Writer:
Mahito Kamada

Mahito Kamada is a landscape ecologist working as professor at Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tokushima University, Japan. His academic interest is on socio-ecological landscape at rural areas in Asia as well as Japan. He is now working as the president of Japan Association for landscape Ecology (JALE). He also works with citizen groups as the representative of a network organization on nature conservation in Tokushima Prefecture, and supports Tokushima prefectural office to make policies on biodiversity conservation.

Mahito KAMADA

An educational course provided to citizen groups for progress in biodiversity conservation

In this essay, I will give an example of actions of citizen groups collaborating with local government to complement the local biodiversity strategy of Tokushima Prefecture, Shikoku, Japan.

Through multiple workshops, the citizen groups recognize that development of human resources is the one of the most important issues for advancing biodiversity conservation. As a result, Tokushima Prefecture set it as one of the key policies.
Tokushima Prefecture established local biodiversity strategy in 2013, through collaboration with citizen groups. Prior to this strategy a network organization, which consisted of 22 citizen groups of nature conservation in Tokushima Prefecture, was established in 2010 to exchange information and develop a common opinion on biodiversity conservation. The author became one of two representatives. The network proposed collaborative way for making the local strategy to the Governor. The network promoted workshops with regular people to discuss challenges and opinions on biodiversity and a proposed framework for the local strategy. In particular, they addressed what kind of challenges should be involved and what kind of measures should be adapted. Through these workshops, we came to understand how the public is a human resource to be considered and involved with the process of biodivserity conservation.

Workshop promoted by a network of citizen groups for making local biodiversity strategy.
Educational course for developing human resource provided by citizen groups

Through multiple workshops, the citizen groups recognize that development of human resources is the one of the most important issues for advancing biodiversity conservation. As a result, Tokushima Prefecture set it as one of the key policies in the strategy. At a same time, the network made several education courses and opened them to public. Eight groups in the network provide programs in cooperating with researchers at universities; each group had a specific interest for a particular ecosystem such as natural and semi-natural forest, river, paddy fields, and estuary. Thus, participants in the course can learn about different ecosystems in a basin.

The educational course occurs over eight days. The first day is guidance on entire course and risk management during field works. Each program for the next 6 days has classroom learning and field work as practical training. In the final day, a workshop is conducted to review what was learned. The image below is the flyer for 2021 course, and its contents are as follows: (1) 25 April, Guidance, and risk management in the field; (2) 16 May, Natural Forest and its value for local people; (3) 5 June, wildlife and ecosystem service of river; (4) 4 July, ecosystem of semi-natural forest (Satoyama); (5) 25 July, life and knowledge of local people for using ecosystem services from semi-natural forest (Satoyama); (6) 21 August, wildlife in paddy fields and irrigation channel; (7) 5 September, wildlife and ecosystem function of estuary; (8) 24 October, workshop for reviewing what was learned.

The quality and quantity of the education is very high, it may be comparable to 2 units of a practical training class in an undergraduate program of a university, and thus it has been qualified as an official course by the government of Tokushima Prefecture. As a consequence, the prefectural office has started to pay 900,000 Japanese yen (ca.$US8,500) a year to the network as costs of conducting the course, and a person who completes the course has been qualified as a “biodiversity leader” by the Governor. Some of the biodiversity leaders join the staff for the educational course and learn ways to manage and teach a course, acting as lecturers. These courses are a result of efforts for development of human resources over a seven-year period.

As an example of impacts from the course, in the final workshop in the course of 2020, a middle-aged lady, who is strawberry farmer, said that she learned about the important role of an estuary and recognize pesticides she uses are a risk to an estuary. She immediately decided to reduce pesticides in her farm.

Flyer for the 2021 course
Marit Larson

About the Writer:
Marit Larson

Marit Larson is the Chief of the Natural Resources Group (NRG) at NYC Parks. NRG manages over 10,000acres of natural areas including forests, grasslands and wetlands, stormwater green infrastructure and a native plant nursery.

Marit Larson, Georgina Cullman, Clara Holmes, Matthew Morrow

Promoting Biodiversity in New York City through Native Plants

New York City, despite being a densely developed metropolis of over 8.4 million people, has made a commitment to protecting biodiversity through both practice and policy. One example is the Native Plant Law, which promotes biodiversity through mandating the use of native plants in public landscapes. This law is significant, less as a stand alone measure, but because it rests on a history of critical actions, partnerships, and commitments to protect biodiversity at different scales in NYC. Similarly, its effectiveness relies on ongoing efforts to protect open space and manage the health of our natural areas.

The Native Plant Law in New York City has been key; among other things the law mandates maximizing the use of native plants. The law requires the publication and regular updating of NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide, a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners.
Biodiversity has value at different scales; in urban areas, protecting or reclaiming space from development is critical. Beginning in the 1980s, NYC Parks worked to map natural areas across the city and then to protect them through the Forever Wild Program. Initiated in 2001, this program now works to preserve over 12,300 acres of habitat across the city. Around the same time, NYC Parks committed to reclaiming land from past degradation, most notably with the closing of Fresh Kills Landfill, the largest municipal landfill in North America, and beginning its transition to parkland.

Today, Freshkills Park boasts an expanse of grasslands that has welcomed back several rare and declining grassland bird species. Concurrently, NYC Parks pledged to invest in biodiversity with the establishment of the Greenbelt Native Plant Center (GNPC). This municipal nursery, the largest in the country, collects seed of native species from the NYC area, and has pioneered the propagation and use of native plants. These species increase the plant diversity available for local restoration projects. Twenty years after GNPC’s establishment, NYC Parks has refined a diverse palette of native species that are successful in various restoration and landscaping projects and GNPC staff regularly provide recommendations to designers and practitioners.

In 2007, PlaNYC, the first sustainability plan for New York City, energized greening initiatives in the city. Increased focus on the importance of ecological services from a variety of governmental and nongovernmental organizations led to the passing of various green codes and laws (from zoning to stormwater management), including the first Native Plant Law in the City (§ 18-141 NYC Admin. Code). This law mandates maximizing the use of native plants and reducing the use of invasive non-native species in public landscapes. The law requires the publication and regular updating of NYC’s Native Species Planting Guide (NSPG), which provides native species planting lists for NYC habitats and native alternatives for common invasive plants.

Native plant raingarden the Greenbelt Native Plant Center. Photo: Michael Butts

Within NYC Parks, the planning guide has been a resource for landscape architects and city gardeners. The ready availability of species lists by habit and growth form in the NSPG, coupled with knowledge about current and historical plant communities in the city, has resulted in additional programs to promote biodiversity at an intermediate scale. For example, in accordance with the Forever Wild Program, only native street trees are planted within 100 feet of natural areas and no trees listed as “problematic” in the guide are planted within 500 ft of natural areas. The NSPG is also improving biodiversity in our landscaped parks. In 2020, NYC Parks launched “Pollinator Places”—public-facing horticultural beds primarily made up of attractive native plants, with the intention that they would serve as educational opportunities for the public and as bridges for gardeners used to working with non-native plants.

The Native Species Planting Guide also has the potential to advance biodiversity goals even beyond the boundaries of NYC Parks. For example, in special zoning districts in Staten Island, proposed policy will encourage homeowners to plant native trees, and disincentivize the planting of non-native problematic species, citing the NSPG as a resource.

Urban areas are increasingly recognized as valuable corridors between larger natural habitats, and as refugia in and of themselves; thus, promoting biodiversity within cities is critical. Though NYC has had success in doing so at various levels, challenges remain. For example, native plant supply and availability are often not considered early enough in planning. Additionally, rules on maintaining landscaped areas are often at odds with ecological best practices, and on-going invasive species management needs are not considered. NYC Parks continues to work to meet these challenges to sustain biodiversity within our city.

Photo: Clara Holmes
Georgina Cullman

About the Writer:
Georgina Cullman

Georgina Cullman, Ph.D. is an Ecologist for New York City's Department of Parks & Recreation. As part of NYC Parks Natural Resources Group, Dr. Cullman conducts research and provides advisement to protect and enhance the city's natural areas and biodiversity.

Clara Holmes

About the Writer:
Clara Holmes

Clara Holmes is a Field Scientist with NYC Parks, specializing in Botany. Most of her field work consists of monitoring vegetation pre and post restoration, and tracking rare plant populations in NYC Parks. She holds a Master’s of Science from Pace University and Bachelor's of Arts from the College of Charleston.

Matthew Morrow

About the Writer:
Matthew Morrow

Matthew Morrow is the Director of Horticulture at Forestry Horticulture and Natural Resources, a division of the NYC Park's Department. In this role he works to educate and support the gardeners and gardens of the agency, as well as the various native flora and fauna of New York City.

Kevin Lunzalu

About the Writer:
Kevin Lunzalu

Kevin Lunzalu is a young conservation leader from Nairobi, Kenya. Through his work, Lunzalu strives to strike a balance between environmental conservation and humanity. He strongly believes in the power of innovative youth-led solutions to drive the global sustainability agenda. Kevin is the country coordinator the Kenyan Youth Biodiversity Network.

Kevin Lunzalu

Nairobi’s green spaces saved through environmental and cultural activism

Known as the green city in the sun, the Nairobi Metropolitan area is home to some of the oldest individual trees in East Africa. A case in point is the iconic fig tree that is located along Waiyaki Way, west of Kenya’s capital city, that is estimated to be between 125 to 150 years old. This particular species not only carries ecological significance to Nairobi’s urban population, but also cultural importance to various communities in Kenya.

Youth-led organizations such as the Kenyan Youth Biodiversity Network spearheaded campaigns to call for immediate action from the government to save the coveted fig tree and other green urban spaces in Nairobi.
The country’s largest tribe by population, the Agikuyu, refers to it as “mugumo”, and consider the fig tree sacred, as their forefathers used to worship under the tree and offer sacrifices to their gods. To this community, it is a taboo to cut down fig trees and a symbol of bad luck if the tree falls. Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta comes from the tribe.

The Maragoli people have for a long time held the fig tree, known to them as “mukumu”, to be a symbol of peace, under which conflicts are resolved. Additionally, many tribes in Kenya still use fig trees as boundary markers. Nairobi’s oldest fig tree caused environmental and cultural uproar in equal measures, in early 2020, when it wasearmarked for uprooting to pave way for the construction of the Nairobi Expressway.

In the quest to ease traffic congestion in Nairobi, traffic which costs the government an estimated $1.8 million annually worth of revenue, Kenya’s capital is in the race to construct a 27 Kilometer expressway that will connect the city’s Jomo Kenyatta International airport and Waiyaki Way in Westlands. Upon operationalization, motorists are expected to spend only about 15 minutes moving between these two points, a reduction from about 2 hours currently spent.

However, the $550 million project has come with adverse environmental costs, with hundreds of trees located along the route cut down, including the native Nandi flame species, which were reportedly planted in the 1990s. This permanent degradation of ecological lifeline and cultural values that some of these trees carried is what called for action from activists and other lobby groups, at least to save the most iconic ones, like the now-famous fig tree.

Environmentalists, cultural activists, and several urban dwellers took to the streets amidst the increasing need to stay at home due to the COVID-19 pandemic, to stop the government from uprooting the iconic fig tree. This followed months of deforestation by the Chinese-funded project that ripped the city of its most treasured green spaces.

Youth-led organizations such as the Kenyan Youth Biodiversity Network spearheaded campaigns to call for immediate action from the government to save the coveted fig tree and other green urban spaces in Nairobi. An online campaign was also set up directly engaging government entities including the Kenya National Highways Authority to spare the tree that supports a myriad of bird life and other species. A petition to call for protection of the tree was signed by thousands of people.

“We are demanding that the city government listens to the environmental and cultural aspirations of its people, and reroute the road,” Jackem Otete, a grassroot coordinator at the Kenyan Youth Biodiversity Network said during a street match.

The outcry by members of public, environmentalists, and activists pressured the city government, resulting in a presidential decree to protect the threatened fig tree. In a press conference addressing the issue, Mohamed Badi, the Director General of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services said: “It is now a presidential declaration that this [fig] tree will now be conserved.” The order forced the national highways authority and the Chinese contractor to reroute the ExpressWay.

“..that pursuant to Article 69 of the constitution, as read together with section 3 of the Environment Management and Co-ordination Act and all other enabling laws, this fig tree is hereby adopted by the Nairobi Metropolitan Services on behalf of the people of Nairobi..” read the declaration in part.

On eve of Christmas 2020, the president decorated the fig tree with lights to symbolize its significance and wish Kenyans well during the festivities. Since the presidential declaration, several conservation organizations have emerged, calling for protection of other green spaces in the city.

Siobhán McQuaid

About the Writer:
Siobhán McQuaid

Siobhan is the Associate Director of Innovation at the Centre for Social Innovation in Trinity College Dublin where she heads up research and innovation activities under the themes of sustainability and resilience.

Siobhán McQuaid

Green buildings for biodiversity—who are the industry leaders?

The European Commission identifies nature-based solutions (NBS) such as green buildings as solutions “inspired and supported by nature, which are cost-effective, simultaneously provide environmental, social and economic benefits and help build resilience. Such solutions bring more, and more diverse, nature and natural features and processes into cities, landscapes and seascapes, through locally adapted, resource-efficient and systemic interventions. Nature-Based Solutions therefore provide multiple benefits for biodiversity.”

IKEA has taken a community co-creation approach, opening up green roofs to citizens in London, putting football pitches for the community on the roof in Eindhoven, and public playgrounds on the roof in Utrecht. The possibilities are endless. Will other retailers and developers follow these examples for communities and for biodiversity?
While many cities in Europe have started to invest in nature-based solutions such as urban parks or city tree schemes, little is known about the level of private sector awareness and investment in nature-based solutions. Given the increasing population growth in cities and the continued demand for new housing development and retail centres, at the 2021 TNOC Festival, we organised a plenary dialogue session asking, “How do we activate the construction sector in mainstreaming nature-based solutions?”

We know from research in the UK and Switzerland that well designed green roofs can contribute to biodiversity with wildflower roofs being particularly attractive for insects and pollinators such as bees (Livingroofs.org). However while the market for green buildings is growing rapidly in some parts of Europe it is lagging behind in others. Rodolphe Deborre, Director of Innovation and Sustainable Development at the French construction giant Rabot Dutilleul pointed out that in France the construction sector lacks knowledge and therefore trust in nature-based solutions. In an industry traditionally driven by price there are many questions: how much will nature cost in the short and long term? Will the client pay extra for nature? How effective are NBS? Are they allowed under current regulations? In an industry driven for centuries by hard engineering and physics, there is little knowledge of ecology or nature and therefore little trust in it.

In contrast in Austria, the government has played an important role in stimulating both demand and supply for green buildings. Over 550 businesses are active in this sector supported by strong and supportive government policy including market incentives and a mobile outreach programme (MUGLI) which introduces people to a vivid first-hand experience of greening buildings. A climate certification scheme managed by Grünstattgrau (the national competence centre for green buildings) is in place which developers can use to demonstrate market leadership. In Austria this kind of certification is seen as a competitive advantage —certified companies are industry front-runners. Research shows that they can charge 8% more for buildings with green infrastructure so there’s a strong business case for investment.

But the changes needed go deeper than policy support and market incentives. Systemic change is needed throughout the education and innovation system to generate a new breed of architect, developer and investor who know as much about ecology as they do about engineering and business. Researchers can provide vital support—proving the effectiveness of nature-based solutions and helping to reduce costs with new technologies. Unfortunately this kind of systemic change takes time. And with the current pace of climate change and biodiversity loss, time is not on our side. In the immediate short term, industry pioneers are needed to show leadership and demonstrate that NBS can work. Where the leaders go, others will follow…

The retail sector can play an important leadership role working with urban planners to envisage new city districts co-created with communities in mind. Johanna Cederlöf of IKEA explained how IKEA developed the plans for their new building at Vienna Westbahnhof in close cooperation with the local community. The community wanted more nature so the IKEA building was designed as a park which people can access even without coming into the store.  IKEA have taken a similar community co-creation approach in other cities opening up green roofs to citizens in London, putting football pitches for the community on the roof in Eindhoven and public playgrounds on the roof in Utrecht. The possibilities are endless. Will other retailers and developers follow these examples and re-examine the possibility of green buildings—for communities and for biodiversity?

Colin Meurk

About the Writer:
Colin Meurk

Dr Colin Meurk, ONZM, is an Associate at Manaaki Whenua, a NZ government research institute specialising in characterisation, understanding and sustainable use of terrestrial resources. He holds adjunct positions at Canterbury and Lincoln Universities. His interests are applied biogeography, ecological restoration and design, landscape dynamics, urban ecology, conservation biology, and citizen science.

Colin Meurk

A game of two halves—the personal journey.

Nature is a great teacher and we are drawn to it. We need to get more of our zest and lessons from nature so we can be better planetary citizens and guardians.
This metaphor, commonly applied to football games in which there is a mismatch between a team’s performance in 1st and 2nd halves, may describe how aspirational environmental policies, paved with good intentions, can fail in the subsequent implementation phase. We are all familiar with “first half” rhetoric surrounding TBL (triple bottom line), multi-, inter- then trans-disciplinary consultation, engagement, collaborative learning, co-design, participatory democracy, and co-creation of solutions to wicked problems. These notions track the post-war rise in awareness and use of ecology, conservation, and biodiversity terminology. Yet, there seems to be a mismatch between 1st and 2nd halves or a different outcome according to who you listen to—those inside the tent frequently talking up their immaculate processes and successes. That seems to be the challenge: getting feet inside the tent! Whereas consultation frequently engages children, “grass roots” community, business, (environmental) engineers, landscape architects, and indigenous people—which is all good—seldom are professional ecologists involved. This is somewhat amazing when most of the world’s emergencies are ecologically based.

The aspirations may be undone by career bureaucrats who don’t know that they don’t know; so outside the tent it becomes more who you know rather than what you know. It seems society has lost its innate ecological literacy (dis-enfranchisement, institutional memory loss, guardianship), maybe retaining a sense nature is important at some metaphysical level, but often, in ecology and conservation, the devil is in the detail.

We are of course dealing with different motivations for politicians (e.g., votes—a bit simplistic and cynical), bureaucrats (performance/promotion), and community/environmental advocates (global to local sustainability/well-being outcomes). But everyone has multiple agendas—personal, family, “group”, city, nation, or the team of 5 billion. New Zealand made a virtue out of being the team of 5 million in containing the Covid crisis. But it is hard to sustain the collective will when it is undermined by fake news on social media or mainstream shock jocks.

There is also mismatch between what is commonly understood by environment and ecology.  The 3rd pillar of sustainability is most often stated as environment, rather than ecology. Technically environment covers the living world, but in popular use it seems primarily to relate to clean air and water, e-cars, solar panels, thermally efficient buildings, etc., in other words, “life” seems to be missing or an afterthought. So, we will choose street trees, from anywhere in the world, that have regimental growth forms, over an indigenous more scruffy tree form, without considering the loss of landscape wildlife functionality, place-making, legibility, and cultural connectivity.

Back to the question, we can all point to pockets of at least partial success and sanity. Christchurch City’s Travis Wetland park, protected in 1997, resulted from a juxtaposition of respected community campaigners backed by young ecologists, a champion council planner with experience of the international wetland conservation movement, a sympathetic elected Council, a deal with a developer, and subsequently a hands-on park ranger who has been fully engaged, working with a community trust in partnership. We have also endeavoured to copy London’s Biodiversity Partnership as a means of direct conversation, peer review, and mutual support between council staff and able, concerned citizens bypassing the charade of exhausting and fruitless annual plan submissions. Ratification is still pending! Now, the National Park City (biophilic) provides a brand to promote common vision, cohesion and interdepartmental synergy—if the city can be pro-active with “can-do” attitude.

It seems activist youth is having some impact around the world, dragging leaders kicking and screaming into taking urgent climate action. But there are powerful business-as-usual lobbyists who will prefer cosmetic or token changes to the needed fundamental reset of the prevailing economic paradigm. Thriving nature in cities and connection to people’s daily experience (e.g., Shinrin yoku) will be a vital component—for benefits to human physiology, psychology, well-being and reduced material consumption. Nature is a great teacher and we are drawn to it. We need to get more of our zest and lessons from nature so we can be better planetary citizens and guardians. Even if we know there won’t be immediate correction, we have to bring what to many will be unpalatable ideas into the conversation so when required it isn’t a total shock.

Pamela Zevit

About the Writer:
Pamela Zevit

My career path has reflected a passion for affecting change and has helped to culture long-lasting relationships with a diversity of government and non-government, academic, conservation and sustainability leaders and industry interests. Goals: To build a legacy of ecological literacy and stewardship among decision makers and local citizenry through reconciling the conflicts between human and non-human resource needs and improving the trust between society and science practitioners.

Pamela Zevit

City of Surrey Biodiversity Conservation Strategy: How did this happen?

Ultimately, successful implementation of Surrey’s city-wide biodiversity conservation strategy is tied to political will, long-term support from the community and how broader societal values recognize the importance of nature as integral to a City’s health, well-being and resiliency.
The City of Surrey, located in southwest BC, Canada, is the Province’s fastest growing city. With a population nearing to 600,000 and growing monthly Surrey is closing in on Vancouver. Larger in area than the City of Toronto, Surrey’s landscape supports over 2400 hectares of greenspace. Dedicated as parks, natural areas, and biodiversity preserves, much of these lands make up what is referred to as the City’s Green Infrastructure Network (GIN). In 2011, following the completion of a comprehensive ecosystem management study, Surrey initiated a city-wide biodiversity conservation strategy (BCS).

The BCS was completed and endorsed by Council in 2014. The Strategy acts as a framework to establish biodiversity goals and targets and conservation priorities for the City as part of an ongoing initiative originating from the City’s Sustainability Charter, adopted in 2008 (and updated in 2016). The BCS is intended to work in conjunction with the City’s Official Community Plan.

What were the ingredients that helped to raise awareness about biodiversity within the government or development team that led to a new biodiversity policy or project?

As with many jurisdictions, a key portion of high biodiversity areas within the City are located on private land. This limits the powers of the City in respect to imposing restrictions on development. In order to successfully establish support for the development of the BCS, and the subsequent establishment of the GIN, the cooperation and engagement of a broad spectrum of stakeholders was essential. To facilitate this, the City established a Stakeholder Working Group made up of 18 key community stakeholders from business and environmental groups, First Nations, neighbouring governments, and other partners.

The working group met four times throughout the process to provide feedback and recommendations. Public communication was ongoing throughout the development of the strategy, including regular press releases, use of social media, and public open houses and information sessions.

The BCS and GIN are recognized and interwoven in many of the City’s key strategic documents: Parks, Recreation & Culture Strategic Plan; Integrated Stormwater Management Plans; Shade Tree Management Plan; Coastal Flood Adaptation Strategy; Climate Adaptation Strategy; Newton: Sustainability in Action Plan; and the City’s overarching Sustainability Charter.

What collaborations or processes, initiated by someone inside the government (city staff or elected official) and/or outside the government (academic, scientist, activist), led (or will lead) to new biodiversity conservation policies or actions?

To help further existing efforts to meet the intended objectives of the BCS, the City hired a Biodiversity Conservation Planner in 2019, whose role is to oversee implementation of the BCS at both a planning and operational level. One type of conservation target in the BCS is tracking indicator species. Starting in 2019 the City began accessing community science data through iNaturalist; it is using the platform to acquire and map data about where, and when various species occur across Surrey. Realtime data such as this has been valuable in identifying species at risk, newly detected invasive species, and various regulated species (e.g., migratory birds and raptors), information which the City can apply to inform land use planning—from the site to the landscape level (e.g., specific DPs up to neighbourhood plans).

The City is also partnering with the University of British Columbia to determine the best approaches and software tools to analyze various landcover data (e.g., Metro Vancouver’s Sensitive Ecosystem Inventory and the GIN) in an attempt to build a more comprehensive picture of priority conservation lands.

Beginning in 2021, the City is increasing the City-wide Parkland Acquisition development cost charge (“DCC”) rate with the goal of providing funding to acquire GIN lands identified in the BCS. The increase will be phased in over 5 years. Approximately 441 hectares of GIN lands must be acquired, at an estimated cost of $1 billion over the next 50 years (roughly $20 million per year at present land values). Approximately 75% of GIN lands are within developable areas, thus are DCC eligible. The DCC was fully approved by the Province and Surrey’s Mayor and Council as of April 2021 and will go into effect in May 2021.

Ultimately, successful implementation of the BCS is tied to political will, long-term support from the community and how broader societal values recognize the importance of nature as integral to a City’s health, well-being and resiliency.

Check out Biodiversity Conservation in Surrey to learn more.

Gilles Lecuir

About the Writer:
Gilles Lecuir

Expert en écologie urbaine, en communication publique et en politiques publiques, Gilles Lecuir travaille pour l’Agence régionale de la Biodiversité en Île-de-France et anime le concours national Capitale française de la Biodiversité. // Expert in urban ecology, public communication and policies, Gilles Lecuir works for the Paris Region Agency for Biodiversity and animate the French Capital of Biodiversity Award.

Gilles Lecuir

[Read this in English]

Les « Capitales françaises de la Biodiversité » : des exemples inspirants

Au fil du temps, un réseau informel s’est constitué : des personnes motivées, engagées mais aussi expérimentées, performantes, innovantes, qu’elles soient techniciennes, politiques, expertes ou encore chercheuses.
Depuis 2010, un concours est organisé chaque année à destination des villes françaises de toutes tailles, afin de désigner chaque année la « Capitale française de la Biodiversité ». Née dans le contexte de l’année de la Biodiversité et pour contribuer à la mobilisation des gouvernements locaux en vue de la COP Biodiversité de Nagoya, cette opération s’est progressivement installée dans le paysage français de la transition écologique des villes et elle est désormais pérenne, soutenue par les plus hautes autorités nationales (ministères en charge de la ville et de l’écologie) et internationales (Secrétariat exécutif de la Convention sur la Diversité biologique).

L’aspect « compétition » est une motivation certaine pour les élus et les techniciens des villes participantes, qui aspirent à obtenir une reconnaissance nationale, outil puissant pour valoriser l’action politique auprès de leur population. Pourtant, avec 80 villes participantes en moyenne et seulement 5 à 6 lauréats chaque année (1 par catégories de taille de ville et 1 champion toutes catégories confondues, la victoire n’est à l’évidence pas la seule motivation à participer.

En effet, le concours est conçu d’abord comme un outil pédagogique, d’une part au travers d’un questionnaire exigeant et qui est une véritable source d’inspiration, d’autre part par l’édition de recueils thématiques d’actions exemplaires qui garantit à toutes les villes participantes de pouvoir partager et diffuser une ou plusieurs réalisations dont elles sont fières.

Et puis, au fil du temps, un réseau informel s’est constitué : des personnes motivées, engagées mais aussi expérimentées, performantes, innovantes, qu’elles soient techniciennes, politiques, expertes ou encore chercheuses. Journées d’échanges, visites inspirantes sur le terrain, partage de documents ou de conseils sont devenues courantes, sans se substituer aux réseaux formels (qui sont des partenaires fidèles du concours) mais bien en complément de leur action.

Le concours Capitale française de la Biodiversité ne s’intéresse qu’aux actions réalisées, déjà mises en œuvre, pas aux projets. Car c’est une pédagogie par la preuve qui est recherchée : il s’agit de donner envie aux maires de se lancer dans des actions de préservation ou de restauration de la biodiversité locale, de les rassurer sur la faisabilité de leurs projets et de leurs faire gagner du temps en leur permettant de s’appuyer sur les acquis de leurs collègues. Voici quelques exemples d’actions de lauréats de ces dernières années :

A Strasbourg (Alsace), la ville vient d’obtenir le classement d’une de ses forêts alluviales bordant le fleuve Rhin en Réserve Naturelle Nationale, le plus haut degré de protection légale en France. Et c’est sa 3e réserve naturelle urbaine ! Pour le milieu urbain plus ordinaire du point de vue de la biodiversité, la ville déploie des Parcs Naturels Urbains, par quartier : un concept qui mobilise autour des enjeux de nature en ville les citoyens, les associations, les entreprises…

Réserve naturelle nationale du massif forestier de la Robertsau et de la Wantzenau, à Strasbourg © Ville de Strasbourg

A Lille (Nord), une ville très dense et minérale, on ouvre des fosses de plantation dans les trottoirs afin de permettre aux riverains d’y planter des plantes grimpantes qui vont pousser le long des façades formant une végétalisation verticale naturelle, peu coûteuse, facile à entretenir et qui participe à rafraichir les rues en cas de canicule. Un mouvement initié il y a plus de 20 ans mais qui s’accélère : des centaines de façades publiques comme privées sont désormais végétalisées chaque année…

Végétalisation participative des façades à Lille, France © Gilles Lecuir

A Rennes (Bretagne), un vaste parc naturel vient d’être créé en centre-ville, pour offrir à la fois des espaces de jeu, de promenade et de détente aux citadins, mais aussi pour offrir dans des zones non-accessibles un refuge à une faune et une flore mises sous fortes pression par les activités humaines. Et le tout constitue une nouvelle d’expansion des crues de la rivière : inondé quelques jours par an, le parc protège les habitations voisines et constitue une zone humide très favorable à un large cortège d’espèces. Un bel exemple de solution fondée sur la nature pour limiter les risques.

Zone humide d’expansion des crues, parc urbain des Prairies Saint-Martin, à Rennes

Enfin, depuis 2019 le concours s’appuie sur une démarche supplémentaire qui vise à aider les villes comme les villages qui ne sont pas encore des « champions de la biodiversité » à structurer leurs projets de protection de la nature, à en amplifier l’ambition comme la qualité, à aider à leur réalisation. C’est la reconnaissance « Territoire engagé pour la nature ». Et en toute logique, on espère que ces projets deviendront dans quelques années des actions exemplaires évaluées et valorisées grâce au concours « Capitale française de la Biodiversité…

Pour en savoir plus :
http://www.capitale-biodiversite.fr/
https://engagespourlanature.biodiversitetousvivants.fr/territoires

The “French Capitals of Biodiversity”: inspiring examples

Over time, an informal network has been formed: of motivated and committed people, but also experienced, effective, and innovative municipal workers, whether they are technicians, politicians, experts, or researchers.
Every year since 2010, a competition has been organized for French cities of all sizes to designate the “French Capital of Biodiversity”. Born in the context of the Year of Biodiversity and intended to contribute to the mobilization of local governments emerging from the COP Biodiversity in Nagoya, this program has gradually become part of the French landscape of ecological transition of cities and is now permanent, supported by the highest French national authorities (ministries in charge of the city and ecology) and internationally  by the Executive Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity.

The “competition” aspect is a definite motivation for elected officials and technicians of the participating cities, who aspire to obtain national recognition. Such an award is a powerful tool for enhancing the value of their political action among their population. However, with an average of 80 participating cities and only 5 to 6 winners each year (one award per city size category and one champion in all categories), victory is obviously cannot the only motivation to participate.

Indeed, the competition is designed first and foremost as an educational tool, on the one hand through a demanding questionnaire that is a real source of inspiration, and on the other hand through the publication of thematic collections of exemplary: actions that ensure that all participating cities can share and disseminate their achievements, of which they are proud.

Over time, an informal network has been formed: of motivated and committed people, but also experienced, effective, and innovative municipal workers, whether they are technicians, politicians, experts, or researchers. Exchange days, inspiring field visits, and sharing of documents or advice have become commonplace, without replacing other formal networks (which are faithful partners of the competition) but rather complementing their action.

The French Capital of Biodiversity award is only interested in actions that have already been implemented, not in projects that are not yet complete. The aim is to encourage mayors to take action to preserve or restore local biodiversity, to reassure them that their projects are feasible, and to save them time and resources by allowing them to build on the achievements of their colleagues.

Here are a few examples of actions by award winners in recent years:

In Strasbourg (Alsace), the city has just obtained the classification of one of its alluvial forests bordering the Rhine River as a National Nature Reserve, the highest degree of legal protection in France. And this is the city’s 3rd urban nature reserve! For the more ordinary urban environment, from the point of view of biodiversity, the city is deploying Urban Nature Parks, by district: a concept that mobilizes citizens, associations, companies, etc. around the issues of nature in the city.

National nature reserve of the Robertsau and Wantzenau forests in Strasbourg © Ville de Strasbourg

In Lille (Nord)—a very dense and mineral city—planting pits are opened in the sidewalks to allow residents to plant climbing plants that will grow along the facades, forming a natural vertical vegetation. These are inexpensive, easy to maintain and help to cool the streets during heat waves. This is a movement initiated more than 20 years ago but which is accelerating: hundreds of public and private facades are now being greened every year.

Participatory greening of facades in Lille, France © Gilles Lecuir

In Rennes (Brittany), a vast natural park has just been created in the city center, which provides play areas, walks, and relaxation for city dwellers, but also provides a refuge for fauna and flora in non-accessible areas that have been put under great pressure by human activities. The park also serves as an expansion of the river flood zones: flooded a few days a year, the park protects the neighbouring houses and constitutes a wetland very favourable to a wide range of species. Thus, it is a good example of a nature-based solution to limit risks.

Flood expansion wetland, Prairies Saint-Martin urban park, Rennes

Finally, since 2019, the competition has been based on an additional approach that aims to help cities and villages that are not yet “biodiversity champions” to structure their nature protection projects, to amplify their ambition and quality, and to help with their implementation. This is the “Territory Committed to Nature” recognition. Naturally, we hope that in a few years such projects will become exemplary actions that will be evaluated and promoted as part of the “French Capital of Biodiversity” competition.

To find out more:
http://www.capitale-biodiversite.fr/
https://engagespourlanature.biodiversitetousvivants.fr/territoires

What are “Garden Cities” Without a Garden Culture? How a Cultural Connection with Nature Can Build a Truly Sustainable Future

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

This marks the fourth year that my partner Suhee Kang and I have been studying, working with, living with, and learning from individuals in East Asia and the U.S. who are at the forefront of the sustainable (agri)culture movement.

During this time, our primary goal has been the making of a documentary film, Final Straw: Food, Earth, Happiness. The film is an international exploration of the ecological mindset and lifestyle of “natural farmers,” most of whom are urban transplants, and some of whom still live or work in an urban context.

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Kazuaki Okitsu teaching at his natural farm in Shikoku, Japan. Photo: Patrick M. Lydon

Much can be learned from these natural farmers. Their mindset and actions agree with our most fundamental ideas of what true sustainability should be, placing human beings within nature, working together with nature as integrated parts in an arrangement where both the land and humans benefit.

Yet this mindset also comes across as idealistic, remote, and, quite frankly, very far away from the reality of our mainstream consciousness.

As we came close to finishing the film, we were understandably concerned that urban audiences wouldn’t be able to connect with such an idea in the space of a 74-minute documentary. So we ran a series of test screenings for urbanites before finishing the film to see where our audience was.

To our delight, urban audiences responded with tremendous enthusiasm and recognition; an overwhelming majority of the test audiences at our rough cut screenings were not only vocal in saying that we should “live in a more connected way with nature and the earth,” but were also largely animated to find out how they could take actions in their own lives.

We are waiting to grow roots

It is a great indication for the urban nature movement that the awareness of our need to connect in some meaningful way with our environment is there within people. Yet it is raw; by all means this impulse requires some delicate and constant cultivation in order to grow into a robust culture of individuals who value nature inherently.

Curiously, these individuals—especially 20- and 30-somethings who are second-generation city dwellers—did not express great concern with justifying the importance of the environment, or with reducing CO2 levels, or with calculating their daily impact on their ecological surroundings.

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Final Straw rough cut screenings in Seoul and Daejeon, South Korea. Photos: Heeyoung Park, Booyoung Song

But what these groups lack in concern for environmental quantification or philosophy, they make up for with ample desire to learn how to connect—that is, they desire to understand their relationship to nature and the earth in some meaningful way which transcends the science, numbers, and traditional philosophical rationale.

In our view, then, the more ways we can give these audiences to ‘experience’ nature in a productive, meaningful, personal way, the more successful our efforts at building socially and ecologically equitable cities will be.

The good news here is twofold. First, there are many ways already being developed to enact a more meaningful, productive connection with nature; second, there is good reason to believe that the small groups of individuals we encountered so far—around 200 people over the course of several such screenings—are reflective of a substantial and growing group of people spread throughout urban cores and suburban tracts around the world. All of these individuals know that there needs to be a tremendous change in the way we live our lives: in our consumption, in the way we produce food and goods, and in the way we treat each other and our planet.

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Volunteer Maki Sobajima at the Akame Natural Farm School in Sakurai, Japan. Photo: Patrick Lydon

From our conversations with these individuals, it is nearly unanimous for those who have the desire to act but are not acting, that they simply have no idea where to start.

One of our suggestions for them—and for people, cities, and organizations in general—is to start with the garden city. That is, not necessarily a garden city as a structure, but rather a garden city as a cultural mindset.

What do I mean by a garden city cultural mindset? For that, I invite you to follow me on a short personal journey…

Discovering a modern garden city

Growing up in the suburb-laden city of San Jose, California, I remember having an obsession with maps and cities. This obsession drew me one day to a book containing works by Ebenezer Howard and the Garden City concepts that he had so beautifully planned. “They seem so cool!” I thought as a young teenager. “But where are these garden cities and why haven’t I ever seen one?”

It wasn’t until a decade later that I realized the sprawling suburbia I grew up in was more or less the result—or perversion—of the Garden City design ideal: a manifestation of garden cities as the prevailing ‘practical’ culture saw it. This realization was disappointing to say the least.

Again, a bit later on in life, my practice became more focused on the interactions of people and places.

During a year spent living thriftily (often on couches) in European and Asian cities of differing shapes and sizes, I witnessed with impressive clarity how the culture of a people who inhabit a place seemed to impress far more of an effect on the outcomes and uses of that place, than the place’s physical design. In both formal and informal urban design, this is an often seen—and not often enough talked about—misalignment between design and culture.

If our urban sustainability issues are indeed so deeply entrenched in culture, it follows that successful urban nature design—indeed, successful sustainable cities in general—can only be achieved in concert with a deep and sustained cultural awareness of the importance of nature. To do otherwise would be like giving a choir a beautifully orchestrated musical score, and not teaching them how to sing. To be sure, this is how many otherwise brilliant ecologically-minded projects turn out.

The mechanisms to build this awareness, to teach our choir of citizens to sing in harmony, are also something which, with the exception of small pockets of influence (in terms of food, I can think immediately of Alice Water’s Edible Schoolyard project, and Food Corps, as good examples) are mostly absent from our cities.

Getting to the root of the issue, I’d like to take a look at the idea of garden city culture with an appropriate example.

The unlikely garden city

This is ‘Dae-dong’, an old, tightly-packed, lower-income neighborhood in the South Korean city of Daejeon.

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Dae-dong neighborhood in Daejeon, South Korea. Photo: Patrick Lydon

Okay. Admittedly, it doesn’t look like an urban gardener’s heaven. But in this neighborhood, almost no plot of soil—and in many cases no slab of idle asphalt, no matter how tiny—is left without tended plants, whether it be flowers or a few corn stalks.

The neighborhood’s design certainly doesn’t have much love for urban gardens, but the residents overwhelmingly do. As my partner Suhee and I found out during a three-month stay as artists in residence here, love for nature is the deciding factor in Dae-dong.

The scale and seemingly hectic layout of the neighborhood is by no means a help to the would-be gardener, and it is quite the opposite of what most American cities aim for. Dae-dong is built to a supremely human-scale, so much so that even the smallest of Korean cars feels awkward to navigate its widest streets. In fact, most of its streets are pathways, barely wide enough for two persons to pass comfortably.

The layout of the neighborhood forces utility of space.

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Space cultivation map and images from the Dae-dong neighborhood in Daejeon, South Korea. Graphic and photos: Patrick Lydon and Suhee Kang

Yet as Suhee and I strolled through the rolling, twisting maze of alleys to meet and talk with locals during our stay, we noticed that gardens are everywhere here. It’s not just a garden in someone’s pint-sized backyard, it’s a proliferation of earth cultivation everywhere in the neighborhood, even in the smallest piece of soil, or in an old bathtub on top of the concrete of the aforementioned narrow walkways.

I realized that what I had found in Dae-dong was a ‘real’ garden city. That is to say, a thriving garden city culture without a garden city plan; a neighborhood with nearly zero planned space for gardens, yet with hundreds of gardens.

How did it happen?

To be clear about the circumstances, the people who partake in this activity in this neighborhood—I fondly refer to them as garden ‘hacking’ grandmothers—are generally from a generation who can still remember the times when they were starving, when Korea had little political organization, much strife through a forced occupation, war, and generally very rough times. The neighborhood was also a home for refugees during the war, some of whom live here still today.

Dae-dong is a success story, at least to show what possibilities exist in small spaces, to show the resiliency and transformation possible when a certain kind of culture pervades, and to reinforce the idea that greening our neighborhoods need not always require large and expensive physical restructuring of those neighborhoods.

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An old bath tub filled with soil is used for growing along the narrow street. Photo: Patrick Lydon

However, in the years since this older generation of urban farmers began their work in Dae-dong, South Korea has quickly become a technological and industrial mega-power. The development within the country is almost unprecedented, change occurs at quick pace, and most South Koreans under the age of 40 are more concerned with work, study, or vying for a desk at Hyundai or Samsung than they are about a garden.

The cultural connection to and relevance of the natural environment dissolved in South Korea in the space of a single generation, and when the old residents of Dae-dong are gone, the gardens will likely be gone along with them.

That sounds like a dismal point. You may be left mulling over examples of this in your own community; this is inevitable because it feels as though the same story is repeating itself around the industrialized and industrializing world.

We can easily point to laws, regulations, politics, economics, work habits, and other barriers, yet all of these barriers are created, at their root, by the cultural mindset of a place.

Of course, culture, history, and motivation are quite different between places like Dae-Dong and, for example, the garden-suburb-without-many-gardens where I grew up in the United States. Yet in pointing to culture, we also must admit to ourselves that given its very nature, culture is something that is itself cultivated, always growing, always changing.

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Hand planting rice at a small natural farm in South Korea. Photo: Patrick Lydon

If a culture of nature-connectedness could be removed from South Korea in a generation, so it could be built again in another.

We must know it in ourselves then, despite the view we have from the culture that we live within here and now—wherever here and now is for us—that the creation of a culture which lives in relative harmony with the natural environment is something which can be cultivated within humanity, first on a local scale, as some are currently experiencing, and, in time, on a global scale, as well.

Kazuaki Okitsu, one of the farmers we spent a good deal of time with during our documentary filming, explained this concept very eloquently:

“Every time we stand in nature
with the plants, the animals, and the vast sky above
we can feel joy in that simple moment
smile if only because we are a part of life on earth
Everyone has these small moments
Everyone gets it, even if we don’t realize it
We understand nature inside ourselves
We just need to cultivate this understanding”

By any measure, or perhaps through lack of the measurable, true sustainable action has much to do with our human capacity to feel, to have compassion, and to experience empathy.

For Suhee and myself, our current tools for approaching this sentiment happen to be in the realm of film and trans-disciplinary community-connected arts projects, but there are endless ways to catalyze beyond this.

The important bit seems to be in facilitating ways to listen to nature, to disconnect from the things which cause destruction of social and ecological life, and to re-connect with our basic human capacity for empathy with the vast, often hidden, living world around us. In his book “The Lost Language of Plants,” author Stephen Buhner writes to this point: “We are by species history and genetic tendency, encoded for the recognition of the aliveness of the world and an emotional bonding with it.” In this statement, Buhner is condensing the concept of “biophilia” as gleaned from biologist E. O. Wilson: a fondness for other life forms.

This is what the natural farmers we worked with have cultivated.

This is what the old grandmothers in Dae-Dong’s unlikely garden plots have cultivated.

And for our part, this is what we must also begin to cultivate in ourselves by reaching for a ‘depth’ of awareness, rethinking our relationship not only ‘to’ but ‘with’ what is around us.

There has been a great receptiveness to such notions so far, one of many signs that a great shift in mentality—and a great shift in culture—is working its way into society.

The ecologically successful culture

In the Final Straw film, we point quite specifically to natural farmers as being examples of ecologically successful microcultures operating within the modern economic landscape, and if we look at the roots of their culture, we see that it is based on all of nature having some kind of sacred or intrinsic value. A recent TNOC roundtable on the sacredness of nature tackles this topic well.

Yet we tend to shy away from concepts such as sacredness and empathy at all costs when we approach the subject in public, and as a result, our language for the importance of nature has become anemic, stunted, and ineffective—an issue in and of itself, of which nature writer Robert MacFarlane recently gave a grand account.

Instead of fostering connection, we insert rationalities, numbers, and balance sheets in between ourselves and the environment, all of which are related to each other, and none of which are so much related to nature in any real way.

These are tools which can certainly be used to facilitate useful conversations, yet reliance on them as the fundamental basis for what we do is perhaps the single greatest inhibition to the growth and sustained influence of ecological thinking and action.

The walls we are used to working with (numbers, balance sheets, etc…) don’t have to disappear, but they must acquire some porousness to them, some breathing holes. With this breathing room, urban nature gains a deeper aspect, economic reasons for destroying natural habitat become unjustifiable, and garden cities have the potential to blossom in any city regardless of its design.

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Gardens in the Daedong neighborhood of Daejeon, South Korea. Photo: Patrick Lydon

In our experience working with natural farmers and young and eager urban dwellers, as soon as you begin to prick holes and open doors in the walls created by our typical logic-oriented language, a natural appreciation of nature comes quite easily to most human beings. All it takes is an exercise in opening our minds a bit to feel why nature is important for each of us as individuals,

This cultivation can come in many forms and growing food is certainly only one way to carry out such intense and delicate cultivation of individuals, but it’s not the only way, nor is it the only output of value that can be had from a cultural bonding with nature.

A recent TNOC writing by Lindsay Campbell gave a beautiful personal account of “Encountering the Urban Forest,” calling for us to share stories of our personal interactions with trees in order to understand more fully “why we create and maintain urban forests.”

Whether it’s tree planting, urban gardening, artist-led workshops on connecting to nature, talking with Korean grandmother urban garden hackers, or, heck, even talking with trees, we’ve all likely experienced such moments of transformation.

At this point, I would like to pose these open questions to readers:

What actions have you taken where changes occur in how you view your relationship with the environment? How have mindsets changed in these instances? How were these mindsets cultivated and how might they be transferred to other situations?

As I have iterated in the past, the more examples the world has of ways to cultivate sensitivity and connection to nature, the better position we will be in as we continue to understand more deeply what it means to build a sustainable future.

Regardless of how we achieve it, we know that the need and willingness are there within people, and we should believe that a great future is ahead of us, one where sustainable design, planning, nature, and culture coalesce through a re-connecting of people with a deep-rooted awareness of and connection to the earth with which they live.

Patrick M. Lydon
San Jose & Seoul

On The Nature of Cities

Useful Links

Final Straw: Food, Earth, Happiness — http://www.finalstraw.org/

Edible Education 101 — http://food.berkeley.edu/edible-education-101/

Edible Schoolyard — http://edibleschoolyard.org/

Food Corps — https://foodcorps.org/

Several different colored boxes with ideas surrounding biodiversity protection

What Are the Cities Doing to Protect Pollinators and the Biodiversity?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

 

Pollinator conservation cannot be approached in isolation. All cities have something to offer. It is essential to establish partnerships and strong networks and to engage all citizens because this collaboration will lead to the success and lasting effect of pollinator initiatives and strategies.

Biodiversity faces increasing challenges with the development of cities. Land-use change, intensive agricultural management and pesticide use, invasive alien species, diseases, climate change, and environmental pollution are threatening bees and other pollinators. Helping them to survive means ensuring food security and maintaining healthy ecosystems.

Nature conservation and the improvement of urban areas are offering a variety of ecosystem services that support the transition to healthier, more adaptable, and resilient cities. We are already acquainted with terms like ecosystem-based adaptation, climate change, green-blue infrastructure, or nature-based solutions, all of which understand essentials for rich biodiversity including pollinator species.

However, in order to boost action throughout cities, it is necessary to re-establish the relationship between people and nature in urban areas in order to raise awareness of the importance of biodiversity, particularly, pollinators. That was the topic discussed at a TNOC Festival Seed Session “Pollinator-friendly cities – what are the cities doing to protect biodiversity?” presented by the Landscape Laboratory (Guimarães, Portugal). The final result was a vivid colour palette full of ideas (see the figure below). Cities such as Northumbria (Great Britain), Melbourne (Australia), Bristol (England), Turin (Italy), Zurich (Switzerland), Newcastle (England), and Guimarães (Portugal) brought the mural to life with proposals and suggestions about how pollinators are being protected in these cities and beyond.

There have been several suggestions, such as: (i) Bed & Breakfasts & Biodiversity (B&Bs) – for birds, bees, and butterflies endangered by urban expansion, where pollinator tunnels or highways are built to connect “B & Bs” or “pollen booths” to rest and recover; (ii) butterfly gardens monitored by citizens in “community spaces” (e.g., mental health clinics, community gardens, family houses, among others); (iii) installation of informative panels explaining why particular places should be protected; (iv) changing the frequency and timing of weed removal to provide refuge and food for pollinators; or (v) leaving bare earth for ground-nesting solitary bees, who prefer to nest in bare, firm, and sloped ground.

Several different colored boxes with ideas surrounding biodiversity protection
Wall of ideas – what is your city doing to protect pollinators? Photo: Guimarães Landscape Laboratory

Pollinator conservation cannot be approached in isolation. All cities have something to offer. It is essential to establish partnerships and strong networks and to engage all citizens because this collaboration will lead to the success and lasting effect of pollinator initiatives and strategies.

The message is simple: cities should collaborate, exchange experiences and the best practices, and support one another in order to achieve the common goal: to protect biodiversity, in particular pollinators, and provide a greener and more colourful legacy for future generations.

Guilherme Sequeira Braga

About the Writer:
Guilherme Sequeira Braga

Guilherme Sequeira Braga is an Environmental Education Technician at the Landscape Laboratory of Guimarães. Degree in Biology and Master in Ecology, Environment and Territory from the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Porto.

Ana Pinheira and Guilherme Sequeira Braga
Guimarães

On The Nature of Cities

 

 

 

 

 

What are the social justice implications of urban ecology, and how can we make sure that “green cities” are not synonymous with “gentrified” or “exclusive” cities?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Rebecca Bratspies, New York
without strong public-minded government oversight, “green” development too often leads to exclusion and displacement. One important tool for reversing this trend is mandatory inclusionary zoning.
PK Das, Mumbai
Erosion of public space in both its physical and democratic dimensions is leading to more people being excluded and marginalized from mainstream developments.
Cecilia Herzog, Rio de Janeiro
Multifunctional green areas sprinkled in the urban areas should offer ecosystem services democratically for all residents.
Jim Labbe, Portland
The challenge going forward is to distribute and democratize the benefits of nature-rich cities and, in the process, create the economic opportunity, civic movements, and the political constituencies necessary to transform of metropolitan regions.
Brian McGrath, Newark
“Green” cities are “just” cities when there are opportunities for direct civic participation in the making of urban ecologies.
Harini Nagendra, Bangalore
Solutions exist, but they’re not easy. First, though, we have to acknowledge the existence of the problem, and the magnitude of its scale.
Charlie Nilon, Columbia
Green cities do not have to result in gentrification and exclusion. Working with local residents on community-based greening projects that meet the needs and concerns of people are a first step!
Stephanie Pincetl, Los Angeles
Key is adequate funding and training of a new cadre of civil servants and the de-siloing of municipal budgets and departments.
XiePengfei, Beijing
The process of gentrification does not make for a green city. A truly environmentally conscious city should be inclusive of all social groups while at the same time respecting the natural environment.
Rebecca Bratspies

About the Writer:
Rebecca Bratspies

Rebecca Bratspies is a Professor at CUNY School of Law, where she is the founding director of the Center for Urban Environmental Reform. A scholar of environmental justice, and human rights, Rebecca has written scores of scholarly works including 4 books. Her most recent book is Naming Gotham: The Villains, Rogues, and Heroes Behind New York Place Names. With Charlie LaGreca-Velasco, Bratspies is co-creator of The Environmental Justice Chronicles: an award-winning series of comic books bringing environmental literacy to a new generation of environmental leaders. The ABA honored her with its 2021 Commitment to Diversity and Justice Award.

Rebecca Bratspies

In 2008, for the first time, a majority of people on planet earth live in urban environments. That fact lends urgency to attempts to make cities more liveable, more sustainable and more green. Unfortunately, without strong public-minded government oversight, “green” development too often leads to exclusion and displacement. One important tool for reversing this trend is mandatory inclusionary zoning.

Take New York City as an example. Over the past decade luxury high-rises mushroomed around the city, replacing more affordable housing stocks, and displacing long-time residents newly priced out of the communities they helped build. In 2011, half of all New Yorkers paid more than 30% of their income in rent, while one-third paid 50% (or more). And, that is not even counting the 50,000 New Yorkers who sleep in shelters every night.

With great fanfare, then-Mayor Bloomberg launched a voluntary, “inclusionary zoning” policy in 2005. This plan purported to use market incentives to promote building affordable units. Developers were granted zoning exceptions allowing them to build larger projects in exchange for including affordable units. Despite a flurry of press coverage, and extravagant predictions, this voluntary program produced few affordable units — 2700 units as of 2013, which is less than 2% of the total units built during that time, and a far cry from the 65,000 affordable units initially projected by the City. Indeed, the dirty little secret is that over that time period, New York lost as many affordable units as were built or preserved.

Voluntary programs do little to address the overwhelming affordability crisis in cities like New York.

A more aggressive approach is needed if development is to benefit everyone, not merely the well-off. Going forward, inclusionary zoning should be mandatory. New York’s zoning ordinances should require that 10-30% of all future development be affordable. Mayor de Blassio, who took office in January 2014, has promised to do just that, projecting that such a move could deliver 50,000 new affordable units and preserve another 150,000 over the next decade.

Inclusionary zoning builds affordable housing into urban development. That, in turn reduces vehicle trips as workers can afford to live nearer their jobs. Because economics is so often a proxy for race, inclusionary zoning provides an additional lever for addressing stubbornly lingering residential segregation. In short, inclusionary zoning ensures that increased urbanization is sustainable: economically, environmentally and socially.

PK Das

About the Writer:
PK Das

P.K. Das is popularly known as an Architect-Activist. With an extremely strong emphasis on participatory planning, he hopes to integrate architecture and democracy to bring about desired social changes in the country.

PK Das

I am deeply concerned about the systematic fragmentation of our towns and cities and with it the breaking down urban ecology — an integrated structure of built and natural environments. This fragmentation process produces individual, disparate, competing and often-contradictory situations that are detrimental to the very idea of an integrated and sustainable urban ecology.

To check this ongoing fragmentation and simultaneously work towards their successful unification is our key objective. Development plans and programs must therefore be rooted in this objective and the ideas therein. This is not an easy task under the dominant market led development regimes, in which packaging and marketability are considered to be necessary and sufficient criteria for success. This is where lies the problem. Natural environmental conditions and assets are considered to lack exchange value in the capital markets, and are therefore excluded from the development plans and programs. Not just ignored but also abused, misused and destroyed to gain grounds for furthering construction and real estate opportunity.

Cities are seen to be grounds for quick capital turnover through real estate business, construction of buildings and infrastructure that are aggressively pursued in the name of development. They are increasingly expensive and exclusive, and being carried out at a cost to social development and larger public good, including large-scale human displacements. Gentrification, the emergence of gated communities and their barricaded colonies are in vogue. This trend is furthering the fragmentation of cities into exclusive privatized blocks, while reducing the left over spaces as mere transportation corridors: roads, highways and flyovers that support our increased dependency on motorized transport. Where are the streets where people meet, exchange politics and build social and community networks? As cities expand, public spaces are rapidly shrinking.

Erosion of public space in both its physical and democratic dimensions is leading to more people being excluded and marginalized from mainstream developments. It imposes enormous burden on people, particularly the poor and the marginalized, while leading to inequality and environmental injustice. These ‘development’ processes also further alienation and social tensions. Sustainable urban ecology is thus fractured and severed into disparate pieces.

Our challenge is not only to check the fragmentation of our cities in all its violent dimensions but also build a robust urban ecology rooted in the democratic principles of social and environmental justice. Urban design is an incredible tool for the achievement of this objective. The ‘Open Mumbai’ plan addresses these issues for Mumbai, aiming to achieve the integration of the vast extent of natural assets with the daily social and cultural life of people.

Cecilia Herzog

About the Writer:
Cecilia Polacow Herzog

Cecilia Polacow Herzog is an urban landscape planner, retired professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro. She is an activist, being one of the pioneers to advocate to apply science into real urban planning, projects, and interventions to increase biodiversity and ecosystem services in Brazilian cities.

Cecilia Herzog

Ecology in cities is about the urban environment, built and natural, and PEOPLE. It is about diversity: biological, social and cultural. Ethics and sustainable development call for equity and justice: economic, social, environmental. In the last decades several cities have had a primary focus on economic growth, investing in “revitalization” of decaying areas, with extremely expensive striking architecture and park projects. Often powerful economic interests disregard underprivileged forms of occupation and people’s life when they decide to give a new life to sites with plenty social and cultural activities and house people and biodiversity. The result, in many cases, has been the displacement of less privileged dwellers and businesses.

Cities around the world are investing in new parks and “revitalization” of degraded urban districts, after successful examples in Europe, in the US, and in the developing world like Argentina and Brazil. For instance in Buenos Aires, in Puerto Madero an old port gave place to retrofitted warehouses focused on high-end touristic restaurants and stores with mirrored residential high-rises and top class hotels. Although Puerto Madero became an exclusive area, portenhos (locals) who I have interviewed don’t like the place because they say it is not related to the urban fabric and is focused on the high-end businesses and real estate market for wealthy residents and tourists. I believe that in most cases top-down greening decisions lead to gentrification, because they promote strong private interests.

On the other hand there are examples of community gardens, small parks and squares where residents are involved and work together to build greener neighborhoods. Bottom-up approaches pop-up all over the world. Kersentuin (Utrecht, The Netherlands) and Vauban (Freiburg, Germany) are inspiring cases. People gather and go over a dream of better life, in healthier environments with more social-economic-biologic diversity.

In this century we face severe challenges, being the most urgent the climatic changes that hit harder the most vulnerable, less privileged people. Ecosystem-based adaptation planning and design play important role to regenerate the urban ecosystem building resilience against natural hazards. Multifunctional green areas sprinkled in the urban areas should offer ecosystem services democratically for all residents.

Jim Labbe

About the Writer:
Jim Labbe

Jim served Audubon Society of Portland’s Urban Conservationist from 2003-2016 where he led several habitat protection, access to nature, and constituency building projects. Jim is currently serving as the executive director of Depave.org. In his free time, Jim enjoys biking, dancing, studying Russian, playing music, and lollygagging in his garden.

Jim Labbe

The challenges to fostering ecologically sustainable metropolitan regions are no longer primarily technical. Local adaption and refinement will always be needed, but the last 20+ years of experimentation across many different metropolitan regions is rapidly proving that nature-rich urban neighborhoods are doable, desirable, smart, and increasingly cost-effective.

But can they be affordable to everyone? We know ecosystem services are capitalized positively into property values which in turn influence community affordability, and thus where low-income, cost-burdened households can locate. The result is an inequitable distribution in access to nature and its positive health effects — both mental and physical — that make us healthier, wealthier, and happier and likely safer and smarter too.

The challenge going forward is to distribute and democratize the benefits of nature-rich cities and, in the process, create the economic opportunity, civic movements, and the political constituencies necessary to transform of metropolitan regions.

A key strategy for combating displacement at the neighborhood level is linking investments in parks, natural areas, and other green infrastructure to permanent investments in affordability, housing and transportation. Portland’s New Columbia or Seattle’s High Point neighborhoods are good examples. But equity can’t merely be about geography. We need more conservation-based work force development organizations and initiatives dedicated spreading the employment and educational benefits of nurturing urban ecosystems. This is about diversifying the movement by expanding the constituencies and leadership for ecological cities.

Above all we need to think and act regionally. At the regional scale equity is not just a moral virtue but an ecological and political imperative. Incrementally addressing problems at the municipal level is not enough, especially if it merely shifts problems or people elsewhere. If a metropolitan region must be nature-rich and livable to be compact, efficient and sustainable, it must be nature-rich and livable everywhere and for everyone. Therefore regional governance, policy, and revenue sharing are critical tools. Far more than states and nations, metropolitan regions function as interdependent ecological, social and economic systems. They are also where most of us live. Thus they are the optimal political geography for advancing an ecologically sustainable and equal opportunity society.

Brian McGrath

About the Writer:
Brian McGrath

Brian McGrath is Professor of Urban Design at Parsons School of Design at The New School and Associate Director of the Tishman Center for Environment and Design where he leads the Infrastructure, Design and Justice Lab. The focus of his work is the architecture of urban adaptation and change from social justice and ecological resilience perspectives.

Brian McGrath

It is not by accident that community organization is referred to by the ecological metaphor of “grass roots”. Natural systems are heterogeneous, cooperative, modular, distributed, redundant, and flexible. Modern human systems tend to be centralized, rigid and dependant on large basins of exploitation of natural resources. When these modernist systems get applied to greening cities they often ignore the grass root social and natural systems on the ground.

“Green” cities are “just” cities when there are opportunities for direct civic participation in the making of urban ecologies. I am using the plural term ecologies as an architect and urban designer whose lifework has been engaged in understanding and maintaining the plurality, diversity and heterogeneity of urban form as a political struggle against master planning. Urban ecologies, in the plural, consist of countless human and environmental interactions, which are continually in flux. Some of these changes are geologically slow and vast; some are instant and microscopic. Economic and political cycles pass through annual election cycles and market cycles. Social interactions include generations of legacy and descent, but also quick encounters. Urban design is somewhere in the middle lasting within a moderate duration of decades and centuries.

This question of green cities and social justice resonates with me in both my personal and professional experience. As a marginal gentrifier in the East Village of New York in 1980, I arrived in a city where economic and political changes were introduced to redevelop a city that physically deteriorated. However within the social disorganization that accompanied the fiscal default of the city, new forms of socio-ecological experiments were continually emerging. While New York City appears shinier and greener at the end of the Bloomberg, it is only with grassroots urban ecologies that the city will develop greater socio-ecological resilience.

Recent economic critiques of neoliberalism have demonstrated that top feeding economies collapse. Jared Diamond has used archaeological evidence to demonstrate how historical civilizations with elaborate centralized political and physical infrastructure such as the Khmer at Angkor became vulnerable to environmental change. Grass root economic development is less expensive to manage and more resilient. New York’s spectacular new public landscapes have depended on a form of economic development that has been proven historically to collapse.

Harini Nagendra

About the Writer:
Harini Nagendra

Harini Nagendra is a Professor of Sustainability at Azim Premji University, Bangalore, India. She uses social and ecological approaches to examine the factors shaping the sustainability of forests and cities in the south Asian context. Her books include “Cities and Canopies: Trees of Indian Cities” and "Shades of Blue: Connecting the Drops in India's Cities" (Penguin India, 2023) (with Seema Mundoli), and “The Bangalore Detectives Club” historical mystery series set in 1920s colonial India.

Harini Nagendra

From my office, on the 9th floor of a building in the peri-urban part of Bangalore, I have a very nice view of a marshy wetland with grazing cows accompanied by flocks of birds. You could almost forget that you were in a big city, if it were not for the fact that you can also see construction and debris dumping on one side of the lake. Conflicts between the twin imperatives of “development” and “conservation” are not unique to Bangalore. The exploitation of natural resources has given rise to inequities worse than we can imagine. Indeed, the recent Oxfam report tells us that the world’s richest 85 people have as much wealth as the poorest 50% of the human population. I have been trying to wrap my mind around it for the past few days, but it’s still very hard to swallow.

Conservation presents the other side of this imbalance, and it is equally important to address the role of imbalance in power and equity in facilitating conservation as it plays out today. This is as true in forests as in cities. In cities across the world, trees are found in areas where the wealthy live, and the poor are largely deprived of access to natural spaces that can provide them with food, fresh air, and spaces for recreation. In cities such as Bangalore, where ecosystems have traditionally been used for food and consumptive uses and as important cultural and sacred spaces, wealthier residents often have a very different conceptualization of these spaces as areas purely meant for recreation and exercise. While groups of citizens have been very successful in banding together for the protection and restoration of polluted lakes, most restored urban lakes seem to end up as fenced enclaves, with restrictions on traditional activities such as grazing, cattle washing and fishing. Yet such activities have been practiced in these lakes literally for centuries, and it was the direct dependence on lakes for consumptive use that was responsible for their protection in the past.

How do we change this dynamic? Solutions exist, but they’re not easy. First, though, we have to acknowledge the existence of the problem, and the magnitude of its scale. I look forward to this roundtable to getting us started.

Charlie Nilon

About the Writer:
Charlie Nilon

Charlie Nilon is a professor of urban wildlife management at the University of Missouri. His research and teaching focus on urban wildlife conservation and on the human dimensions of wildlife conservation. Since 1997, he has ben a co-principal investigator on the Baltimore Ecosystem Study (BES).

Charlie Nilon

This question requires some definitions based on my experience working in cities in the United States. Social justice issues in the United States often deal with disparities resulting from race and / or ethnicity, and income. Urban ecology incorporates work done by both researchers studying the ecology of cities and practitioners involved with management, design, and planning. Green cities are the outcomes of planning, design, and management decisions that focus primarily on vegetation, biodiversity, and ecosystem services. Gentrification involves restoration or redevelopment of neighborhoods often at the expense of existing residents, whereas exclusion implies that residential patterns in cities create disparities in access to vegetation biodiversity, and ecosystem services.

Researchers studying the environmental justice aspects of urban ecology have documented disparities in the amount and type of vegetation, access to ecosystem services that are tied to race and ethnicity and income. In many cases low income residents and people of color often live in neighborhoods with less tree canopy cover, different types of vegetation in residential lots than wealthier white residents. This is an example of exclusion. Researchers have also documented a “legacy effect” where some older inner city neighborhoods with large numbers of minority and low income residents have retained large trees and other types of vegetation and associated biodiversity and benefits from ecosystem services. Redevelopment of these neighborhoods to provide housing and take advantage of these residential greenspaces and the potential displacement of residents who are often people of color with low incomes could be an example of gentrification.

Management and design projects emphasizing urban greening and ecosystem services can increase disparities among urban residents. Greening programs, including tree planting, use of native species in yards and gardens, development of rain gardens to reduces storm water runoff, and planning and development of conservation subdivisions all target relatively relatively affluent, well educated residents. However there are examples of management to green cities that involve and are led by diverse groups of residents. Detroit’s D-Town Farm, and restoration, greening, and outreach projects run by Grace Hill Settlement House in St. Louis, and recognition and management of Baltimore’s Mount Auburn Cemetery are examples of community-led management efforts that engage local residents around projects that may be of little interest to the larger community. Significantly all three projects were started by local residents but benefited from collaboration with researchers and practitioners.

Green cities do not have to result in gentrification and exclusion. Working with local residents on community-based greening projects that meet the needs and concerns of people are a first step!

Stephanie Pincetl

About the Writer:
Stephanie Pincetl

Pincetl has written extensively about land use in California, environmental justice, habitat conservation efforts, urban ecology, water and energy policy.

FULL BIO

Stephanie Pincetl

Gentrification and exclusivity is predicated on unique features or characteristics, or special attributes that make places nicer to live. In order to ensure that green cities are not exclusive, or the greening is not unequally distributed according to income, the introduction of living nature and its benefits must become an aspect of urban infrastructure, just like sewage systems, or electricity. New interdisciplinary skills to implement and maintain this infrastructure will need to be developed and funded by municipal budgets like all other services. Future urban sustainability will require the use of nature in the city, for cooling, pollution filtration, habitat and biodiversity, and human happiness.

But for it to be successful, it will need to be equitably distributed, just like the other services, and thus funded and raised to similar importance as clean water at the tap. Blended funding from agencies and departments to train new personnel, establish new services that are multi-dimensional must be developed. Neighborhood-scale stewards could be the new municipal employee: planting and maintaining trees, maintaining the new residential greywater systems and street bioswales, ensuring solar arrays are clean, that the distributed sewage treatment plants are functioning appropriately. They will monitor source separation of recyclables and create and maintain green streets.

Key is adequate funding and training of a new cadre of civil servants and the de-siloing of municipal budgets and departments. The alternative, volunteerism, ad-hoc and opportunistic greening, will remain inadequate, ineffectual, and likely unjust in its distribution and effectiveness.

Pengfei XIE

About the Writer:
Pengfei XIE

Pengfei is China Program Director of RAP (Regulatory Assistance Project). RAP is a US based non government organization dedicated to accelerating the transition to a clean, reliable and efficient energy future.

Xie Pengfei

According to the principles of urban ecology we can consider the city as its own ecosystem. The urban ecosystem should strike a balance between goals of functionality and efficiency and social equity. The relationship between a city’s inhabitants and the natural environment is directly related to the societal balance of people within a city. The city government should have a stake in maintaining social justice and safeguarding the public interest.

The process of gentrification does not make for a green city. A truly environmentally conscious city should be inclusive of all social groups while at the same time respecting the natural environment. If the objective of socially and environmentally responsible urban planning can be defined as maximizing the public interest while safeguarding the environment, we should:

1) Strengthen public participation in order to make the urban planning process more inclusive;

2) Open up urban land use for more residents by building more mixed-income housing;

3) Work to build more affordable housing to guarantee the needs of disadvantaged social groups;

4) Ensure uniform arrangement of public infrastructure;

5) Diligently carry out Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs);

6) Urban planning laws and regulations should balance the multiple objectives of social justice, environmental protection, and economic development.

What are the unifying elements of an urban ecology of the Global South and geographic south? Are they different than those in the north?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Pippin Anderson, Cape Town We should be training young urban ecologists in the Global South to recognize that their voices belong in the conversation.
Olga Barbosa, Valdivia We need to take the best of the existing knowledge from the Global North and incorporate (and value) the singularities of the Global South.
Tim Bonebrake, Hong Kong Research gaps in urban ecology likely hinder adequate management of nature in cities of the Global South… but everyone likes butterflies.
Sabina Caula, Ibarra, Ecuador The homogenization of urban greening leaves sensitive birds outside urban borders both in cities North and South.
Bharat Dahiya, Bangkok The diversity of “Southern” perspectives draws on the cultural diversity of the “South”, which  is rooted in the ecological diversity of this geographical collective.
Ana Faggi, Buenos Aires The homogenization of urban greening leaves sensitive birds outside urban borders both in cities North and South.
Shuaib Lwasa, Kampala Foundational differences unify urban ecologies within the Global South more than between the Global North and Global South.
Fadi Hamdan, Beirut In the age of globalisation, urban governance is the main factor affecting urban ecology and urbanites’ ability to build just, resilient, and sustainable cities.
Yvonne Lynch, Melbourne Responding to rapid growth trajectories whilst protecting our ecosystems will provide a new paradigm for urban ecology in the South.
Colin Meurk, Lincoln Dramatic differences between continental and oceanic ecosystems, such as in New Zealand, lead to a need for very different management approaches than in the North.
Susan Parnell, Cape Town One characteristic of the southern city is that built and natural systems have not been entirely severed and that nature works for the city dweller.
Steward Pickett, Poughkeepsie Urban ecology works well in the Global North and South, but only when the assumptions of its empirical and conceptual models are exposed.
Luis Sandoval, San José The dichotomy between the development of natural areas and urban areas is one of the unifying elements of urban ecology in the Global South.
Seth Shindler, Sheffield Formal infrastructure systems in Southern cities are incomplete and exclusive compared to those of Northern cities.
Tan Puay Yok, Singapore Urban ecological principles should be the key means to unifying our understanding of the urban ecology of and in the Global South.
David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Introduction

A key theme at The Nature of Cities is the fundamental connection between urban nature and the challenges of creating better cities, particularly cities that are more resilient, sustainable, livable, and just. Cities around the world experience similar challenges related to this theme, and they also may pursue many shared or convergently evolved approaches to them.

Yet, cities are also different, every one. One pattern that emerges in such difference is along a North-South gradient. By this we mean not only geographic north and south (e.g., relative to the equator), but also—and perhaps more importantly—differences in cities currently perched at different stages along a developmental trajectory: that is, as we now say, cities in the Global South versus the Global North. Cities in the Global South, or “developing countries”, may struggle with insufficient resources to address their challenges; they also may have different approaches to planning and environmental management; or maybe not enough study has been applied there; or maybe…and so on. In any case, much of the ecological work and urban thought—and climate-changing economic activity—applied globally emerges from the Global North, and is applied to the South. Or, at least, such a bias is commonly cited. Is this true? Is it a problem?

This roundtable is convened to discuss urban ecology from a southern perspective. Is urban ecology somehow different in the south? Are there cultural or governance nuances that mean that common ecological principles are best modified when applied to urban planning in the south? How might we propel a Global South urban ecology for the design of better cities in these regions? Perhaps the models of the North are not the only, or best, options.

These questions are key for our global future, for it is in the Global South that the majority of rapid urbanization is taking place. Here we convene 15 scientists and thought leaders, mostly from the South, to discuss the ways forward.

Pippin Anderson

About the Writer:
Pippin Anderson

Pippin Anderson, a lecturer at the University of Cape Town, is an African urban ecologist who enjoys the untidiness of cities where society and nature must thrive together. FULL BIO

Pippin Anderson

Growing global-contributing urban ecologists in the Global South, or: Who lines the walls of fame in urban ecology? Interrogating community and belonging

I was interviewed for my current job in the University of Cape Town’s Science Faculty boardroom. This boardroom, probably like many others around the world, has something of a “hall of fame” line up of framed photographs of past Deans of the Faculty. It’s a classic collection of black and white photographs of somewhat austere looking, heavy-eye-browed men. It is an honourable group of hardworking men who have built up an excellent intuition over the last 100 years. Looking at them, as I sat there, sweaty-palmed, made me feel terribly out of place. I wondered, was this the place for a young female scientist, and could I legitimately make a contribution here?

How can we train young urban ecologists in the Global South to recognize that their voices belong in the conversation?

Of course, my point in telling this anecdote is a straightforward one—one we are all acutely aware of—about representation and belonging. Who has the right to speak? Whose voice is heard? Whose story is valid?

There are enough brilliant minds in this roundtable to put forward clever arguments on how urban ecology in the Global South differs from that of the Global North, and to that end I will focus my energy on a smaller and more delicate issue within this broader debate. What I wonder is: How should we be training young urban ecologists in the Global South? What worries me is that my own students look around at the urban ecology literature and ask themselves a similar question to the one I asked when I looked up at those portraits in my job interview: they wonder if they belong. We constantly tell our students to chime in on the conversations taking place in the published literature, to be active participants in the debates and discussion taking place among the authors publishing in their field. We expect them to draw on ideas and present these in relation to other ideas, and to pit them against their own ideas and findings. But what if, from the very get-go, they do not feel part of the community, or that their experiences and understandings exclude them in some way from these conversations?

Ismail Wambi and urban ecology class UCT
University of Cape Town urban ecology students chatting to local conservator Ismail Wambi while on a field trip to the Kenilworth Racecourse Conservation Area in Cape Town. Photo: Pippin Anderson

There is lots of excellent urban ecology literature emerging from our Global South cities, and I firmly believe there is a lot of excellent literature that is relevant but not always readily flagged as urban ecology literature in the Global South. Sometimes, one has to dig a little deeper to find it. That said, there is no escaping that the bulk of the voices in the urban ecology conversations are from the Global North. I think any seasoned urban ecologist from the Global South can readily engage in healthy and productive debate with these voices and views and can critically engage with them around the numerous points of departure and agreement between the South and North with respect to the urban ecology of our cities. I do, however, worry about growing young students in this space, where the heavy tidal flow of cases and opinions are skewed to the Global North, leaving them feeling that this is not their territory or that their contribution is not legitimate.

Indeed, a student of mine pointed out to me last week that while the case study she had chosen to present in my class was from South America, the authors were from Florida, in the United States. Sometimes, even where the material is Global South in content, the voices retain a Global North tone. These voices are often very confident, from institutions that are globally known, relatively well-funded, and infused with a culture of older cities, cities with different development trajectories, which have no sense of urban informality or devastating inequality, and possibly have a closer proximity to global publishing houses, etc. etc. I think the only way to get around this is to flag these issues, talk about how they have come about, encourage students to critically engage with those circumstance, using such questions as: How might this case have been presented differently if the author was from Bogotá? Did the authors own their positionality? How would you engage with your positionality when writing about your own city?

It is vital to encourage students to publish their own work and to offer whatever support one can to grow the groundswell of literature that reports on and reflects on urban ecology in the cities of the Global South. I think another important bolstering opportunity is engaging with communities of local urban ecologists to grow a sense of belonging and to allow students to find their “voices” in local spaces. To this end, I find fieldtrips and engagement with local practitioners extremely useful. I suppose that just as I got my job, and went on to be part of a Department that is actually dominated by women (the Dean who interviewed me at the time was the first woman Dean of our Faculty, whose picture now also adorns the boardroom wall), so too will this tide turn. It is a question of acknowledging, engaging, and encouraging one’s students (and self) to be part of the movement that sees the growth of urban ecology literature from the Global South.

Olga Barbosa

About the Writer:
Olga Barbosa

Dr. Olga Barbosa is an ecologist interested in the relationship between humans and the environment from an ecosystem ecology perspective. She is an Associate Professor at the Universidad Austral de Chile.

Olga Barbosa

There are several unifying elements of urban ecology, no matter in which part of the world you live. As humans, we all have similar needs and the differences are tuned by the degree to which we (and cities) have been able to satisfy those basic needs. I think this discrepancy—the lesser degree to which cities have been able to satisfy basic needs in the Global South—is one of biggest differences we can find between the Global North and South, which of course influences the study of ecology in cities and for cities in both sides of the world.

In Latin America, we should make the best use of knowledge from the Global North while incorporating (and valuing) the singularities of the Global South.
For example, Latin America—one of the most urbanized regions of the world—is beginning to show a “stabilization” of urban demographic growth, in which most cities have covered basic human needs associated with rapid urban growth (e.g., housing, sanitation). Therefore, we should have the capacity to rethink the way Latin American cities are growing and advance to a more sustainable trajectory based on available models. However, how informative are the available (Global North) models for the Global South?

We know urbanization growth patterns have huge implications on nature. Thirteen years ago, Liu and collaborators published a paper in Nature showing a general growth of household numbers globally. The research highlighted the potential consequences this household dynamic would have on biodiversity due to increased rates of consumption of wood for fuel, habitat fragmentation, greenhouse emissions, etc. As shown in their study, which remains valid, household growth was significantly higher in countries with biodiversity hotspots (regions with high diversity and endemism and priority for conservation), which are usually developing countries. How can urban ecology inform what we know and how we address the consequences of losing nature—and the benefits it provides to urban dwellers?

Urban ecology research has been extremely scarce in Global South, not to say inexistent in our region (Latin America). For example, in Chile (which is not very different from other Latina American countries), we face challenges associated with a lack of systematized basic information, such as spatially explicit demographics on household dynamics, not to mention urban biodiversity inventories. Although urban ecology studies are growing fast, our research must invest a lot of effort in gathering basic data to answer even elementary urban ecology questions, let alone our more complex sustainability questions. We are ready to focus on the complexities of urban dynamics, even while we are still learning the basics.

What are the consequences of the Global North guiding urban growth and the field of urban ecology in the Global South? Real problems come when decisions are made based on general models without the complexities of particular (local) realities. Problems are likely to arise when we follow the growth patterns of the Global North, knowing they have failed under certain circumstances. Climate change has demonstrated a huge challenge for existing grey infrastructure in developed countries. Nowadays, these countries are moving toward the integration of green and hybrid infrastructure that is expected to provide multiple functions and to be “safer to fail”. Still, our Southern cities yearn to follow the Global North patterns and build monumental infrastructure, neglecting undeveloped land that harbors nature—our unintended green infrastructure—that provides multi-functional ecosystem services.

Rather than relying solely on the urban ecology models from the Global North, we in Latin America should highlight the opportunities we have, in which we can make the best use of existing knowledge while incorporating (and valuing) the singularities and particularities of the Global South.

To achieve this, urban ecologists not only need to generate more research, but also to develop stronger links with society to move our scientific knowledge into action, and ultimately into policymaking.

Timothy Bonebrake

About the Writer:
Timothy Bonebrake

Dr. Timothy C. Bonebrake is an Assistant Professor at The University of Hong Kong studying global change, urban ecology, and tropical conservation.

Tim Bonebrake

As an ecologist doing research in a number of countries located in the Global South, my main experiences of major urban centers usually takes place as I transit from the airport, maybe make a few supplies/permit stops, and then head to the forest to catch butterflies. I’m not alone. In a 2012 survey, Martin et al. (2012) found that over 60 percent of ecological research is conducted in protected areas.

Research gaps in urban ecology likely hinder adequate management of nature in cities of the Global South… but everyone likes butterflies.
In fact, most ecological research is conducted in countries with high incomes in the first place; 90 percent of surveyed studies came from high-income countries in the 70-100th percentiles (Martin et al. 2012). The situation is even worse for the field of “urban ecology”, as approximately 70 percent of published studies have taken place in Anglo-Saxon countries, even though over 90 percent of projected future growth in urban areas will take place in Latin America, Asia, and Africa (Shwartz et al. 2014). As a consequence of this pattern, ecologists spend a comparatively small proportion of their time in the cities of the Global South.

elsalvadorassistantJan2007
A young research assistant helps the author conduct butterfly transects in urban El Salvador in January 2007. Photo: Tim Bonebrake

According to recent statistics (March 2016), San Salvador has the third highest homicide rate in the world. In this environment, you might not expect a population that would care much for their urban butterfly biodiversity. I ended up in El Salvador myself, largely on a whim, to do PhD research. A friend of mine from high school, Celia, invited me to join her on a visit to see her family and I wound up spending a couple of weeks in a municipality not far (about 30km) from San Salvador. We had running water (usually in the mornings) only about half of the time I was there. Gang violence was a frequent topic of discussion. A variety of other challenges I was not accustomed to as a product of my middle class American experience were readily apparent during my stay there.

In the absence of good urban ecology data from the Global South, one can only speculate as to the similarities and differences regarding urban nature priorities and challenges across the North-South (development) divide. But I suspect it would be fair to say that people in the South have bigger problems on their minds than urban nature, in most cases.

Having said that, I can’t help but think back to my eye-opening first two weeks in El Salvador living with Celia’s family on the outskirts of San Salvador. I brought my butterfly net and decided to run some transects in the small backyard where I was staying. The backyard was on the corner of a somewhat busy street, and it had no fences. I felt strange (and more than a little uncomfortable) at first, swinging at passing butterflies while being watched by confused neighbors. But after a while, I got pretty good at explaining with gestures and (very) broken Spanish that I was hunting mariposas. Pretty soon rumors of my bizarre behavior had made their way through town and I accumulated a following (see photo above). Lots of folks had suggestions on where I should go if I wanted to see some cool butterflies (usually close to where they lived). And on one memorable occasion, a young girl, maybe six or seven years old, came to our house and handed me a very large and very dead sphingid moth as a gift. After a couple of weeks, I had only found about 10 species in the backyard, but I had made a lot of friends.

I went on to spend part of the next three summers/falls of my PhD program working in El Salvador. But like most ecologists, I usually stopped in San Salvador only briefly, to pick up permits or supplies (and to visit my friends/familia) before heading off to the forest to study climate change and butterflies. So, unfortunately, I’ve not been able to do much personally regarding the data gap in urban ecological research in the Global South. The North-South divide is clearly worthy of further investigation and surely our research biases are contributing to inadequate management of nature in urban areas in the South. But I’m also convinced that there are some similarities that unite cities all over the world, based on my personal experience. That is, if you wander a city with a tall butterfly net in hand, as I have, be it in Los Angeles, Hong Kong, Yaounde, or San Salvador, you’re likely to get many inquisitive looks…and even a handful of smiles.

References

http://www.worldatlas.com/articles/most-dangerous-cities-in-the-world.html

Martin, L. J., Blossey, B., & Ellis, E. (2012). Mapping where ecologists work: biases in the global distribution of terrestrial ecological observations. Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment, 10, 195-201.

Shwartz, A., Turbé, A., Julliard, R., Simon, L., & Prévot, A. C. (2014). Outstanding challenges for urban conservation research and action. Global Environmental Change, 28, 39-49.

Bharat Dahiya

About the Writer:
Bharat Dahiya

An award-winning Urbanist, Bharat combines research, policy analysis, and development practice aimed at examining and tackling socio-economic, environmental and governance issues in the global urban context.

Bharat Dahiya

The difference isn’t ecological, it’s cultural

It is seemingly a strange notion that there should be different perspectives on urban ecology, especially when urban areas worldwide exhibit similar characteristics in the broader era that we now commonly call the anthropocene.

The diversity of “Southern” perspectives draws on the cultural diversity of the “South”, which  is rooted in the ecological diversity of this geographical collective.
These perspectives should be similar—if not outrightly the same—everywhere, as the problems related to urban environments (see the four urban environmental goals identified by Bigio and Dahiya, 2004) and urban ecology are rather similar, even though they manifest themselves differently. Further, based on the “urban environment stage model” (Bai and Imura, 2000), we can with great confidence say that urban environments around the world are going through a similar, if not really the same, transition in the so-called “South” in today’s anthropocene.

It follows, therefore, that if the “Southern” perspective is different from the ‘Northern’ perspective, this distinction must be based on or rooted in something equally fundamental, and that is culture. From this standpoint, the relevance of the “Southern” perspective, or perspectives more correctly, becomes highly significant. The diversity of “Southern” perspectives must then draw on the cultural diversity of the “South”, which in turn is rooted in the natural and/or ecological diversity of this geographical collective.

As Carl O. Sauer elaborated, the cultural landscape of a particular place is a cumulative result of the interactions between the nature and culture of that place. In his words, “The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a cultural group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape is the result.” From this perspective, the thoughts that developed in the “South” on urban ecology, or a broader nature-culture relationship, form an extraordinary subject of study.

From the geographically vast and culturally diverse Asian region, a few of these “Southern” perspectives are worth mentioning to illustrate the point.

First is an ancient thought borne out of the culturally rich and fertile soil of India. In Indian thought and tradition, a human being is considered as a part of a larger and nested structure. The individual human being is nested within the wider human society. The dialectic between the human individual and society defines their mutual complementarity. The society (including all individuals) is then nested within nature, and the relationship between the two gives rise to the culture of a specific place. Further, the individual, the society, and nature are nested within the cosmos. These four seemingly are different concepts and identifiable realities. However, they are part of each other, or better to say, identifiable with regard to each other. This underlines each entity’s interdependence and, therefore, interconnectedness. In practical terms, this idea gets translated into the philosophy of “oneness” (Sanskrit: Ekatmata) or “non-duality” (Sanskrit: Advaita) in the entire cosmos, “the world is one family” (Sanskrit: Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam), and “non-violence” (Sanskrit: Ahimsa). Using this concept, the Indus Valley cities in ancient India, such as Dholavira, had developed elaborate systems of water harvesting and management that helped their citizens to survive in some of the harshest arid environments that nature presented. It is this concept and its understanding in the wider society that leads to the worship of nature and her representations, such as rivers, mountains, trees, and so on.

Second, the idea of “Pratītyasamutpāda” (Sanskrit; Pali: Paticcasamuppāda) or “dependent origination”, which is commonly known as “interconnectedness”, finds a philosophical place and practical application in the Buddhist tradition. According to the principle of “dependent origination”, all things arise with dependence on one another. It follows that, since we, as human beings, are interconnected with nature, it becomes our duty to be compassionate to Mother Nature and all living beings. Therefore, Emperor Ashoka, who adopted Buddhism as the state religion in his reign (from c. 268 to 232 BCE) in India, prohibited the killing of animals and birds. With Buddhism, the principle of “interconnectedness” spread far and wide in Asia. For example, in Thailand, rivers are revered as “mae nam” or “mother river” to the present date. With such rich endowments of thought, tradition, and culture, one would expect that the relationship between Mother Nature on the one hand, and cities and human settlements on the other, would be truly harmonious in current times in these places as well. That is, however, not a widespread practice in urban Asia.

Still, some of these ideas and thoughts are being tested for their practical application in today’s urban Asia. For example, public authorities in Lumphini Park—Bangkok’s oldest green space, have allowed the growth of Bodhi plants that had germinated from seeds contained in bird-droppings (Lai, 2016); Lord Buddha had attained enlightenment under a Bodhi tree. In India, the National Ganga River Basin Authority has started the Mission Clean Ganga with a comprehensive approach to champion the challenges posed to Ganga (commonly known as Ganges) River through four different sectors: wastewater management, solid waste management, industrial pollution, and river front development.

But an obvious question arises: Why are these efforts not widespread? A set of interrelated factors causes the present situation to persist, or even worsen in some places.

First is the meaning associated with “development” in the international arena. “Development” is commonly understood as an increase in income and an improvement in the quality of life, which are the derivatives of national economic growth. This is based on the example set by the Global North, which, for historical, geo-political, and economic reasons, “developed” before the South did. Once economic growth became the marker of development in the North, the South started to follow this paradigm, facilitated by international development agencies. And until the late 1980s, the idea of “development” did not include sufficient attention to nature.

Second is the integration of the world economy through the process of economic globalization, which finds spatio-economic manifestation in the cities of the “South” (as well as the “North”). This often allows little space for the inclusion of caring for Mother Nature as a “mother” or “giver of all life”. The concomitant occurrence of urban environmental problems related to poverty, production, and consumption (following Bai and Imura, 2000) in the South confirms this.

Third, the South generally follows the path laid by the North: grow first, clean up later. This has worked for the North as it has had a long gestation period with regard to its economic “development” process. However, this will not necessarily work for the South, where cities are experiencing explosive economic, demographic, and spatial growth, particularly in Asia (see Dahiya, 2014).

Lastly, the neo-liberal economic model crowds out caring for nature even though nature is deemed culturally important. This is because the culture of caring for nature is increasingly being replaced by the culture of accumulation and consumption. Money, after all, matters a lot!

Looking forward, the culture of respect and care for nature will have to be brought back if the cities of the South, as well as those of the North—and, for that matter, humanity and all forms of life—have a chance of survival on planet Earth.

References

Bai, Xuemei and Hidefumi Imura (2000) A Comparative Study of Urban Environment in East Asia: Stage Model of Urban Environmental Evolution, International Review for Environmental Strategies, 1(1), pp. 135-158.

Bigio, Anthony G. and Bharat Dahiya (2004) Urban Environment and Infrastructure: Toward Livable Cities, Directions in Development Series, The World Bank, Washington DC.

Dahiya, Bharat (2014) Southeast Asia and Sustainable Urbanization, Global Asia – journal of the East Asia Foundation, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 84-91.

Lai, Chieh-Ming (2016) Public Green Spaces in Bangkok: A Case Study of Lumphini Park, M.A. Thesis, Southeast Asian Studies Program, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok.

Ana Faggi

About the Writer:
Ana Faggi

Ana Faggi graduated in agricultural engineering, and has a Ph.D. in Forest Science, she is currently Dean of the Engineer Faculty (Flores University, Argentina). Her main research interests are in Urban Ecology and Ecological Restoration.

Ana Faggi and Sabina Caula

Why should southern and northern cities be ecologically different in this globalizing world? In the end, a city is a complex mosaic of interrelated patches of green, blue, grey, and brown infrastructures that influences the composition and abundance of urban biodiversity. As in the north, southern cities show biotic homogenization trends that have significant ecological, evolutionary, and social consequences.

To birds’ eyes, urban greenery in the South and North is highly similar—a quality that’s good for generalists, but not for specialists.
Much knowledge of urban ecology has been based on avian community studies. Birds are charismatic components of the urban landscape that can find habitability, connectivity, and resilience in the varied structural typologies in the city. For this reason, we want to answer the question posed in this roundtable by using South American birds as indicators.

Studies around the world have shown that in cities, metrics that help us measure ecological health, such as bird species richness and the number of food guilds (organizations of species based on their diets), decrease; meanwhile, the number of exotic species and the rate of nest predation increases with urbanization. In South America, the assemblage of birds is simplifying with increasing urbanization both at the species and guild levels, so that generalist omnivores and seedeaters dominate. Omnivorous birds are common along the urban gradient and seedeaters are also tolerant to urban development. As in the north, specialized insectivores and frugivores are the most negatively affected groups.

Fig. 1 Stanberg
Image 1. Rock doves and sparrows in Stanberg railway station, Germany. Photo: Anna Faggi

In South America, there are two foreign species, native to the Global North, that are nonetheless recorded as common and abundant in most cities: Columba livia (Rock Dove) and Passer domesticus (Sparrow), but they are mainly found in the areas with a higher density of buildings and sealed surfaces (Images 1 and 2).

As in other parts of the world, evidence shows that most of the birds observed in “green” areas are native. From México to Chile, common native urban bird species recorded are: Rufous-collared Sparrow (Zonotrichia capensis), House Wren (Troglodytes aedon), Eared Dove (Zenaida auriculata), Shiny Cowbird (Molothrus bonariensis), Tropical Kingbird (Tyrannus melancholicus), Blue-black Grassquit (Volatinia jacarina), American Kestrel (Falco sparverius), Vermilion Flycatcher (Pirocephalus rubinus), and Great Kiskadee (Pitangus sulfuratus). From north to south, most of these birds are just generalists adapted to new manmade urban habitats, while sensitive ones disappear.

Fig. 2 Buenos Aires
Image 2. Rock doves as dominating species in Costanera Sur, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo: Ana Faggi

In cities all over the world, vegetation is the most attractive cover for bird communities. In urban parks, the mixed native and exotic trees and shrubs facilitate generalist birds to make use of the greater plant diversity by offering a higher quantity of food and refuges, especially during ecologically challenging seasons. Because native vegetation and local bird species have co-evolved together, in the breeding season, green remnants rich in native vegetation offer a comparatively large number of habitats available for specialist birds.. Unlike “natural” habitats, the parks in South America often have similar structures in all cities, because they have been designed and planted following European styles. In our globalized world, new fashions imposed by designers, architects, and urban planners have given rise to urban green spaces that suit a particular aesthetic, but which have nothing to do with the local identity and, in many cases, have excluded the native flora and fauna.

Most of these spaces have been developed from French, Spanish, and Italian prototypes, using similar non-native species arranged in a savannah type display, with large grass areas, always neatly cut, as well as granite and asphalt. These parks can be found anywhere in the world, from Sydney to Santiago, and from the historic centers of the city to the periphery. In Latin American cities, seasonally ornamental flowers and exotic trees from different continents prevail: Eucalyptus (Eucalyptus sp.), cypress (Cupressus sp.), acacia (Acacia retinodes), poplar (Populus sp.), willow (Salix babylonica), linden (Tilia cordata), maple (Acer sp.), chinaberry tree (Melia azedarach), sycamore (Acer pseudoplanatus), London plane (P. occidentalis x P. orientalis=Platanus x acerifolia) and Jacaranda (Jacaranda mimosifolia) are common in temperate and mountain cities, whereas Eucalyptus (Eucalyptus sp.), pine (Araucaria heterophylla), tree orchid (Bauhinia sp.), yellow flame tree (Peltophorum pterocarpum), Mahogany (Swietenia mahagoni), Neem (Azadirachta indica), Ficus sp., Flamboyant or acacia (Delonix regia) and Mango (Mangifera indica) are common in neotropical cities.

For birds, these tree assemblages become an environmental filter that excludes many differentiating sensitive species. To birds’ eyes, urban greenery in the South and North is highly similar. As such, plans to create green spaces in the Global South should be adopted by any city to promote local biodiversity and to conserve and restore native vegetation, rather than planting exotics from the North.

Sabina Caula

About the Writer:
Sabina Caula

Sabina Caula is a biologist with graduate degrees in ecology from the Central University of Venezuela and the University of Montpellier II in France. Her work focuses on the ecology of bird communities, urban ecology, environmental and socioeconomic assessments, and environmental education.

Shuaib Lwasa

About the Writer:
Shuaib Lwasa

Shuaib Lwasa is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography at Makerere University. Shuaib has over 15 years of experience in university teaching and research working on interdisciplinary projects related to urban sustainability.

Shuaib Lwasa

The laws of nature are universal, but our understanding of how they can be applied in the Global North and South is constrained by tools and approaches developed in the Global North. Unifying laws that determine how elements of nature operate and relate have been a central consideration in making cities better for human populations and, more recently, in how people can relate with urban nature. Most of the tools and approaches to understanding urban ecology have been developed in the Global North. This no surprise because, again, urban development principles promoting the notion of universality emerged from the Global North. Does the Northern perspective of this framework matter?

Foundational differences unify urban ecologies within the Global South more than between the Global North and Global South.

The application of science developed in the Global North

Whereas the approaches and tools of the Global North are evident in many cities of the global South, there is also divergence in the form of patterns and processes. Urban development trajectories of the South present differing patterns and processes. In some literature, this has been referred to as “insurgent urbanism”, while in more recent literature, the urban development trajectories represented in the Global South are referred to as “alternative urbanism” with its own theory. We use “insurgent urbanism” to give a perspective on how urban ecology of the South can be described, characterised, and compared. “Insurgent Urbanism” here is understood as alternative urban development trajectories to the Global North experiences. Although the Global South’s Insurgent Urbanism has been perceived as not decent, not up to standards, there is recognition of many good elements of this urbanism.

Based on this Insurgent Urbanism, urban ecology of the Global South differs greatly from that of the Global North. Taking the broader definition of urban ecology as comprising built elements, population and its culture, as well as nature, the configuration of these helps us understand the differences that perhaps unify urban ecologies of Africa and South America more than between Africa and Europe. The foundation of the different urban ecologies in the Global South lies in the terrestrial ecologies on which the urban areas were superimposed. As with many cities in North America and Europe, cities in the Global South were strategically built on river transport ways, strategic inland points (for economic reasons), coastal zones, mountainous areas, and in desert environments (for economic resource extraction). These defined the inherent elements of the urban ecologies on which were weaved built components that determine the green patches; waterways; wetlands; road islands with various forms of configuration as linear objects; circular, discrete patches; and/or corridors of nature that serve various purposes.

The foundation also determines how urban populations and the various cultures relate with natural elements. There are patches that are tethered through urban planning or infrastructure development, but many are remnants of natural areas that form a unique mosaic of urban ecology, including public green spaces, water canals, valued environmental components (such as wetlands, hilltops and urban forests). The tethered patches also include plot-level landscaping and manicuring. An interesting feature of urban ecology is the definition of “public spaces”, which differs between Global North and Global South. Public areas in a state-led tethering of space are often planned, protected, and maintained by the municipal authority. Though these spaces have generated more contestations lately, with expression of civil rights’ views as in the case of Nairobi, for example, and the Wangari Maathai greenbelt movement. On the other hand, “public” in a largely “informal” city is not limited to publically defined spaces, but to all space, including private spaces that dwellers can make use of in any way, even if, by law, such use infringes on the protected rights of the territorial owner, as is largely the case in Kampala. There seem to be various informal rules of utilization of such spaces that differ from in Global North.

Patterns of change

Another difference is in relation to peri-urban areas that, across the Global South, have undergone tremendous spatial, social, and environmental change. As is the case in Kampala, these areas have the characteristics of spontaneous developments, with a mix of distinct agricultural patches. This change is converting large areas to urban uses, but in a fragmented matter. Peri-urban areas are presenting more theoretical and definitional challenges, with a character that makes it useless to distinguish between “urban” and “rural’ characteristics” in these areas.

The maze of land use activities seems to display configurations of ecological patches of different forms. Thus, urban ecological fragmentation is one feature that both unifies the Global North and South, while simultaneously distinguishing between them. For example, in Kampala, the fragmentation of urban nature is a significant feature of urban development, just as in other cities. The reason for this continued fragmentation is that most urban areas are founded on earlier urban development principles and structures, among which is the separation of “incompatible” land uses. But this process is broken by spontaneous developments that disregard separated “urban uses”, such as industry, residential, and commercial zones aiming to create a mosaic of uses at various scales of development.

To generate solutions, contemporary planning of cities is slowly embracing the “planning with nature” principle, which is motivated by recent discourse on global environmental change. For this reason, any attempt to compare urban ecology of the Global North with the Global South leads to more questions than answers. From a practical point of view, it is important that the differences between the two are recognized and enhancement of urban ecology builds on the nature of urban imprints in the South. Urban ecological planning is one possible approach to enhancing the Southern cities’ ecosystems services and the relations between nature and people. This approach takes the situation, resources, and conditions into consideration while developing contextual solutions, as opposed to superimposing solutions from elsewhere.

References

S. Lwasa, Planning innovation for better urban communities in sub-Saharan Africa: The education challenge and potential responses, Town Reg. Plan. 60 (2013) 38–48.

H. Ernstson, S.E. Leeuw, C.L. Redman, D.J. Meffert, G. Davis, C. Alfsen, et al., Urban Transitions: On Urban Resilience and Human-Dominated Ecosystems, AMBIO. 39 (2010) 531–545.

E.A. Pieterse, A.M. Simone, Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities, Jacana Media, 2013.

Habitat, UN 2009      Planning Sustainable cities—Global Report on Human Settlements 2009. Earthscan, London.

Lwasa, Shuaib, Frank Mugagga, Bolanle Wahab, et al. 2014        Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture and Forestry: Transcending Poverty Alleviation to Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation. Urban Climate 7: 92–106.

Fadi Hamdan

About the Writer:
Fadi Hamdan

Fadi has more than 25 years of international experience in analysing the interaction between development, urbanism, disaster risk, climate change, conflict, and state fragility. Fadi cooperates with various companies, cities, and countries to protect people, assets, and the environment

Fadi Hamdan

Human beings living both in the Global South and the Global North aspire to live in sustainable, livable, resilient, and just cities. Guiding principles for achieving this include recognizing and studying how cities are both drivers of, and driven by, ecological processes within and beyond their boundaries.

Weak governance within and between cities acts as a barrier against developing and implementing a unified vision and strategy to achieve just cities.
Before trying to identify convergent and divergent challenges, opportunities, and methodologies in urban ecology between the Global North and the Global South, it is first necessary to select an indicator which can act as a measure of on which side of the gap the country is located. One such indicator is the Human Development Index (or HDI), used to develop the Human Development Report, and put forward by the UNDP (http://report.hdr.undp.org/). In this report’s definition, HDI is calculated based on three main variables, namely: 1) the health dimension, which is assessed by life expectancy at birth; 2) the education dimension, which is measured by mean number of years of schooling for adults aged 25 years and more, and expected years of schooling for children of the age to enter school; and 3) the standard of living dimension, which is measured by gross national income per capita.

However, the HDI simplifies and captures only part of what human development entails; in particular, it does not reflect on inequalities, poverty, human security, empowerment, access to the decision-making process, and governance in general. Even the Inequality Adjusted Human Development Index (or IHDI), addresses inequalities in the health, education and income dimensions, while falling short of scrutinising governance arrangements. In this sense, the HDI can be viewed as a measure of human development outcome. Notwithstanding the importance of the above, for the purposes of this debate, what is needed is a measure of inputs (e.g. governance arrangements that lead to certain policies) that can produce countries with the same Gross National Income per capita, while nevertheless having very different human development and urban ecology outcomes. The remainder of this short contribution will therefore focus on the effect of urban governance on urban ecology.

Human activity within city boundaries is related to the use, production, and distribution of natural resources including water, land, air, and minerals. This human activity leads to a particular distribution of benefits; exposure to risks; vulnerabilities; and risks and losses due to disasters, climate change, and interaction with the environment in general. Different political systems lead to differences in the 1) mechanisms for decision-making (regarding the human activities above), 2) gate keepers guarding access to new ideas in the decision-making forum, and 3) legal and illegal forms of formal and informal lobbying, amongst others. In weak governance countries, limited debate takes place in the decision-making forum regarding what constitutes a “just” use and distribution of benefits and vulnerabilities. Furthermore, there are few checks and balances in place to prevent one sector (e.g. the banking and real estate sector) to become a dominant sector, driving policies and activities at the detriment of other “pro-poor, job-rich” sectors such as the industrial and agricultural sectors. Hence, in order to understand internal mechanisms affecting the driving forces of interaction between human society and urban ecology, it is necessary to closely examine and scrutinize urban governance.

Another related issue is the effect of globalisation on urban governance, in both weak and good governance countries. While globalisation (in the form of the free movement of goods, services, and capital) exerts pressures on urban governance, countries and cities with good urban governance arrangements are better equipped to resist these pressures, and to ensure transparent and participatory debates in the decision-making forum. Conversely, weak governance arrangements within cities (usually in the Global South) render them ill-equipped to deal with the pressures of globalisation on urban governance arrangements and on urban ecology. Hence, urban ecology methodologies and urban indicators must try to address these differences.

More recently, various international and regional aid agencies are carrying out initiatives for improving the resilience in cities, where Terms of Reference (or ToR) are drafted and international consultancies are selected based on a competitive bid process. While these initiatives are devised based on ToRs that aim to protect the stakeholders’ interests (i.e., the inhabitants of the city under consideration), more often than not, in the context of weak urban governance, the recommendations shift towards representing shareholders’ interests (of both local and international consultancies) leading to a shift in focus to capital-intensive investments in security and major infrastructure in rich urban areas, with limited benefits to the most vulnerable.

Along the same lines, the use, production and distribution of resources beyond city boundaries, at the global level, leads to a particular distribution of benefits, risks, and losses within the city. Due to inter-city, and inter-country governance arrangements, cities in the Global South have very little say in, and limited access to, the decision-making process in the Global North, but are often detrimentally affected by this process (e.g. the issue of climate change on Small Island Developing States, or the role of a particular city in global supply chain economics).

Urban ecology poses challenges to the whole of humanity, which is an opportunity for human societies to unite along good urban ecology principles. However, weak governance intra- and inter- cities and countries acts as a barrier against developing, and/or implementing a unified vision and strategy. The way forward is to develop and refine contextualized good urban governance principles and indicators within and between cities, and then to monitor and lobby for their implementation.

Yvonne Lynch

About the Writer:
Yvonne Lynch

Yvonne is an Urban Greening & Climate Resilience Strategist who works with Royal Commission for Riyadh City.

Yvonne Lynch

Knowledge of the ecology of urbanization has been missing until recently. Over the past decade, our understanding of the ecology of and in cities has evolved. We’ve never known more than we do now, so how we create resilient and sustainable cities for the future will largely depend on the application and further development of this knowledge.

In the Global South and geographic south, our common challenge is responding to rapid growth trajectories whilst protecting our ecosystems
Urbanization is an uneven development process, both temporally and geographically, with differences in patterns of growth and change across the globe. However, we can make some generalizations; the future development trajectory for cities is markedly different in the North versus South. In the Global South and geographic south, our cities are expanding at an unprecedented rate and will accommodate most of the planet’s growing population. In fact, 37 percent of predicted urban growth is expected to take place in three countries by 2050: China, India, and Nigeria.

The North is predominantly, but not exclusively, experiencing a process of de-densification. Shrinking cities are located primarily in Europe, the U.S., and Japan. Whilst population decline is not limited to the North, this is an issue that mainly Northern cities will have to grapple with, particularly in terms of its implications for urban ecology.

If one was to posit a core unifying element of an urban ecology of the Global South and the geographic south, it is that our common challenge of responding to rapid growth trajectories whilst protecting our ecosystems will provide a new paradigm for urban ecology beyond what we have known to date.

We need to understand how we curb the negative effects of aggressive urban sprawl on ecosystems. Australia is home to some of the fastest growing cities in the developed world, but over 40 percent of nationally threatened ecological communities and more than 50 percent of threatened species occur in urban fringe areas, which means many of our threatened ecosystems are verging on the brink of extinction. Recent investments in integrated research programs and partnerships will shape and inform Australian urban policy for how we manage this challenge. Our researchers are also working to understand how over 40,000 years of Aboriginal knowledge can inform our approach to urban ecology. How we embrace the cultural and social diversity implicit in the fabric of our cities, particularly indigenous knowledge, to shape a modern urban ecology has the potential to be a defining opportunity for many cities in the Global South and geographic south.

We also need to understand how we can avoid green gentrification of our cities and ensure ecosystem service provision is equally distributed for all urban residents. Ultimately, the urban poor will remain located in the Global South. Minimizing social inequalities will define the resilient city of the future. In South America, we can find some great examples of addressing inequality. Curitiba has approximately 52 m² of green space per capita—the highest urban green space ratio in world. The city was transformed into a global model of sustainability through strong leadership and the revision of land use planning in tandem with a suite of supporting environmental initiatives. Bogotá Humana is Bogota’s local government urban development plan, outlining policies to address climate change and growth in a manner that prioritizes ecosystem services.

As we build the cities for the future, we will spend an estimated US$5 trillion per annum in the coming decades to provide basic levels of infrastructure. The question is, what kind of infrastructures will we provide? Singapore provides a leading example for urban ecology, where green infrastructure is very much on par with grey infrastructure and shows how a city can increase its vegetation cover and minimize biodiversity impacts whilst doubling its population. In 2012, Beijing made a bold investment in green infrastructure, committing over US$4.7 billion to construct 67,000 hectares of trees around the city to minimize air pollution.

Ultimately, city collaboration will provide a unifying framework for urban ecology because, in a time of unprecedented global change, learning from contemporaries will be the key to success. Climatic similarities may take precedence over other similarities as cities adapt to and grow with climate change. Therefore, we may see increased collaboration for urban ecology between cities facing similar climate change impacts.

For now, the lack of common datasets in cities, which would allow for comparative analysis of urban ecologies, remains an issue. This lack of data is even problematic for how we define cities. As digital transformation sweeps our cities, now is the time to unlock the opportunity technology holds for enhancing our understanding of urban ecology.

Colin Meurk

About the Writer:
Colin Meurk

Dr Colin Meurk, ONZM, is an Associate at Manaaki Whenua, a NZ government research institute specialising in characterisation, understanding and sustainable use of terrestrial resources. He holds adjunct positions at Canterbury and Lincoln Universities. His interests are applied biogeography, ecological restoration and design, landscape dynamics, urban ecology, conservation biology, and citizen science.

Colin Meurk

There is another kind of “south”; biologically special in one way, but disadvantaged in another. This is the “islands versus continents” divide. The vast majority of the world’s ecological literature, as well as conservation philosophy, methodology, and investment is generated from the (affluent) population centres of the northern hemisphere continents and tropics—or continental islands such as the British Isles—with long histories of mammalian and human occupation.

The north-south question is one of the world’s “wicked problems”.
New Zealand is a south Pacific mini-continent that has been isolated, as a sliver of ancient Gondwana, for the past 65 million years—missing out on the land mammal thing. Accordingly, primeval New Zealand was a bird/lizard/macro-invertebrate driven ecosystem. There are pollinator bats, sea mammals, and there were once large colonies of land-nesting sea birds that transported nutrients to the mainland, compensating for the oceanic leaching climate. No part of NZ is more than 150 km from the coast. When people arrived a mere millennium ago, and brought the first of a host of introduced predators, natural systems were decimated, especially the ground-dwelling wildlife.

The historic absence of land mammals had a profound evolutionary influence on the vegetation and bird life and, in particular, resulted in a high proportion of flightless creatures. Compared to continentally-honed ecosystems, the NZ native biota is relatively sluggish and some might say drab (we would say endearing). Organisms evolving in NZ had no need for “rapid response” physiology or a competitive edge, adapted as they were to defoliation by herd herbivores, and having poor fight/flight strategies and reproduction rates for dealing with voracious predators.

This dramatic difference between continental and oceanic ecosystems leads to a need for very different management approaches, but NZ is as much colonised by ideas of nature and landscape from the European homeland as it is by thousands of exotic organisms. This is no more so than in cities, where extinction of experience (Miller) is a significant cultural impediment to recognising that there is a problem to be addressed. And in the hinterland, hunters strongly lobby for wild (exotic) game. They are not “seeing” the exponential destruction caused by introduced organisms. Even the recent fashion of “reconciliation ecology” is a continentally derived philosophic construct. It sounds nice, but in New Zealand’s oceanic, evolutionary context, the end point of ecosystems, left to their own devices (without active management), would almost certainly be one indistinguishable from a globalised northern temperate biome dominated in its early stages by pines, willows, Douglas fir, European sycamore, holly, ivy, gorse, broom, prunus, and blackberry, and European passerines, mustelids, rodents, and cats.

In such circumstances, strategic management, and a culture shift among urban arborists, park managers, and landscape architects, will be essential to maintaining an indigenous/natural character through NZ’s city-scapes. Similar circumstances apply to other, old islands, such as Hawaii, Fiji, Noumea, Madagascar, Galapagos, and Sri Lanka. There are a range of indigenous species that can be used in NZ urban settings, but hitherto the palette has been limited due to lack of experience, a dearth of knowledge, and what has become habitual. It’s simply easier to use the conventional, the tried and true! Although NZ doesn’t have a lot of lawn grasses, nor large flowery herbs for borders or deciduous woodlands, we do have flat herbs with fragrant flowers suitable for mowing; divaricating shrubs that make great hedges and lizard forage; ferns, mosses, and forbs with colourful berries for our evergreen broadleaved canopies with emergent native conifers; and species for stormwater treatment trains including green roofs. There needs to be an aware, “horses for courses” approach to urban biodiversity in New Zealand.

The bigger north-south question is one of the world’s “wicked problems”. This is about the West (the Global North) sharing its wealth and power more equitably (within countries and internationally), but also about being more efficient with a smaller footprint. This is going to depend on learning to live and work with nature and being more connected to it. A greater presence of trees, green space, and functioning ecosystems (eco-parks) is critical to produce the well-known calming influences of “green”, but also for providing “living lessons” for how nature works, how we are a part of it and dependent on it—not separate and in control. In the end, we have to obey natural laws.

So, to address the questions posed—yes, there are differences between the Global North and South, in many senses: inequity and competition for land in poorer or developing countries, a biogeographic difference between the land and water hemispheres, and a broader distinction between continental and oceanic land masses and their biota. NZ is a bit of an outlier. It is one of the affluent first world countries, but has been colonised both by creatures and a culture that are not conducive to protection of our natural heritage. All three issues need to be addressed and managed according to their historic and material circumstances; urban environments are both the battle and learning grounds.

Sue Parnell

About the Writer:
Sue Parnell

Professor Sue Parnell is an urban geographer in the Department of Environmental and Geographical Sciences at the University of Cape Town and is a founding member of the African Centre for Cities there.

Susan Parnell

Harrowing and destructive experiences of nature in cities of the south undoubtedly emerge from the pervasive poverty and elevated exposure to disease and climate change—this cannot be denied and should be urgently addressed. But, nature-based urban “risk” is a simplistic and overly negative entry point for understanding the distinctive ecology of African cities and towns. Whether as a scholar, policymaker, resident, or traveller between African cities, it is striking how dominant and inspiring nature is and how much it defines the lived experience of the city in positive ways.

In African cities, the greatest threat to the resilience of urban nature is the lack of adequate local government power to curtail the unsustainable lifestyles of the elite.
The rich biodiversity of Africa almost always encroaches on the porous urban edge. Even in big cities such as Kampala, Kinshasa, or Kigali, a nature-based “sense of place” prevails. Because so many African capital cities were first established as colonial ports from which to extract primary goods to the metropolis, river mouths and coastlines dominate the urban form and function—presenting challenges, but also defining local culture and enriching the interface of social, economic, and ecological urban processes.

If you live in an African city that is located in the tropics or south of the Capricorn, your active and direct engagement with nature is rarely entirely mediated by infrastructure designed to insulate people from the vicissitudes of nature, as it is in wealthier northern cities. Unless you are super rich, there won’t be any central heating or air conditioning, but you can open the window and the night stars will be visible in the absence of streetlights. It is possible to clamber down riverbanks to play, wash clothes, or even defecate. Irregular pavements make your shoes dusty and the rainstorms leave puddles and potholes on un-tarred roads—even while they invigorate your senses. Under-spec cheap concrete makes for bumpy surfaces that are tricky for prams or wheelchairs to navigate, but the weakness of the material also allows plants, insects, and small animals to reclaim territory that was once all theirs.

Nature and people do not always compete in the city. The symbiosis that urban greening has reintroduced in northern cities through the post-destruction restoration of nature is often still intact in African cities, leaving the less arduous task of protection and enhancement. Especially in the smaller African towns, embraced by birdsong, it is common to find informal traders or the unemployed sitting under a tree. While far from all produce is locally produced, it is impossible not to notice food being grown along roadsides and in gardens. It is normal for settlement to extend unchecked into a peri-urban fringe where subsistence agriculture provides a precarious livelihood, at least for a few and for some seasons. One characteristic of the southern city, then, is that built and natural systems have not been entirely severed and that nature works for the city dweller.

Nature, despite its power and resilience, cannot escape the realities of weak southern urban governance, which undermine its integrity and may ultimately destroy it. Cocooned in lush, well-tended compound gardens (probably inappropriately planted with water-greedy or invasive alien plants), it is easy to miss the destructive impact of weak government on the apparently nature-loving African urban elite. Excessive consumption (especially of water and power), unchecked sprawl, and pollution are the obvious eco-crimes of the rich across the world, including in the Global South where government is unable or unwilling to curtail excess. In African cities, moreover, there is little effort to mitigate natural damage. Elite resistance to paying city taxes that could improve overall urban ecosystem management, either though basic water and air quality or through more specialized eco measures, such as greening of public spaces or land protection for parks and biodiversity corridors, is widespread across the continent. Possibly the greatest threat to the resilience of urban nature in Africa is the lack of adequate local government power to reign in aspirations of the rich or curtail the unsustainable lifestyles of the elite.

While the disregard of the public good by the rich may be the biggest threat to the integrity of urban ecosystems, nowhere is the impact of the absence of a strong state on natural assets more immediately obvious than in low-income neighborhoods. In the so-called slums or informal areas, such as Phillipi in Cape Town or the infamous Kibera in Nairobi, landlord greed, state neglect, and householder efforts at rodent and insect control have created dystopian urban landscapes that are effectively ecological deserts. Beyond the home, lack of public security and widespread gender-based violence detracts residents from valuing the open spaces on which citywide natural systems depend. Second only to lack of capacity, the southern city lacks public education about the value of nature in the city.

Steward Pickett

About the Writer:
Steward Pickett

Steward Pickett is a Distinguished Senior Scientist at the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies in Millbrook, New York. His research focuses on the ecological structure of urban areas and the temporal dynamics of vegetation.

Steward Pickett

The ecological science of cities and urban regions is still young. As a science, it seeks to both generalize and to apply to specific places and times. This bifurcated aspiration can lead to problems, since much of the urban ecological insight so far has been generated by accumulating empirical examples. Many of the empirical examples come from the Global North, and there is no guarantee that they will hold outside of the situations that produced them.

Thoughtlessly transporting empirical generalizations or even specific ecological models from North to South won’t help either the science or design.
In fact, the very nature of “the urban” may be tacitly shaped by the history, economies, cultures, and parochiality of experience in the Global North. For example, the very idea that industries and cities develop is a framing that originated in the Global North, but which has been transported across the world. Does it fit? Is it a useful or a constraining background for urban ecology?

To the extent that this framing hides assumptions about the link of industrial and urban development, and that it suggests a deterministic succession of cities, it almost certainly fails. The empirical generalizations of urban ecology must rest on more fundamental understanding of the nature of urban processes and structures. When urban ecological science rises to this goal, it will find its roots to be as deep in the Global South as in its Global North birthplace. The science of urban ecology as an approach, as a theoretical structure whose assumptions must be stated and evaluated, and as a body of generalization that is anchored in the diversity of urban processes, should be as much a Southern as a Northern thing.

“Modifying principles” is a tricky phrase. The most general principles we would hope would be invariant. But the models that explain structure and dynamics in particular regions, or even in different parts of a single urban megaregion, will likely differ. Here’s an example. The concept of the urban heat island is one of the most familiar general principles of urban ecology. It posits that urban cores will be warmer than their surroundings due to the thermal mass of such areas, and to additional effects such as atmospheric boundary layers and reduced evapotranspiration. But when this idea was investigated in Phoenix, AZ, a desert metropolis, researchers found that the city was actually cooler than expected relative to the desert. This was because of the massive subsidy of irrigation water in town, which was available for evapotranspiration during the daylight hours when plants were active. At night, when the plants ceased their photosynthesis and transpiration, the city became much hotter than its surroundings, as the empirical generalization of heat island suggests. So the explanation—the locally relevant model—used the same ideas (or equation) that apply to all urban energy budgets, but recognized that the magnitudes of the different processes differed based on the irrigation subsidy and the associated planted vegetation. The deep principle is universal, while the model is particularized.

If ecologists and practitioners don’t separate the principle from the specific model, we are in danger of transferring empirical generalizations from a place where they work to places where they don’t work. So it is crucial to recognize the deep, process-based differences among cities and urban regions—whether in or between the Global North or South. Science can illuminate how urban social-ecological systems operate and change under any circumstances. But the diversity of circumstances must be better and more consciously incorporated in our models and into our framing of urban taxonomies and trajectories. With such increased subtlety, I would expect urban ecological science to become a trustworthy partner to urban design in the Global South. Thoughtlessly transporting empirical generalizations or even specific ecological models from North to South won’t help either the science or design.

Luis Sandoval

About the Writer:
Luis Sandoval

Luis Sandoval is a researcher and professor at Escuela de Biología, Universidad de Costa Rica. His research focuses on urban ecology, animal communication, and behavior and natural history of birds.

Luis Sandoval

When I was invited to join in this roundtable, I start thinking about the possible causes that make countries in the Global North and South different in terms of urban ecology. First, as a tropical investigator, I remembered that the diversity in our region is higher than in the North, that the majority of Southern countries are developing countries and were colonies in the past, and that work and study opportunities are limited in the majority of Southern countries.

Countries in the Global South need to generate information about the importance of urban green areas and distribute that information between city residents and governments.
Then, I started to think about how Costa Rica, despite its recognition as a “green” country (because more than 25 percent of natural habitats are preserved under several protection categories, including national parks, wildlife reserves, or private reserves), has cities that are not growing in-keeping with the pattern that makes the country famous for being ecologically friendly.

The dichotomy between the development of natural areas and urban areas is probably one of the common unifying elements of urban ecology in the majority of countries in the Global South. This may be driven by the land use change that all the developing countries previously experienced, when the natural forest was changed into agricultural lands (plantations and grasslands) next to or in between the main towns. Several generations of city dwellers’ lack of contact with large tracts of forest has made people more open to changing the agricultural lands and the remains of natural habitats into urban developments, especially if the changes contribute to increasing their quality of life. For example, inhabiting a part of the city with limited streetlight and a lot of vegetation makes me insecure and is synonymous with poor development for the majority of people that live in the cities. Consequently, in cities, the lack of green areas (natural or artificial) is not perceived either as a problem or a benefit because people have lost appreciation for those land uses.

Recently, however, the wave of incorporating nature inside cities, with more friendly developments to increase people’s wellness, which started in Northern countries, has permeated Southern countries. This permeability changes country to country and city to city, in relationship to government laws and government interests. Therefore, it is vital that urban ecologists in Southern countries start to generate information on how the lack of green areas (and native species) in cities affects people’s wellness and begin to publicize their findings in a language style that non-scientists understand. This step is essential because if studies show that animal and plant species may be used as indicators of urban ecosystem health, and people know this, they are likely to want to contribute (e.g., change small things) to protect the area. If studies demonstrate that green spaces have cooler temperatures and this saves money in temperature control for houses and buildings, they will plant more trees or avoid cutting the trees that are present in the first place. Additionally, it is key for studies to incorporate citizen science; in this way, people feel more related to habitat and start to create and increase awareness about the importance of one species or remnant habitats.

Countries in the Global South need to start to generate information about the importance of natural and green areas around cities and distribute that information between city residents and governments. Additionally, we must educate the younger generation, as they will influence how countries and cities change to be “greener” in the future.

Seth Schindler

About the Writer:
Seth Schindler

Seth Schindler is an urban geographer interested in the transformation of cities in the so-called "Global South."

Seth Schindler

Discontinuous metabolic configurations and ungovernable ecologies

Cities are complex metabolic systems sustained by energy and materials that come from elsewhere and whose consumption generates waste. The configuration of cities’ metabolisms is contingent on local politics, resources, technology, and know-how. The configuration of metabolic systems determines what materials and energy are used (e.g. coal, renewable energy, nuclear power), who has access to services and resources, and who is exposed to waste.

Formal infrastructure systems in Southern cities are incomplete and exclusive compared to those of Northern cities.
Furthermore, a city’s metabolic configuration structures its relationship with its hinterland and shapes the localized ecology within the city. For example, a city that runs on coal and cars is less able to relocate environmental hazards (i.e. air pollution) beyond its borders than a city that uses nuclear energy to power public transportation. The former is likely to exhibit poorer ambient air quality with higher levels of nitrogen oxide and sulfur dioxide, with concomitant impacts on the city’s ecology.

Cities in the South tend to have metabolisms that differ in quantitative and qualitative ways from cities in the North. Gray infrastructure tends to extend throughout Northern cities and most residents enjoy access. In addition to being inclusive, there is typically a singular way in which urban residents are connected to urban systems. This does not necessarily mean that every Northern city offers universal access to high-quality resources and services, but access does tend to be uniform (although people of color are disproportionately exposed to waste). For example, residents of Flint, Michigan, were uniformly exposed to lead-contaminated water from an inclusive and extensive public water system.

In contrast, formal infrastructure systems in Southern cities tend to be incomplete and limited to central business districts and historically privileged neighborhoods. These limited systems exclude a significant number of city residents, and people are forced to access resources and dispose of waste in a range of creative ways. For example, people living beyond the limited reach of piped water systems must dig borewells, purchase water from formal- or informal-sector entrepreneurs, harvest rainwater, or fetch it from nearby bodies of water. Similarly, many municipal governments in the South have a poor track record when it comes to solid waste management. While only a fraction of solid waste is collected, the remainder is dumped illegally, recycled informally, or burned openly. My point here is not that there is an ideal-type metabolic configuration of Southern cities—on the contrary, there is tremendous diversity with regard to the ways in which material and energy course through Southern cities.

The diversity exhibited by the metabolic configurations of Southern cities inhibits interventions favored by technocrats and city planners in Northern cities (e.g. initiatives that make cities “smart”). Given the limited reach of formal infrastructure, the technological fixes meant to make metabolic systems more efficient or reduce the throughput of energy or resources can only affect a small fraction of a city’s metabolism. Energy and materials that do not move through formal channels escape regulation, and the diversity of ways in which people obtain resources and dispose of waste produce a kaleidoscopic patchwork of localized ecologies.

This cityscape of localized ecologies is not a mirror image of the socio-spatial inequality that characterizes most Southern cities because ecologies will not respond to the disciplinary repertoire used by states to produce populations and maintain their separation (e.g. Apartheid). In spite of efforts to produce particular ecologies, diverse localized ecologies will affect and “contaminate” one another in unpredictable ways. Take, for example, Rio de Janeiro’s Guanabara Bay, which happens to be the site of a number of events in the 2016 Olympics as well as the destination of immeasurable amounts of pollutants. A number of rivers traverse neighborhoods that lack sewerage infrastructure, picking up excrement and waste along the way, which ultimately flows into the bay. The point is that while authorities focus on policing and the “pacification” of favelas, they have yet to devise an effective strategy to govern the city’s ecologies. Indeed, the dream of controlling “nature” is nowhere as inconceivable as in the cities that are representative of our urban future.

Tan Puay Yok

About the Writer:
Tan Puay Yok

Dr. Tan Puay Yok is an Associate Professor in the Department of Architecture in the School of Design and Environment of the National University of Singapore. His research, teaching, and professional activities focus on the policies, science, and practices of urban greening and ecology of the built environment.

Tan Puay Yok

My immediate reaction to this question is that urban ecological principles about how cities function in relation to sustainability, resilience, and liveability, and how cities respond to socio-ecological drivers, should be the key means to unifying our understanding of the urban ecology of and in the Global South and geographic south, and, for that matter, of the north.

Science cannot fully tell us what we ought to do; governance decisions need to also be guided by values such as ethics, equity, and respect.
But though principles can guide urban development, actual outcomes are tempered by complementary or conflicting socio-cultural, socio-political, and socio-economic factors within a framework of city governance. As we seek to apply urban ecological science to the betterment of urban conditions, it is also useful to remember that there is a limit to the application of science. Science cannot fully tell us what we ought to do; governance decisions need to also be guided by values such as ethics, equity, and a respect for the rights of other living things to co-exist with humans.

What are we trying to accomplish with biophilic cities? What are ambitious goals and targets, and measures of success?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
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Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Pippin Anderson, Cape Town Perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition—and the most important metric is whether citizens of the city still feel connected to nature.
Tim Beatley, Charlottesville Biophilic cities are nature-immersive, shared spaces of wonder and coexistence. They want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion. 
Lena Chan, Singapore A biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware.
Ian Douglas, Manchester Forms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife provide lessons in making biophilia work.
Paul Downton, Melbourne If our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself, then we’re missing the point of biophilia.
Dusty Gedge, London The biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits.
David Goode, Bath There is much we can learn from our biophilic successes. The target is to think big.
Bram Gunther, New York Making New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.
Chris Ives, Nottingham I don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, gathering data can be useful for understanding whether a city is heading in the right direction.
Tania Katzschner, Cape Town Creating sanctuaries for presence could help us reclaim and recognise that we ARE the environment.
Steve Maslin, Bristol Which is more biophilic: a community that takes its leafy affluence for granted, or a community that is seeking to do something about its lack of biodiversity and address other issues in the community at the same time?
Peter Newman, Perth Biophilic urbanism is part of post-modernism, which has more potential to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions.
Phil Roös, Geelong Because the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, our biophilic design agenda must include the characteristics of the complex order of living structures.
Eric Sanderson, New York Making New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.
Jana Soderlund, Perth By looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been achieved, we can transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards connectedness between nature and humans.
Fleur Timmer, London Future generations should be granted, in their basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world.
Chantal van Ham, Brussels Cities that prioritise green space development and budgetary input from citizens show how biophilia can be achieved in urban spaces.
Mike Wells, Bath Perhaps the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia is its very anthropocentricity.
Ken Yeang, Kuala Lumpur Instead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focusing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.
David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Introduction

“Biophilia” as an idea describes how people have innate love for, attachment to, and even need for nature. It also expresses the notion that, as a design imperative, cities are more livable when they have more nature, and that people are happier and healthier when they have more contact with nature, from wild parks away from buzzing traffic all the way to street trees and flowers in tree pits.

It sounds nice.

So, how can a city transcend the metaphoric qualities of “biophilia”—nature is good, who would argue with that?—and define something actionable? For example, how much nature is “enough” nature in a city? Or, how much biophilic experience is enough? What does “enough” mean? Does walking past 50 street trees equal, in terms of a biophilic dose, a hour in a park? Do workplaces designed with biophilia in mind compensate for less nature outside. The research questions are rich and extensive, and their potential connection to design is important.

Stated in these ways, the questions of biophilia become about goal setting and targets. This is the focus of this roundtable. Is biophilia an actionable driver of design in cities? If so, what should cities have as targets or goals for biophilia? If the aim is to create a “biophilic city”, how would you know when it was achieved? Perhaps the measures won’t be found in metrics of nature, but in metrics about people and their perceptions of and feelings for nature.

Several contributors wonder, however, whether talk of metrics somehow misses the point of biophilia. It leaves us with the key prompt: Specifically, what are we trying to accomplish with biophilic cities?

Pippin Anderson

About the Writer:
Pippin Anderson

Pippin Anderson, a lecturer at the University of Cape Town, is an African urban ecologist who enjoys the untidiness of cities where society and nature must thrive together. FULL BIO

Pippin Anderson

I love the idea of biophilia—that, deep down inside, we all yearn for nature, we have an innate affinity for other living beings, and that we seek to connect with these living beings. In the same breath, we also know that part of the process of settling and growing cities is “making benign”, nature-safe spaces that can be easily lived in. I live in Cape Town, and while I am a strong advocate of more nature in and around the City, I also don’t want to dodge lions when I pop out for a bottle of milk or a newspaper at the corner café. I have had students from other cities in Africa describe to me how liberating it is to come to Cape Town to study and to be in a city without the constant threat of malaria.

Perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition—and the most important metric is whether citizens of the city still feel connected to nature.

Real, unattended nature can be a challenging thing to live with. It seems, perhaps, as part of our urbanizing personas, we might have lost sight of some of the significant trials that nature poses to comfortable and easy living. We also know from research on nature in cities that the kind of nature people want varies considerably. Some yearn for a true sense of wilderness, with exposure to untamed patches of remnant nature, while others want facilitated nature with boardwalks, benches, and reasonably placed parking lots. So when we say we want biophilic cities, do we really know what we want?

Perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia itself

There is mounting research demonstrating people’s needs for nature, and even more evidence for broader societal needs in cities in terms of ecosystem service delivery, resilience, sustainability, and generally keeping the show on the road. We know, without a shadow of doubt, that we need nature. But not everyone knows that, and perhaps we (those of us in the know) feel that if we can keep this notion of biophilia alive, then we can use it to meet broader environmental and nature-related needs in cities.

So perhaps what we really want is to save biophilia as a human condition. Perhaps what scares us is the emerging idea of extinction of experience and constantly reduced exposure to nature; we fear the death of biophilia. We fear the generation that will lead without this biophilic dimension in them. We fear that we will somehow manage to let biophilia—and nature—go, live without it, to not even notice when the last vista goes under for a complex of high-rise buildings. I propose what we really want is to ensure that this notion of “biophilia” is kept alive in all of us.

So the metric of success becomes biophilia itself—and the people who engender this notion. Of course, to achieve that, we need nature in cities.

What we need is to be in schools, and out in society, asking the kinds of questions that get to the heart of whether people still have this biophilic feeling. While we must, of course, continue to secure green parklands and remnant patches of vegetation growing wild in our cities, and continue to strive to expose our populace to these features, what we need to keep an eye on in terms of success is whether people have the love of nature required to continue to fight for its existence. I think the exposure to nature needed to maintain the biophilic feeling is extensive and varied, both for individuals and to capture the extremes of society as well. In this way, I believe that the measure of a biophilic city can be found in its people. I am no social scientist, so I offer no exact metrics of how you go out there and measure biophilia, but I believe that is the correct metric to measure success.

All cities differ, and people differ, and how old or how young a city is, as well as the settlement history of its people, will all inform their views of and love of nature. The kind of nature they want; what they want to do with it; and when and where they want to do it, will all be informed by these different elements. For this reason, I don’t believe there is a single answer to what a biophilic city should look like. I believe it is a question of being in tune with the residents of the city, ensuring that they are exposed to enough of the right kind of nature, the kind of nature they desire, packaged in a form that pleases them, that will give rise to biophilic cities.

That is: cities full of biophilic citizens.

Tim Beatley

About the Writer:
Tim Beatley

Tim Beatley is the Teresa Heinz Professor of Sustainable Communities, in the Department of Urban and Environmental Planning, at the University of Virginia, where he has taught for the last twenty-five years. He is the author or co-author of more than fifteen books, including Green Urbanism, Native to Nowhere, Ethical Land Use, and his most recent book, Biophilic Cities.

Tim Beatley

About three years ago, we launched the global Biophilic Cities Network, and it has been getting a lot of attention and gaining traction in recent months (see www.BiophilicCities.org). To join the Network requires the adoption of an official resolution or statement of intent to become a biophilic city, among other requirements. Recent additions to the Network include Washington, DC; Edmonton, Canada; and Pittsburgh, PA. These are cities on the edge of what we describe as a global movement.

Biophilic cities are nature-immersive, shared spaces of wonder and coexistence. They want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion.

The BIophilic Cities movement represents an important shift in our vision of cities. There is no question we still need to design and plan cities that are sustainable and resilient, but increasingly we realize that they must also be joyful, restorative, wondrous places: places that allow for human flourishing. Genuine and full human flourishing requires, I believe, contact with nature—not just on the occasional vacation, but nature that is all around us (ideally all the time), in the urban neighborhoods and communities where we live and work. Biophilic cities put nature at the center, and that urban nature can and should take many forms—biodiversity and remnant and restored ecosystems, but also new, more human-designed forms, including living walls, rooftops, and nature included in the vertical spaces of tall buildings, among others. Abundant nature and nature-experiences are central. Biophilic cities seek to maximize the moments of awe and connection, whether it is the sight of a Humpback Whale in the Hudson River or an encounter with a line of pavement ants. We sometimes speak of a need for a “whole-of-region” approach or goal (we want nature everywhere, at multiple scales—from rooftop or room, to region or bioregion—ideally integrated, and in all the space between). And our notion of biophilic cities is also “whole-of-life”—it must provide rich, abundant opportunities to experience nature from early childhood through to our senior years.

We must push our vision even further and many of our Network Cities are increasingly aspiring to a model of natureful cities that is profoundly more immersive: the idea that we don’t just want to visit nature in cities, we don’t just have trees and parks. Rather, these places aspire to a vision of cities where the city IS the park, IS the forest, IS the garden. Singapore’s official change in its motto from garden city to “a city in a garden,” is one important example (and involved much planning work to bring about: see our film about Singapore, a biophilic city).

Biophilic cities are defined by more than just the presence or absence or biodiversity or nature, but also by the extent to which residents in these places are engaged in enjoying, participating in, and caring about this nature. We aspire to cities where citizens spend much more of their time outside, are able to recognize common species of flora and fauna and fungi, where over the course of a day, there are many moments for personal or collective awe. We want cities where there is a culture of curiosity about nature, and a culture of caring about, and caring for, the local nature. Biophilic cities understand urban environments as spaces shared with many other forms of life, and recognize an ethical duty to work towards co-existence.

Two cities that have recently joined the Network exemplify this spirit of caring and co-existence. Austin, Texas, now famously celebrates the arrival each spring of the 1.5 million Mexican Free-Tailed bats that take up residence under the Congress Avenue bridge. Thanks to heroes such as Merlin Tuttle, founder of Bat Conservation International, Austin residents shifted remarkably in their view of the bats, from biophobia to biophilia. In Tuttle’s recent book, The Secret LIfe of Bats, he describes Austin as “A City that Loves Bats.” Several years ago, we filmed a segment about the bats for a documentary film called The Nature of Cities (You can watch the segment here). It was wonderful to see firsthand the palpable excitement and fascination and anticipation of (especially) the kids waiting to see the emerging columns of bats that evening.

The City of St. Louis is our most recent member of the Network (officially entering the Network in March 2017!). Here, fervor surrounds butterflies in much the same way as it now surrounds bats in Austin. Through the leadership of Mayor Francis Slay, and Sustainability Director Catherine Werner, the city has taken many steps to educate about and promote habitat creation for Monarch Butterflies. They set a high goal of planting 250 butterfly gardens through an initiative called Milkweeds for Monarchs. The number is now 370 gardens and rising, and seemingly everyone in this city knows about and cares about Monarchs.

I want to live in a city that loves bats and loves butterflies. This is a pretty good measure of a successful city—and a pretty good way for us to foster hope and wonder and flourishing in an age of despair.

Lena Chan

What are the components of a city? They are commonly assumed to be the buildings, infrastructure, and open spaces. But it is the interaction between the living organisms, including people, plants, animals, microorganisms, etc. and the physical man-made features that make a city a dynamic entity!

A biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware.

Can a truly biophilic city exist, or is it just a utopian dream?

The challenge is that the goals of a biophilic city should encompass all aspects of a city, both the software and the hardware. Biodiversity considerations should be taken into account in the development processes of a city. The city will not be able to do this unless it knows what biodiversity thrives in it. Everyone must play a part to actualise the goals.

I would like to relate a case study of a city that embodied biophilia. A man had a vision and he planted a tree on 16 June 1963 which grew into the Garden City programme. This programme became the mission of a city-state which evolved into a City in A Garden (see also Tim Beatley’s contribution to this roundtable). That man with foresight was the late Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, and the city is Singapore.

In 2015, the National Parks Board (or NParks) of Singapore decided that it was time to systematically consolidate, strengthen, and intensify its biodiversity conservation efforts. This formalization process is manifest in NParks’ Nature Conservation Masterplan (or NCMP).

The NCMP comprises four focuses: 1) Conservation of Key Habitats, 2) Habitat Enhancement, Restoration and Species Recovery, 3) Applied Research in Conservation Biology and Planning, and 4) Community Stewardship and Outreach in Nature. The goals and targets of a biophilic city would be to ensure that all four of these aims are synergised and implemented successfully.

Some of the actions that can be taken to ensure the successful implementation of the first aim are the identification, safeguarding, and strengthening of the most important biodiversity areas that harbour the bulk of the native gene pool; the enrichment of buffer areas and ensuring that land use is compatible with that of the important biodiversity areas; the enhancement and management of additional nodes of greenery throughout the city, such as parks, roadsides, roof-tops, vertical and sky rise greenery, etc.; and the development of ecological corridors so that the effective area that can be used by wildlife is enlarged.

Most urban areas are degraded; hence, habitats for wildlife should be enhanced, restored, or created as targeted by the second of NParks’ aims. Rare species can only be sustainably conserved if the condition of the ecosystems that they thrive in is good.

Applying state-of-the-art technology would greatly assist in the achievement of the third aim. Indeed, the application of modern technology to biodiversity conservation work, including the use of geographical information systems, drones, 3D modelling, agent-based modelling, genomics, etc., has made possible much data collection and analyses that eluded us in the past.

Without community stewardship and public outreach, the efforts towards a biophilic city would be meaningless and would not be sustainable on a long-term basis. Biodiversity should be incorporated into the curricula of all levels of the education system. To build more ground support, we must also encourage citizen science.

There are many cities around the world that are biophilic in their own special way, including, Curitiba (Brazil), Edmonton (Canada), Montreal (Canada), Bonn (Germany), Nagoya (Japan), Wellington (New Zealand), and more.

Right metrics for measuring progress toward these goals

How can the success of achieving the goals of a biophilic city be measured?

In May 2008, the Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, alongside the Global Partnership on Local and Subnational Action for Biodiversity (or GPLSAB) designed a self-assessment tool for cities to benchmark and monitor the progress of their biodiversity conservation efforts against their own individual baselines. This index is now referred to as the Singapore Index on Cities’ Biodiversity because of the pivotal role Singapore played in its creation and spread.

Determining an optimal number of indicators is not easy: if there are more than 30 indicators, it would be too onerous to assess, whereas fewer than ten indicators would compromise the robustness of the assessment. The GPLSAB tried to strike a balance with 23 indicators that first measure native biodiversity in the city; then measure ecosystem services provided by biodiversity; and, finally, assess governance and management of biodiversity. To be scientifically credible, the indicators we use must be quantifiable so that they can be verified by independent evaluators. Hence, each indicator is assigned a scoring range between zero and four points.

To date, 25 city governments have applied the Singapore Index (or SI). Academics have applied the SI to an additional 14 cities, and 11 more city governments are currently in the process of applying the SI. Academics who research biodiversity indices for cities have found that the SI is the only index currently in use for measuring biophilia—Timothy Beatley collated a list of indicators of a biophilic city in his book, “Biophilic Cities: Integrating Nature Into Urban Design and Planning”, but did not cite how these indicators were applied.

Any city can be a biophilic city—but becoming biophilic is made that much easier if all its citizens embrace biophilia into their ethos.

A city becomes biophilic when each year:

1) The area of green cover and tree canopy increases
2) More natural and human-created habitats are enhanced and restored with native species
3) The number of native species escalates due to discovery of new species, re-discoveries of species thought to be extinct, and new records
4) The participation rate of citizen scientists expands, and
5) Over 50 percent of the residents can name and recognize at least ten native plants, birds, and butterflies.

Cities, join in this challenge, and enjoy your journey to becoming truly biophilic!

Ian Douglas

About the Writer:
Ian Douglas

Ian is Emeritus Professor at the University of Manchester. His works take an integrated of urban ecology and environment. He is lead editor of the "Routledge Handbook of Urban Ecology" and has produced a textbook, "Urban Ecology: an Introduction", with Philip James.

Ian Douglas

My first memories of urban nature are how my father grew vegetables in our London suburban garden. He had dug up part of the lawn to increase the area used for growing vegetables. The other part of the lawn still had flowerbeds at the side, but there were also blackberries, and, farther down, the garden fruit trees and a larger area of vegetables. A few hundred metres from the house, the local golf course had been ploughed up to grow wheat. My childhood escape to wilderness was to find a path through the wheat to an overgrown bunker, which still had trees, and to me was an island in a sea (of wheat).

Forms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife provide lessons in making biophilia work.

The park opposite my primary school had been almost totally dug up for vegetable allotments, as had most of the sports ground belonging to the company for which my father worked. My aunt kept chickens in her garden and we placed food scraps in the trash bin in the street, which I knew as the pig-swill bin. The food waste was collected and taken to pig-farms that had been established in the local area to enhance the meagre wartime meat rations. Looking back at this time, I now interpret this as a biophilia of necessity, a forced biophilia far beyond the control of any family or local community. The London suburbs at this time were part of a special kind of biophilic city.

A different awareness of urban nature came ten years later, when our sixth-form history teacher took us to the City of London to look at the remnants of its past that had survived wartime bombing. I was amazed by the way plants had colonised the bomb sites, with a great diversity of flowers and foliage, containing many species that I had not seen before. This spontaneous urban vegetation had caught the attention of many naturalists and ecologists, including E.J. Salisbury and R.S.R. Fitter, whose writings eventually led to the creation of urban ecology parks on pieces of neglected, derelict land (a story told brilliantly by David Goode in his “Nature in Towns and Cities”).

A different perspective on urban biophilia arose 12 years later, with my first experience of a tropical city which then had considerable poverty. In Kuala Lumpur, on the banks of the Sungai Gombak, people were cultivating vegetables; patches of land between buildings were used as temporary, precarious gardens, even within a metre or two of heavy traffic. Here was an urban agriculture of necessity: a subsistence biophilia that risked flood damage, pollution and contamination to increase families’ food security.

By 1999, 800 million people worldwide were engaged in crop, livestock, fisheries, and forestry production within and surrounding urban boundaries. In many low latitude countries, over 30 percent of households are engaged in urban food production, with over half the poorest 20 percent of households relying on growing their own food. This represents another form of biophilia arising out of need. However, other biota, especially insect pests and disease vectors, pose major problems for these communities. If adequate water, sanitation, and drainage could be provided to the informal settlements in which most urban farmers live, the problem biota could be greatly reduced and the benefits of urban greenery could be enjoyed by more people for longer.

Following the 2001 economic crisis in Argentina, 60 percent of the inhabitants of the city of Rosario had incomes below the poverty line and 30 percent were living in extreme poverty. Urban food production using vacant land was encouraged and incorporated into municipal policies. A biophilic city developed, with specific provisions for the agricultural use of public land and a municipal “green circuit” consisting of family and community gardens, commercial vegetable gardens and orchards, multifunctional garden parks, and “productive barrios”, where agriculture is now integrated into programmes for the construction of public housing and the upgrading of slums.

Rosario, and my other examples of forms of urban biophilia that emerge from wars and strife, show that, when there is political will and a clear policy of social inclusion, it is possible to incorporate urban agriculture into a wider urban green infrastructure and create a biophilic city that is socially inclusive and provides equitable access to ecosystem services.

For further information on Rosario go to: http://www.fao.org/3/a-i3696e.pdf.

Paul Downton

About the Writer:
Paul Downton

Writer, architect, urban evolutionary, founding convener of Urban Ecology Australia and a recognised ‘ecocity pioneer’. Paul has championed ecological cities for years but has become disenchanted with how such a beautiful concept can be perverted and misinterpreted – ‘Neom' anyone? Paul is nevertheless working on an artistic/publishing project with the working title ‘The Wild Cities’ coming soon to a crowd-funding site near you!

Paul Downton

When I look at goals and targets for biophilic cities, I find that my concerns don’t lie with issues of design so much as values, social organisation, and culture. For instance:

  • Does the city environment encourage or discourage awareness of non-human nature?
  • Does the city demonstrate its connection with the life of its supporting hinterland/region?
  • Does the management and operation of the city (read “urban system”) protect and celebrate the living systems on which it depends or otherwise connects?
  • What is the status of non-humans in the city? Do non-humans have legal rights; are they protected in law? Are their lives valued?
  • Are there penalties for damaging living systems? (I’m not keen on penalties, personally, but they seem to be an essential part of organised human society and if there are penalties for harming humans there must, in a biophilic city, be penalties for harming non-humans).
  • Who represents the interests of nature? Can we consult with non-human species?

In 1988, John Seed proposed a “Council of All Beings” as a way for representatives of non-humans to be given an opportunity to put their views in a general council. Strip away the countercultural trappings of feel-good rituals and it is essentially role-playing, but it’s as good a means as any for incorporating the interests of non-human nature in a formal framework.

If our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself, then we’re missing the point of biophilia.

Adapted to a more mainstream, science-based footing, it is possible to see how informed human representatives could present the ecological needs of their adopted species, and that they might be ideal candidates for helping to shape biophilic city goals. What could be more genuinely biophilic than letting nature speak for itself about what is beautiful?

  • Is it beautiful?

Beauty is measurable to some extent in fractal dimensions (Downton et al. 2016). People respond positively to images of nature but non-living and virtual fractal imagery score highly, and that is a conundrum any biophilic city goals must address.

Translating biophilia into something “actionable” in the city is a challenging idea once you accept that, measurable fractality or not, “beauty is in the eye of the beholder”; even something that measures up well in terms of fractal geometry may not be universally regarded as beautiful. Writing about “The Divine Proportion”, H. E. Huntley quotes Sir Francis Younghusband, musing on the beauty of Kashmir scenery: “It is only a century ago that mountains were looked upon as hideous” (Huntley 1970 p. 89). Those “hideous mountains” are the same magnificent mountains as the modern ones (give or take a bit of snow cover and glacier extent), but there has been a cultural shift. People tend to see as ugly things that they find threatening. In Western culture, for instance, men with long hair have been seen as both fabulous and threatening.

  • Is it useful? What’s it worth?

Beware measures of mere utility that “justify” the role of nature in the human universe by showing how it provides services to our species. That is not biophilia, and one can despise that which does you good service or serves you well. Biophilia is about the love of nature, not its financial reckoning. If you love a flower more because it is suddenly worth a lot of money, it is not the love of nature that is driving your passion, but a base desire for filthy lucre.

At one end of the spectrum, the appreciation of nature is driven by emotion. Here, nature is enjoyed at a visceral level for its perceived emotional, aesthetic, and spiritual benefits. At the other end of the spectrum, nature is valued for its utilitarian benefits as a service provider, e.g., as an agency for cleaning the air and water. On the face of it, it is easier to demonstrate the value of nature to urban populations by demonstrating that it is worth money, i.e., that it provides, or saves, thousands or millions of dollars in servicing costs. But the monetary system is a completely human invention with no basis in objective reality. Every aspect of the financial system is a fantasy and can change on a whim or overnight—literally. Billions of dollars rocket around the planet daily, but they have no existence outside of the shared (and enforced) cultural assumptions that equate bits and bytes to dollars and cents.

Natural systems, on the other hand, are real. They are healthy or not, they work or not, they live or die whatever we want to call them and regardless of what price we put on them. Hideous mountains probably offended early American pioneers because they were massive impediments to their push westwards. Mountaintops have been blasted to smithereens because human value systems could convert them into millions of dollars—they were worth more as rubble than as the abiotic base for a living ecosystem. The shared human belief in a magical financial system has proven, time and time again, to be stronger than concerns about damaging nature. The attribution of monetary value to nature is part of the same fiction that allows for the idea of endless growth on a finite planet. It is intrinsically flawed and, given the inter-relationship between money and politics, politically unstable and ill-suited as part of any measure of biophilia.

Image: Paul Downton, photoshop manipulation of image from www.eattheweeds.com

So, beware of what numbers “mean”. But in drafting our goals, we cannot rely on assumptions about the meaning of language, either. It does not remain stable or inviolate. It is a human creation and subject to all the vagaries and inconsistencies that implies. It changes as the central concerns of society change. I have written before about how the buttercup and another four dozen words relating to nature and the countryside have been redacted from the Oxford Junior Dictionary in favour of computer terminology like “broadband” that the dictionary’s editors decided was more “relevant” to modern children.

If it is necessary to be pragmatic in order to value nature in a way that can be converted into goals, then that pragmatism must be about recognition of intrinsic value as a part of what it means to be human. Because biophilia is about loving nature and the visceral/utilitarian spectrum is about appreciating nature, it might be concluded that goals for biophilic cities should “strike a balance” and include both kinds of evaluation of nature’s worth. But in some ways, that would miss the point of biophilia. If our innate love for, attachment to, and need for nature has to be reduced to a financial equation to justify itself in the human constructed environments of our cities, then maybe we’re losing the plot. Innate love fits with intrinsic value. One of the primary purposes of architecture and design in human settlement is to make places that please the human spirit, sensibility, and aesthetic sense. Disagreement about what exactly constitutes beauty does not diminish the value of pursuing it, and diversity of expression and response is part of the dialogue of culture. Loving nature for what it is should be enough, and if it isn’t, then there is a deep flaw in our culture.

References

Downton, PF, DS Jones & J Zeunert 2016, Creating Healthy Places: Railway Stations, Biophilic Design and the Melbourne Metro Rail Project. Docklands, Melbourne: Melbourne Metro Rail Authority

Huntley, HE 1970, The Divine Proportion: A Study in Mathematical Beauty. Dover Publications, New York

Dusty Gedge

About the Writer:
Dusty Gedge

Dusty Gedge is a recognised authority, designer, consultant and public speaker on green roofs. Dusty has also been a TV presenter on a number of UK shows and makes his own Green Intrastructure and Green Roof and Nature Videos. He is an avid nature photographer and social networker posting on Twitter, Facebook and G+.

Dusty Gedge

“Biophilia” is the term coined by Edward O. Wilson to describe what he believes is humanity’s innate affinity for the natural world. I am all with Wilson, but I think the term has been taken over by others without such a profound understanding of biodiversity. There is a clamour about biophilia and landscape design and cities. This is good, don’t get me wrong, but I do have a concern that “biophilia” can draw focus away from nature per se and become just about well-being and the health of humans.

The biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits.

I am sure everyone writing in this forum is implicitly interested in making cities greener and better for both humans and wildlife. I am reminded of a 2015 article last year that Amy Hahs wrote for this site: “In the future will we build cities for wildlife and design the countryside for people?” I found this a very thought-provoking piece. I think it challenges some of the pavements in our heads that need to be cracked open. Below, I will share several examples that illustrate why the primary metric that cities should use to assess biophilia should be function, not form

Are bird boxes for birds, or are they for us?

Personally, as a birdwatcher, I find bird boxes really irritating in cities. I have been wanting to write about them for a long time. As I was discussing this the other day with a couple of colleagues, there were some interesting responses. In a city, there are plenty of places for birds to nest—holes in walls, on roofs, in industrial plants, and in backyards. Yet, I see stacks of bird boxes on the sides of buildings and in trees in inappropriate places. And I have rarely actually seen them in use. A bird box is a relatively easy, quick “win” for ecologists and designers. It is also a great tool for conservation bodies to get corporate-types to build something during volunteer days. Bird boxes are also useful for engaging young people in birds. But are bird boxes serving birds or us? As my colleague said: “Well, if I didn’t have a blue tit box into my garden, I wouldn’t see them nesting.” “But they would find somewhere else to nest, wouldn’t they? And they would still come to your garden”, I pointed out. So, the nest box wasn’t about the bird, but about my friend’s pleasure. I have seen blue tits in London nesting in holes of corporate buildings right in the heart of the city. Please don’t get me wrong, I don’t want to stop people having pleasure from watching nest boxes. But I do have concerns that they can easily be commodified if the metric for their success is the number of nest boxes installed (the story is similar for trees planted). These are metrics that don’t serve nature or biophilia. They are a form of accountancy. I wonder what Edward Wilson would think of this conundrum.

I am sure I will get a little harangued for my distaste for bird boxes, but I think the point stands—and is reinforced when I consider swifts. Swift boxes should be installed in buildings because there is trend of sealing up buildings in modern architecture. The thing about swift boxes, though, is they are high up and nobody can see them. So, humans rarely have the pleasure of witnessing their breeding activity. However, I am sure all would agree, must urban dwellers would get great pleasure from witnessing the screaming swifts in the brief summer. They are something that enhances our experience of living in the built realm. It is not the box, but the bird’s presence that gives pleasure.

Parklets and fresh air squares

The other day, I was at two meetings discussing parklets and fresh air squares. These are areas of street pavement that are transformed into green spaces for people. In general, they are movable. In one discussion, the promoter of one such design recounted that when a local authority placed one in a certain street outside a café, the café’s sales increased by 27 percent. Well, this is good for the business and probably good for the people who chose to purchase a coffee so they could sit in the parklet. Obviously, the parklets (or fresh air squares) have plants and some soil. However, they are mostly planted with standard horticultural fair. They are greening and they are very popular. I am sure they are likely to increase exponentially as an intervention not only in London, but in cities around the world. Yet, are they really functioning biophilia? They make a more pleasant environment for city dwellers, but that would appear to be their only function.

Accessible vs non-accessible green roofs

In London, where there are over a million m2 of green roofs, I have often been asked, why aren’t more of these roofs accessible to the public? Accessible, intensive green roofs only make up about 20 percent of London’s roofscape, a proportion that is similar in many leading green roof cities. Surely. in a dense city such as London, people should be able to roam across these spaces more often? Aside from health and safety/disability access issues, there are two thoughts that arise from this question. Firstly, if more of London’s green roofs were accessible and therefore known by the public, this would increase the wider population’s understanding and desire for them. Secondly, there is an implicit “selfish” factor in the question–the person posing such a question presumably wants to experience the green roofs.

These are valid questions, but it remains true that the 80 percent of London’s green roofs that are not accessible to people are still providing ecological functions for the building, the neighbourhood, and the city they are on and in. And in London, they are doing what is implicit in Wilson’s definition of biophilia—they are performing usefully for fauna and flora without much interference from humans. They are also delivering a range of other ecosystem services that are important for the city. I would call this biophilic design of the highest order. There is a sense, however, in the question, that lack of access and direct human use depreciates them.

The primary metric should be function over form

The spring of 2017 is hitting the streets of London as I write this piece. Soon, the blossoms will be out in force. Down at the centre of my neighbourhood, Greenwich, there will be a trio of cherry trees. In a week or two, their pink blossoms will be wowing passersby—they certainly have the “wow” factor for me. Yet, they stand on a corner that, during flash storms, creates a huge pool of water on the road. Now, if those trees had been planted as a rain garden to alleviate that large puddle, wouldn’t the cherry trees have even more of a “wow” factor? Beauty can be beguiling, and there is an element in the world of design that is over focussed on aesthetic provocation. But the real “wow” factor of biophilia is when all the invisible benefits are as important as the visible ones.

Designing for a biophilic city—the metrics that count

We are currently involved in two projects that relate to this discussion. First, we are reviewing a greening strategy for a neighbourhood in London, following on a project in the same neighbourhood in which we were involved six years ago. Since the first programme, when we managed to get a vertical rain garden installed and some rain garden planters, people have undertaken a lot of additional greening, including much conventional gardening. What we want to do now is set out a strategy that ensures that greening is multi-functional. The delivery of biodiversity is a primary aim. A consultation undertaken last year showed that for the people of the area, greening is the most important and pressing issue. Nature is not just about pleasant environments. Nature is about the services that are not visual—that don’t have the “wow” factor of the cherry blossom, but which are as important for our health and well-being as the observation of beauty.

The biophilic city is not just about engaging humans in beauty—it is about ensuring that nature-based solutions are used to deliver the widest range of benefits, including benefits, such as biodiversity, that may remain invisible to much of the human population. Cities are at their best when they are culturally and socially diverse. Likewise, I believe biophilia is at its best when it is delivering the fullest range of possible benefits—not just beauty.

Second, I am currently preparing a series of podcasts on green infrastructure. The first, due in early April of 2017, includes an interview with friends involved in Depave in Portland, Oregon. Ted Labbe says some very interesting things in this conversation, but one strikes me as particularly relevant here, “There is an impervious surface in our heads. The biggest crack in the pavement is not the asphalt we have ripped up, but the crack in the psychology that says pavement is permanent.”

In the same way, the flash of a kingfisher on an urban creek, a solitary bee in a city park, a wildflower growing where someone said it shouldn’t, all influence the human psyche. Nature takes us away for a moment from the manicured and over-managed realities of city life. In our cities, where we are surrounded by human constructs, both physical and psychological, these moments take us to the “other” via a fleeting crack that opens the city up, reminding us that the world is not all ours. Achieving such moments is something that biophilia should be aiming to do, regardless of metrics.

David Goode

About the Writer:
David Goode

David Goode has over 40 years experience working in both central and local government in the UK and an international reputation for environmental projects, ranging from wetland conservation to urban sustainability.

David Goode

It is crucial to have a vision, and that vision needs to be big. When I was appointed to a new job in London as Senior Ecologist in 1982, we didn’t have the word biophilia, but I knew what I wanted: to promote nature at every opportunity throughout the capital. That meant working with a huge range of different disciplines, including planners, architects, landscape designers, civil engineers, and a host of others. For most of them an understanding of ecology was not part of their daily life, and for many, removing nature was much more familiar.

There is much we can learn from our biophilic successes. The target is to think big.

To achieve my aims, I had to be explicit in the ways that these professions could foster a positive attitude to nature. The crucial areas were strategic planning, management of public open space, and the creation of completely new ecological habitats, including novel designs for ecological parks, as well as new habitats within the built environment, such as green roofs. The social dimension lay at the heart of our programme, the object being to enable all who live or work in London to have greater contact with nature in their own locality.

At that time, strategic planning for nature conservation in London did not exist other than through designation of a few important “sites” by national agencies. We had a clean slate. We needed to identify sites of importance throughout the capital that would do two jobs. They needed to protect the best examples of the range of ecological habitats across London, but also provide access to nature for local communities.

So, we embarked on a survey of all open land to identify the main ecological types and to select sites for long-term protection. This resulted in over 1,500 sites being protected through the statutory planning process, representing about one fifth of the area of Greater London. This matrix of protected sites includes some nationally important nature reserves and numerous smaller patches that enable people to maintain daily links with nature. Since then, people have identified districts that are deficient in accessible wildlife sites and, in many parts of London, have taken action to remedy this by creating new habitats. The whole approach is now adopted as a central tenet of the statutory London Plan. Gaining political and public support has been crucial to success. We had a clear objective that was achievable, based on sound criteria, and was demonstrably supported very strongly by the people of London at a series of planning enquiries.

Habitat creation has been the second major element in this programme, and it has resulted in some of the most dramatic urban nature conservation projects in Europe, as well as numerous smaller schemes that benefit local communities. New wetland habitats have been particularly successful, and it is no surprise to find that major residential developers have now recognised the economic value of having attractive wetlands associated with new domestic housing schemes. Prime examples include the London Wetland Centre in Barnes and Woodbury Wetlands in Hackney. The persuasion to create natural landscapes is now being driven by some of the key developers, and others are likely to follow.

The creation of new “natural parks” or “ecology parks” in parts of London deficient in nature has been of immense value to local schools, which have given strong support to such initiatives. These places provide a vital experience of nature. The children come from school to visit the park, find it an exciting experience, and then bring their parents or grandparents to join with them later in identifying dragonflies or other species. This builds the crucial awareness of nature that is so much a part of biophilia.

Ecological design is now becoming mainstream in an integrated approach to urban development. Much of this is driven by the need to mitigate the future effects of climate change, but there is evidence that developers are also listening to what local people are telling them. The new eco-parkland landscapes being developed at the Elephant and Castle, just south of Westminster, demonstrate a huge contrast to the debilitating housing estates of post-war years. Affluent sectors of the capital are seeing similar schemes. There is currently a major scheme to create roof gardens and other green roofs across a significant area of London’s West End. And of course, the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park, created as a legacy of the 2012 Olympics, is another fine example of eco-landscaping.

From my experience, it takes about 25 years for new ideas to take root. I well remember the negative responses I had from British architects when, in 1992, I was invited to talk to them about green roofs after the publication of Building Green. Some thought I was totally “off the wall”. Well, we have moved a long way since then. We are seeing cultural shifts that go way beyond the bounds of ecology. All this has happened piecemeal, without any clear set of targets, but it is certainly achieving many of the things that I had in mind in 1982.

There is much we can learn from our successes. The target is to think big.

Bram Gunther

About the Writer:
Bram Gunther

Bram Gunther, former Chief of Forestry, Horticulture, and Natural Resources for NYC Parks, is Co-founder of the Natural Areas Conservancy and sits on their board. A Fellow at The Nature of Cities, and a business partner at Plan it Wild, he just finished a novel about life in the age of climate change in NYC 2050.

Bram Gunther and Eric Sanderson

“New Yorkers need and have rights to a local environment that is healthy and whole . . . such rights are essential to each individual as part of the community of nature as a whole.”

This quote, from the Declaration of Rights to New York City Nature is the living, beating heart of our efforts to establish nature goals for New York City.

Making New York City a leader in biophilia requires refining recently established goals into targets that can motivate policy and action.

Hosted by the Natural Areas Conservancy (NAC) and the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), approximately 35 representatives from public, non-profit, and academic institutions have worked for two years to establish goals for New York City nature out to 2050. Through discussions, we came to consensus around the following five functional goals. Functions express what we want nature to do.

By 2050 the nature of New York City should:

  1. Provide living environments for species (Biodiversity/habitat)
  1. Mitigate damages from coastal storms (Coastal protection)
  1. Absorb and filter water from runoff and clean our air (Air and water quality)
  1. Enable movement of species through the city (Connectivity)
  1. Encourage human creativity and appreciation of beauty (Inspiration)

How will the nature of New York City provide these functions? Through the composition of nature we seek now through 2050. Composition provides the structures to do nature’s work in the city. We came to agreement that New York City nature needs us to:

  • Conserve and restore nature’s communities (Native ecosystems)
  • Encourage a diversity of species to keep ecosystems vibrant (Native species)
  • Support genetic variety to help local populations thrive and adapt (Native genes)
  • Make nature locally available to New York City residents (Access)
  • Plan for nature along with the built environment (Integration)
  • Enrich people’s lives and communities through active participation (Engagement)

To date, we have consensus among a subset of the New York City biodiversity conservation community that these functional and compositional goals reflect a broad spectrum of aspirations. Leaders from the non-profit organizations; city, state, and federal government; and academia, all see that this kind of large structure can help coordinate our actions and directions constructively, while still enabling freedom of action and initiative.

The real trick is to refine these goals into targets that can motivate policy and action, while maintaining consensus and alignment. Essentially, what we need to figure out together is how the different compositional elements of New York City nature satisfy the functions we outlined. In other words, how do native species contribute to coastal protection? How do ecosystems provide inspiration? How does engagement lead to biodiversity and habitat? Answering these questions—depicted the image below—lays the basis for setting specific, actionable targets between now and 2050.

We are working toward nature goal targets through a call and response structure in Phase II of the nature goal process. We have convened a large plenary group (approximately 75 people) of nature managers, academic scientists, urban planners, biodiversity conservationists, and advocates for environmental justice. About 30 of these people have volunteered for two working groups, one focused on ecological dimensions of the compositional elements of ecosystems, species, and genes; the other focusing on cultural dimensions of the elements of access, integration, and engagement. The working groups will propose targets for the plenary group to respond to; the working groups will revise and re-present. Through a set of four plenary and three working group sessions, we hope to find consensus across our minds and hearts and forge a consortium of organizations that will work to make New York a leader among biophillic cities. We propose to complete this work by 2018.

What comes next? In the third and final phase of nature goals, we plan to see concerted work to move the targets we establish into public and private sector practice; to establish a long-term funding mechanism for nature conservation and restoration in New York City; and to build a coalition and alliance of organizations and individuals to advocate for nature goals through the middle of the century. In part, we will accomplish all three of these through open community-based forums and workshops.

It is our objective to develop a shared list of specific, time-bound targets for fulfilling the five functional goals in relation to the six compositional goals. In the working groups, we will consolidate concepts into cohesive targets to be discussed and approved by the larger plenary group by the end of the workshops. It is our ultimate goal for these targets to influence policy.

This initiative has been co-organized by the NAC and WCS and funded by the J.M. Kaplan Foundation. The NAC is a New York City-based conservation organization focused on the restoration and protection of the city’s over 20,000 acres of forest and wetlands. NAC programs are based on a belief in information-driven land management and coalition building as a means to sustainability. The WCS was founded in 1895 as the New York Zoological Society with the dual mission of helping New Yorkers connect with wildlife and to help conserve the places wildlife need. Today, WCS works to conserve wildlife and wild places in more than 60 countries in Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the Oceans, manages the largest network of urban zoological parks in the world, including the Bronx Zoo and the New York Aquarium, and connects urban people to nature through investigations of the historical ecology of cities.

Eric Sanderson

About the Writer:
Eric Sanderson

Eric Sanderson is a Senior Conservation Ecologist at the Wildlife Conservation Society, and the author of Mannahatta: A Natural History of New York City.

Chris Ives

About the Writer:
Chris Ives

Chris Ives takes an interdisciplinary approach to studying sustainability and environmental management challenges. He is an Assistant Professor in the School of Geography at the University of Nottingham.

Chris Ives

The literal meaning of biophilia is affinity or love for nature. In this context, discussion of what constitutes a “biophilic city” and what meaningful targets may be must engage social and cultural dimensions as much as ecological ones. Certainly, targets must incorporate assessment of biophilic “elements” of cities (e.g., trees, parks, green roofs). But targets need to also account for the diverse values, perspectives, and preferences of people who live in and visit cities. These social and cultural factors are essential to understanding the degree to which biophysical elements of cities influence the human experience of urban environments. But how can these be assessed and incorporated with ecological evidence?

I don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, gathering data can be useful for understanding whether a city is heading in the right direction.

An important first step in pursuing this question is to stop and reflect on what is the ultimate goal of a “biophilic city”. Timothy Beatley defined a biophilic city as:

“a city that puts nature first in its design, planning and management; it recognises the essential need for daily human contact with nature as well as the many environmental and economic values provided by nature and natural systems” (Beatley, 2010: 45)

In this way, we see that the goal of biophilic cities is multifaceted. They are “nature first” (i.e., promoting ecological health), but biophilic cities also emphasise human interactions with nature. Developing targets for biophilic cities must therefore consider both ecology and people. I also suggest that rather than adopting a “standards approach” to developing targets, a “needs” or “values” based approach should be pursued. So rather than adopting a universal goal (e.g. a proportion of the landscape under tree canopy cover), targets should be developed that reflect context-specific demands.

A recent study by my colleagues and me on values for green spaces in Australia may provide some guidance in this direction. We assessed how urban residents assigned values to their local parks and reserves by engaging them in a participatory mapping exercise. We found that people assigned a range of different values to green spaces, including aesthetic, activity, and cultural values. We also found that these values were related to the design of the green spaces and their position in the landscape: for example the amount of vegetation cover in a green space and the distance of the space from a water body all had an effect on how people valued it. Further, analysis of socio-demographic data also showed that different types of values were more important to some residents than others. This research revealed what was important to the local community, and which areas of the landscape were underappreciated and in need of further management attention. Such data can feed into targets and goals for biophilic cities.

To really get to the heart of biophilia—affinity for nature—there is also a need to move beyond instrumental and functional values of green spaces and natural features in cities. While much attention has been paid to the health benefits and ecosystem services provided by green infrastructure, there is a risk that this framing does not capture the depth of the human experience of nature. Urban forests can be sites of mystery and intrigue—a reminder of a world that is bigger than us. Indeed, it is often the less-managed spaces that harbour the greatest biological diversity, yet also prompt ambivalent feelings of awe and fear. Human spirituality is also commonly intertwined with experiences of the natural world. Sometimes, it is the places that are least commonly visited that hint at a dimension of transcendence, that provide the space for reflection away from the congregating masses in shopping malls and busy streets. Undoubtedly, these kinds of experiences of nature are the hardest to translate into goals and indicators. Yet, surely, they must also be part of what constitutes a biophilic city.

I don’t believe a biophilic city can be prescribed by metrics and figures. However, quantitative and qualitative data can be useful in generating targets and indicators that act as signposts that signal whether a city is heading in the right direction. These must necessarily be designed in a way that reflects the unique character of the city. Below are four domains for which data may usefully be pursued in the interest of developing such indicators:

  • Physical design: What places exist that provide opportunities for nature to flourish and opportunities for people to experience a diversity of ecosystems? What elements of biodiversity are especially important that need protecting and enhancing?
  • Human behaviour: How do city residents use green spaces and interact with nature? Is there evidence of “nature routines” as part of a regular lifestyle?
  • Human values: How important to residents is urban nature, and for what reasons? Are there particular places that are more meaningful than others? Do city residents consider nature to be part of their personal or collective identity?
  • Governance: What formal and informal institutions exist for the management of biodiversity? How do decision-makers and government practitioners seek to enhance nature within the city, and promote residents’ appreciation of it?

Generating data around these four themes could be a useful way of developing indicators of biophilic design appropriate to each city’s context.

Tania Katzschner

About the Writer:
Tania Katzschner

Tania Katzschner is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of City & Regional Planning at the School of Architecture, Planning and Geomatics, University of Cape Town.

Tania Katzschner

In 2017, we are on the cusp of radical changes for our living world, culture, economy, and society. Our world is undergoing the largest wave of urban growth in history, and the city is thus one of the strategic sites where most of the questions about environmental sustainability become visible and concrete. Engaging with the problems we face in the world today requires a new understanding of our “sustainability dilemma” and reworking sustainability from modernism, so as to accommodate a better sensibility of dynamic complexity and aliveness.

Creating sancturaries for presence—being present in the world—could help us reclaim and recognise that we ARE the environment.

Civilization largely operates as if reality is about organizing inert, dead matter in efficient ways. The current ideology of dead matter, mechanical causality, and the exclusion of experience from descriptions of reality in ecology and economy are responsible for our failure to protect aliveness in our world (Weber and Kurt, 2017) [1].

It is impossible to build and sustain a life-fostering, flourishing, and enlivened society, or the “biophilic city”, with our prevailing “operating system” for economics, politics, and culture and within an anthropocentric mindset. It seems that we are abstracted, inattentive, and preoccupied rather than present to our surroundings—the living world we inhabit so carelessly. One can argue that human beings have become unearthed, distracted, dislocated, and resoundingly separate, and that our cities and our inhabitants need to come alive again.

I am an urban planner, which has a history of viewing cities as separate from nature. The urban is understood both in human exceptionalist and urban exceptionalist terms. This kind of thinking regards cities as places that have somehow risen above the biophysical constraints of nature. We foreground ourselves and our artefacts rather than the living world we belong to. The dominant attitude is one of doing what we want when we want, such as demanding strawberries for Christmas or avocados all year round.

There are many unconscious and unacknowledged precepts in current dominant thinking through which we see the world—such as linearity, causality, predictability, identity through separation, replicability, inertia, search for material causes, and explanation. One could say we largely live on rather than in the land, and we use and exploit rather than appreciate. This is a relationship with the landscape of “non-place”, where all is the same (Auge, 1995) [2].

To move towards “biophilic cities”, we need to wake up to connections and reestablish ties in a world of structural blindness. It is vital to discover a different form of thinking and to cultivate a living understanding of the spirit or power of the place, living connections and understandings of a place. I would argue that it is vital to create sacred spaces in our cities as sanctuaries for presence and sanctuaries for cultivating an open mind and openness every day, much like a child encounters the world without knowing. We need spaces that offer reprieve and the possibility of spiritual and imaginative recovery, reverence, and reconnection. Honouring the biological realities of Homo sapiens means acknowledging that we are completely dependent on our ecological systems. Creating sanctuaries for presence could help us reclaim and recognise that we are the environment.

Human beings are sentient creatures, yet over the last hundred years, human beings have increasingly lost the ability to be in touch because we have focused primarly on our intellect. When we observe the world of things, the world of stasis, we observe from the outside and our observing is instrumental. Too much appears discovered, disclosed, noted and listed.

Yet our world is not at all finished and given, but is changing, metamorphising, coming alive through the relationship between ourselves and itself all the time. Biophilic cities need to enable a moving beyond the borders of the known so that place can be intimately known, recognised, understood, and truly inhabited.

Targets and goals for biophilic cities need to move beyond the quantifiable and visible objectives to more indirect objectives, which can be much grander in forging ties and building enduring responsibilty. The story of the fox in Antoine de Saint-Exupery’s The Little Prince (1946) illustrates this well. In order for the little prince to get to know and tame the fox, they need to build a relationship and ties with patience over time. It is not about one being overpowering another or ownership, but about building connection, intimacy, and responsibility.

The Standing Rock resistance similarly depicts the significance of indirect objectives, which are so valuable when thinking about targets for biophilic cities. I have watched the unprecedented Standing Rock resistance with incredible excitement. Although the immediate objectives were not met—the camp is now evicted and the pipeline will almost certainly be built—it represents something so much bigger. It represents a coming together like we haven’t seen and something else is being forged in that. There are ripples of moral action, which feed a sense of possibility. There is no knowing what Standing Rock will do, but it may well set precedents for hundreds of years and contribute to changing our story because it engaged many sensibilities, head and heart, perception, intuition, feeling and imagination. In this way it also shifted and changed all that it touched. In working towards biophilic cities, we need to focus on cultivating healthy forces, connections, and relationships more so than only healing what we perceive as broken systems.

[1] Weber, Andreas and Hildegard Kurt (2017) The Enlivenment Manifesto: Politics and Poetics in the Anthropocene, in Resilience

Available at:

http://www.resilience.org/stories/2017-01-10/the-twelve-days-and-months-of-climate-justice-day-ten-beings-fully-alive-the-new-science-of-enlivenment-and-the-struggle-for-climate-justice/

[2] Auge, M (1995) Non-Places Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. London: Verso Books.

Steve Maslin

Biophilia is about Love, and Love is about attitude—not abstract metrics.

There’s more to biophilia than a leafy city with lots of parks. Photo taken at Ashton Court Park, Bristol, by Steve Maslin

There is a risk that we objectify biophilia and see nature purely as a biological input that is other than of ourselves. We know from Dr. Jean Ayres’s work on Sensory Integration Theory, the work of people such as Dr. Ute Leonards on the visual effect of patterns, and Bill Browning’s work on the positive sensory benefits of natural outlooks, that our minds vary in their ability to process sensory signals. We not only cope better in natural environments, but appear to derive positive stimulus for recovery and productivity from them. However, biophilia is arguably more than a one-way input; rather, it is one where we, too, are in a loop.

Which is more biophilic: a community that takes its leafy affluence for granted, or a community that is seeking to do something about its lack of biodiversity and address other issues in the community at the same time?

We need to constantly remind ourselves that biosphere isn’t just about the flora and fauna around us. We are part of the biosphere, too! Our attention should be focussed on the attitudes of people and their love not only for nature, but for one another, also. For those from a Judeo-Christian background, one will recognise that to “love one another” is the second greatest of the commandments, only preceded by love for the Creator! Wouldn’t it be a tragedy if we neglected a deep sense of thanksgiving and paid scant regard for one another whilst only “loving” flora and fauna in a manner that was other than of ourselves? By all accounts, Babylon was known for its gardens, but also for its deep inhumanity before it fell. It was hardly a sustainable community!

Biodiversity performance indicators may help us see part of the picture, but may also cause us to “fail to see the forest for the trees”. Assessing how effective communities are at instilling love is arguably a better means of determining whether a socio-environmental ecosystem is working overall. In other words, biophilic cities shouldn’t be measured solely by the number and size of parks or even by their overall biodiversity. Take Bristol, for example: it’s a city of parks and green open spaces, but whose wealth was gained on the back of its infamous slave trade! Not only that, many of Bristol’s parks become no-go areas and as socially “grey” as car parks after dark.

Despite the beauty of parks, I’m much more a fan of small-scale local initiatives—community gardens and pocket parks, and even so-called guerilla micro gardening. I have vivid memories of my father planting trees not only in our garden, but on the margins of our neighbourhood. These activities reflect a human scale and the love that goes into them. I also believe that many parks and green spaces would be greatly improved if they were to include dwellings that enabled stewardship roles and fostered both greater biodiversity and human enjoyment of our parks simultaneously. In numerical terms, affluent, leafy areas might have more biodiversity than poorer areas of our cities, but is this simply a reflection of wealth, rather than evidence of biophilia?

For those that know Bristol, despite its parks, there are neighbourhoods crying out for their communities to plant trees and foster wildlife together! Although it may seem that some “treeless” areas reflect a poverty of community, this isn’t always the case. Whilst the Bristol garden birdwatch found the neighbourhood of Bedminster to be one of the least biodiverse areas in Bristol, it is nevertheless one of the strongest and most active communities in Bristol. It not only facilitates the “My Wild Bedminster” initiative, but is bringing about change in other social initiatives as well.

If we are part of the biosphere, then biodiversity also includes human diversity as well. Our biodiversity needs to be Intergenerational and inclusive, allowing for people of different ages and abilities to enjoy their surroundings. For this reason, I am very encouraged by the work of charities such as Alive, LinkAge, Growing Support and other Bristol based organisations that engage in community building activities with diverse members of our communities. If we fail to include diverse people of different incomes, cultures, ages, and abilities in greening our environments, then what are we really achieving other than gentrification for the privileged few? In other words, for whom are we making our cities liveable?

If we are to transcend the metaphoric qualities of biophilia, we need to go beyond measuring our green spaces and counting species (as important as these measurements are for biodiversity) to assess the activity, attitude, and quality of community, which underpins a healthy biosphere in our neighbourhoods.

About the Writer:
Peter Newman

Peter Newman is the Professor of Sustainability at Curtin University in Perth, Australia. He has written 19 books and over 300 papers on sustainable cities.

Peter Newman

A Biophilic Parable

A recent article in a local online newspaper in Perth seemed very symbolic of the point biophilic urbanism has reached here in Australia, and perhaps elsewhere. It was a fight between some locals trying to preserve two large trees that were much loved but which were “lifting curbing” on the road.

Biophilic urbanism is part of post-modernism, which has more potential to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions.

As the photos below show, the two mature trees, described as “local icons”, are relics of a time when the road was quite narrow and so they have become a traffic hazard. In reality, they are not a hazard, as they slow down cars, which must go through the gap one at a time, rather than in two lanes. What offends the traffic engineers and planners is that it is very messy.

Photo: Emma Young

Nature has a way of making cities messy. The biophilic urbanism movement is about making nature a part of our everyday life and, so far, this mostly means neat proposals for green roofs; green walls; green balconies; reclaimed streets; and parks and waterways with functional but natural systems. We often argue that the natural systems are just as good or better than engineered systems. But I think we should expect it to be messier than engineers want.

Neat cities are the result of modernism, which has detailed manuals for each profession on what is the single “best” way to plan and build infrastructure, buildings, landscape, economies, and even communities. As we move towards biophilic urbanism, we should see that it is part of post-modernism, which has more capacity to be sustainable and resilient because it enables local solutions, rather than just the simplistic single “best” ways of modernist professions.

Biophilic urbanism will be much messier.

The two trees in Perth were granted a last-minute, temporary rescue from the woodchipper after pleas from residents to find another solution. The residents are very attached to the trees and like what they do to the street in terms of landscape, but also in terms of traffic.

Photo: Emma Young

The local government wrote to residents to say it did not usually support the removal of trees but in this case it had no choice because the trees were “damaging infrastructure”. It also said they would not be replaced because there was a lack of space for new trees: “The City has plans for infrastructure upgrades to the traffic management devices in the street next financial year (subject to budget) which our engineers believe will require their removal.”

One of the residents said, “I am no greenie. I am involved in mining, but there are black cockatoos that spend a lot of time in those trees. The slow point is a key point as traffic is on the increase”.

I was asked to comment and said that trees slowing cars down was a worthy concept:

“The trees look beautiful and many suburbs would welcome such large specimens with canopies so attractive to bird life…I think the cars will be able to manage their way through. In my view the future of cities is to plant many more trees like these and create much more biophilic urbanism that people love…They need nature in their everyday life.”

We need to accept messy if we are to make a biophilic city.

Phil Roös

About the Writer:
Phil Roös

Phil Roös is known internationally for his leading work in environmental design and sustainability on large scale infrastructure projects. He is an ecological systems-inspired architect, designer, planner, and strategist. He is also Senior Lecturer in Architecture - Environmental Design (Ecology & Sustainability) at the School of Architecture & Built Environment, Deakin University, Geelong, Australia.

Phil Roös

The danger is that “biophilic” and/or “biophilia” becomes a catch phrase, a new trend where there is no substance under the surface. Frustratingly, I have started to notice more and more articles in the media about projects where the practitioners in the design and planning professions unfittingly refer to biophilia, arbitrarily using the words biophilic design, biophilic urban design, biophilic architecture, biophilic landscaping, and even “inspired by nature”, amongst many others.

Because the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, our biophilic design agenda must include the characteristics of the complex order of living structures.

Upon further investigation, many of these city-based projects use nothing different from a standard landscape design, or the use of vegetation in an architectural or urban design as a means of incorporating “greenery” into the urban fabric. If uncritical use of the term continues, the concept of biophilia will be watered down (as with sustainability and green design) and we will end up with nothing more to show than superficially green, vegetated landscapes dispersed in the city mosaic; vertical green walls in public buildings; and landscaped gardens based on the aspirations of our clients and those in power. In this short contribution, I would like to raise importance of the inclusion of the integration of deep patterns in our city-making process to support the right metrics towards a biophilia-inspired and resilient future.

Biophilia is “the innately emotional affiliation of human beings to other living organisms. Innate means hereditary, and hence, part of ultimate human nature” (Kellert & Wilson, 1993). My interpretation of this phrase is that we are nature. We are not above nature, we are not just part of nature, but we are part of the whole.

The concept of “the whole” (inclusive of everything) as written about by Christopher Alexander (1977), can be supported by the Gaia principle, in which we, as Homo sapiens, are one species amongst many others that interact with our organic and inorganic surroundings on Earth to form a synergistic, self-regulating, complex system that helps to maintain and perpetuate the conditions for life on the planet. It is this deeper connection to the organised complex order of abiotic and biotic systems that results in us being nature, being part of the whole.

To be part of the whole is not simply to reflect on the need to link aesthetic preferences alone, but rather indicates a deep connection to the geometric structures and patterns that occur in the form-making processes of the living systems of nature (Salingaros, 2012). This biophilic effect, an important part of our daily lives, can be divided in two parallels; one source of biophilia instinct derives from inherited memory due to evolution, the second source of biophilia derives from the biological structure of nature itself. This structure comprises the geometrical rules of biological forms, a language of patterns—in essence, the combination of geometrical properties and elements of landscapes embodied in the complex structures found within all living forms (Salingaros, 2012).

This narrative indicates to us that the biophilic effect is more than what we can see on the surface, that what we see on the surface is only a reflection of the complexity of living structures underneath.

Our biophilic design agenda thus need to include the characteristics of a complex order, the complexity of the traditional ornament structure (Salingaros, 2015), inclusive of the rules of living structures (Alexander, 2001-2005). Rules for how ornament structure contributes to a healing environment can be derived from understanding how our brain is wired to respond to our surroundings. These rules are patterns. Our daily activities are organised around natural rhythms embedded within nature’s cycles. Patterns in time are also essential to human intellectual development, recognising the periodic natural phenomena such as seasons, annual events, and their effects.

Based on these rules of patterns, Christopher Alexander (1977) introduced into the design and planning of our urban spaces the notion that patterns influence place settings and provide formations for “living structures” in an orderly way. This structure of order, with reoccurring outcomes based on empirical rules, encompass a list of 15 fundamental properties that link geomorphological sequences and patterns in nature with geometric living structures of the built environment (Alexander, 1977; 2001-2005).

Perhaps these empirical rules of nature are the metrics we need to apply to the discourse of biophilic cities. The goals and targets we set for our future cities must be based on the generative processes embedded in the geomorphological sequences of the complex structures in nature—in essence, the structures beneath the surface. The biophilic discourse is not just about the greenery of our cities, as we have clearly identified in this article that there is much more to biophilia than surface.

Jana Söderlund

About the Writer:
Jana Söderlund

Dr. Jana Söderlund has spent her career being active as a sustainability consultant, environmental educator, tutor, lecturer, and presenter.

Jana Soderlund

My vision of a biophilic city is one in which city planning and design facilitate a seamless integration of the natural and built environment. A city where nature is given equal status to roads and buildings, or even takes precedence. City dwellers are healthy and happy, commuting through innovative electric vehicles, or simply just walking and enjoying the beauty of the city. Dedicated green corridors connect the city to its bioregion and provide safe pathways for local fauna. Biodiversity is flourishing. The urban heat island is a memory.

By looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been achieved, we can transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards connectedness between nature and humans.

If we could start building a city from scratch, this vision is possible. The technology and the economics are there to support it. But the reality is that many cities are a long way from this biophilic ideal and the question is: How can we transition sterile, mechanistic, post-modern cities towards achieving a biophilic city of connectedness between nature and humans?

By looking at how smaller biophilic visions have been successfully achieved globally, we obtained an understanding of the metrics needed to move cities towards biophilic nirvana. This required an investigative, immersive journey to explore the origins of biophilic design and to meet with forerunners in the field as a way to gain an understanding of what motivated them to create a social movement of change in the way we design our built environment. The journey also explored examples of biophilic initiatives and how these had coalesced from the early conceptual ideas.

The first and most obvious commonality between these early initiators was a connection to nature, an understanding and intuitive knowing that the inclusion of biophilia in our cities is the way forward. Conferences were held which united these interested players and frequently resulted in the emergence of a local champion. Local champions are important to nurture, as it is often solely their passion, their vision, and their motivation that drives a movement forward. These leaders all appeared to have an undiminishing sense of wonderment about nature and the most frequently expressed word to describe their feelings in nature was peace, followed by wonder. The concept of biophilic design, when researchers or practitioners discussed or presented it at lectures, often attracted comments that this is common sense and why do we need research about what is intuitively obvious? For most, these beginning internal motivators coalesced into drivers of external action, which then advanced the social movement.

This is a social movement which needs to include nearly every profession and area of knowledge. Collaboration and integration of silos of knowledge, and the arenas of government, community, and industry, are essential in the delivery of biophilic outcomes. It is through this collaboration that the multiple benefits of biophilic design become more apparent.

The social and environmental benefits unite to create the economic benefits, thus presenting the necessary business case. The barriers need to be identified for each design approach and profession involved. By doing this, and through creating partnerships across the silos, there is greater potential for case studies and demonstrations to be implemented.

As people innately respond to the biophilic aspect of the demonstrations, a ripple effect of implementation is created. This brings further opportunities for the multiple benefits to become apparent, and for people to enjoy the aesthetics and benefits of increased livability and well-being for urbanites.

As implementation, also driven by the recognition that biophilic design features can address local urban crises, expands, there is increasing opportunity for integration into the professions through education and practice. Government strategic policy and delivery structures are needed for industry and business. Where community has come together and initiated biophilic principles, government needs to ensure that policy does not block these actions but enables and supports local champions in combination with professions and research.

With progression in biophilic design initiatives and greater implementation, the opportunity for innovation and research increases conjunctly. The complexity of components and influences on biophilic design and planning outcomes necessitates the need to consider potential innovation and change in any one part with an adaptive system that responds to change. Active reflection is vital to keep moving forward, with the sharing of knowledge and ideas through online media, articles, and research to continue the inspiration.

Fleur Timmer

About the Writer:
Fleur Timmer

Fleur is a trained and a practicing landscape architect and urban designer with vast experience in functional ecological and biophilic design from small settlements to city and regional scale master planning.

Fleur Timmer

How can we cure “sick city syndrome”? By focussing on mental health and eating disorders as indicators

One of my great concerns with the ever-expanding human urban population, is that it appears to be going against the grain of progressive evolution. Mental and physical health is of great concern. How can we heal our sick cities and to retrieve what I call “the lost humans”!

Future generations should be granted, in their basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world.

How can biophilia positively impact the majority of urban dwellers?

Taking the theory of Nature-Nurture and playing with its meaning in the context of the natural world and our lives within it, we can explain its new meaning as, “Nature Nurtures us, but even more so if we Nurture Nature”. We can use this philosophy as the basic ethos and key influence for implementing perpetual growth of biophilic cities.

So, what are the potential methods of infiltrating every open space, hidden cranny, basement, rooftop, interior, home…every cell and, eventually, every aspect of mental and physical human function with Nurtured Nature? How can we instil a desire to Nurture Nature and indeed a common belief that Nature will Nurture the individual and the community.

Mental health and eating disorders: a result of “falling out of the ecosystem”?

It is widely acknowledged that mental health issues are an epidemic among urban dwellers of all ages. Anxiety and depression are most common among young adults and adults, whereas Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (or ADHD) and related conditions tend to be more common among children and young teens. In many cases, the drugs—appear only to lead their consumers on a path of lifelong medication. My point is that many of these conditions arise first in the younger population. These conditions are hard to monitor for target-setting purposes, as many go undetected or wrongly diagnosed for some time, but they are probably the most important to reduce/eliminate for the general health of the population.

Obesity, anorexia, and other eating disorders are often linked to the above mental health disorders and are also occurring across age groups. These disorders tend to appear first in the younger population and are probably easier to monitor for target-setting purposes than mental health issues.

Total disconnection from the natural world

I believe that in a mere three or four generations, urban-dwelling humans will have completely lost their connection with the natural world, finding their only connection to nature through TV programs of what appears to be another world entirely. I call them “lost humans”, sick due to “falling out of the ecosystem”.

I suggest “falling out of the ecosystem” can lead to mental and physical health issues. I believe those in the best position to re-engage the lost humans are the youth, for it is their world in a mess, their elders that need re-education and redirecting, and they are the ones that possess the key to quick change with the drive, vigour, and youthful sense of purpose!

Keys to intercept

Working from the hypothesis that mental and physical illnesses occurs initially more frequently in children and young adults, and that it is proven that direct contact with the natural world improves mental and physical well-being, I propose: creating a global program for biophilic education in all secondary schools, as part of core learning.

Nature-based study is popular in primary school curricula globally; however, it is limited in secondary education, where often the only nature-based learning includes such things as dissecting a frog—not quite the education we’re after! A biophilic education program in secondary education, taught in a cross-subject setting, covering curriculum targets and with outreach projects within the local area, should be compulsory.

My idea aims to encourage the learning about species-interdependency on all levels (including human-to-human), re-educating the “lost humans” while future generations are perpetually engaged in the biophilic enhancement of their local area and co-creating their biophilic city.

Below is an example project:

A two-term program of “Feeding our City’s Ecosystem”

The aim is to grow plants for biodiversity from seed, to grow food from seed, and to build wildlife installations to be distributed in local and appropriate areas, all of which will engage local communities and support groups for mental and physical health.

Such a program would slot into the curriculum like so:

Maths: local statistics on health, obesity, and mental illness; setting target matrices…

Geography: evaluating statistics to determine appropriate locations for implementation; climatic conditions…

Biology: Plant suitability; monitoring and target setting species …

Food Technology: Nutrition of local and naturally grown foods; science behind food and health…

Sociology: Ethics of appropriate monitoring; creation of surveys for students and the public…

Design and Technology: Installation design and fabrication, digital media linked with other schools…

Art, Textiles: Creation of environmental art; fabrication of hanging installations…

There are many opportunities for subjects to overlap, encouraging “real life” problem solving and critical thinking—another valuable tool for healthy communities.

Monitoring targets for success in the reduction of mental and physical illness rates of the pupils could be assessed by the pupils themselves; by means of individual, confidential, and personal monitoring of health and happiness targets throughout their school life. The school as a whole can be monitored by professional observation using anonymous survey results from pupils as well as evaluating entire school targets, such as: monitoring disruption in lessons, violent behaviour, caring behaviour (!), health statistics, and so on.

Community monitoring of mental and physical health could come in the form of voluntary surveys, statistics from support groups/doctors, and general statistics on the city’s crime rates, activity in green space, commuter information, and so on.

If we implemented this program across our many schools, it would take only a few years to see a substantial improvement in human health and well-being, community cohesion, and urban ecosystem vitality.

I would take great pleasure in seeing a future generation that has been granted, in its basic academic learning, the knowledge that they are indeed an intrinsic part of the natural world and that they depend on it as much as it depends on their nurturing of it.

…Let’s talk!

Chantal van Ham

About the Writer:
Chantal van Ham

Chantal van Ham is a senior expert on biodiversity and nature-based solutions and provides advice on the development of nature positive strategies, investment and partnerships for action to make nature part of corporate and public decision making processes. She enjoys communicating the value of nature in her professional and personal life, and is inspired by cooperation with people from different professional and cultural backgrounds, which she considers an excellent starting point for sustainable change.

Chantal van Ham

A growing body of evidence suggests that early childhood experiences with nature provide physical and mental health benefits, stimulate child development, and can help to generate a lifelong sense of connectivity and stewardship towards the environment—yet urbanization poses a growing challenge to these types of experiences (Revolve Magazine Spring issue 2017). We are part of nature, but in a rapidly urbanizing, noisy world, filled with entertainment and technological innovation, it is easy to forget that the state of the planet reflects the well-being of its inhabitants. Restoring the connection between people and nature is the foundation for improved quality of life.

Cities that prioritise green space development and budgetary input from citizens show how biophilia can be achieved in urban spaces.

I believe there cannot be enough nature in cities, particularly if we think of the diversity of benefits it can provide to urban citizens, from reduced risk of stroke, cardiovascular disease, and obesity to lessened symptoms of anxiety and depression. I grew up in a small village in the countryside in the South of the Netherlands, and nature captured my heart from a very young age. I can only imagine how different it must be to connect with nature when growing up in a city.

I believe that stewardship for nature comes only from the heart, from within, wherever we live. Experiencing nature—especially in early childhood—counts, and therefore it is important that people who live in cities can connect with nature close to their homes. If we want to restore this connection, it is also essential to educate people all around the world as to why nature is special; there are many ways of doing this.

Cities that prioritise green space development share core attributes: they protect, value, and celebrate their natural assets through education, community engagement, and monitoring and sharing successes. The inaugural issue of the Biophilic Cities Journal, launched in February 2017, is filled with inspiring examples, such as Vancouver’s Biodiversity Strategy; Pittsburgh’s riverfront trails and parks; the Butterfly Highway in Charlotte, NC; and the Oak Bottom wildlife refuge in Portland. These show how achieving biophilia in cities can be done.

In Europe, cities in different countries, such as Poland and Belgium, give citizens the opportunity to participate in decisions on how the city budget is spent. This offers a good starting point for dialogue, ownership, joint responsibility, and stewardship for the results of these decisions. Antwerp, for example, works with a citizen budget in several city districts, which gives citizens the chance to decide about the thematic priorities in which the city will invest. This means that they will become partners in policymaking, and city planners get better insight in their expectations, dreams, local sensitivities, and interests. This video shows some of the projects that have been realized in Antwerp in 2016 thanks to citizens’ involvement in the budget decisions. Over the last four years, Wroclaw, Poland—Cultural Capital of Europe in 2016—has opened 30-40 percent of its budget for citizen decision-making. It is perhaps too early to assess the results and compare the impact on nature as a result of citizen involvement in comparison to traditional decision-making, but it seems to be a positive way for co-creating public spaces and stimulating creative ideas and social cohesion across the city.

Setting goals and targets and developing metrics for measuring improvements for a biophilic city must start with awareness, ideas, and actions that are in harmony with nature—and by engaging all who make part of the city in developing its future.

Mike Wells

About the Writer:
Mike Wells

Dr Mike Wells FCIEEM is a published ecological consultant ecologist, ecourbanist and green infrastructure specialist with a global outlook and portfolio of projects.

Mike Wells

Biophilia is about humans’ love of and response to nature, and many will naturally consider that designing to nurture this “weak innate tendency” is pretty much solely about humankind; that is to say, it’s about how we can create better, healthier, more productive lives for Homo sapiens—the “clever”, and now predominantly urban, species.

Perhaps the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia is its very anthropocentricity.

It has been argued elsewhere that a key value of emphasizing biophilia is in getting us not only to cope with, but to prefer, high density urbanism, which will in turn help us to avoid urban sprawl with all its damaging resource use inefficiencies. This is a key theme that my colleagues and I have developed over many years, and which I believe to be more important now than ever.

Biophilic cities, however, must be about more than that. Perhaps, ironically, the greatest risk inherent in the concept of biophilia (as with sustainability) is its very anthropocentricity—its focus on urban humans and their well-being and comfort. I would like to explore this paradox a little in this short contribution.

I began my career not in cities, but in remote parts of the globe studying flora and fauna in wild (or semi-wild) places. Wherever in the world I have worked or visited, the pressures of anthropogenic habitat loss, extinction of species, and general degradation of the biosphere have been patent and distressing. We have little time to save a world worth living in and passing on to our progeny. We have used multiple methods for addressing this crisis of global biodiversity loss, all of which are part of the solution. Most governmental and scientific approaches these days focus on serious and pressing issues of economics and livelihoods of those in poverty and on fighting ecosystem imbalance that lead to disease. Nevertheless, the threats from development; population increase; resource demand and depletion; pollution; and warfare become ever more acute. We are reduced to drastic decisions over where to spend limited conservation resources or how to extract DNA from vanishing species in the hope that some future generation may be able to reconstitute what has been lost. We are locked in endless struggles to fight off particular threats, such as intense poaching, to feed cultural urban markets for ineffective cures. We are not winning overall—instead, we are driving the mass species extinction of the Anthropocene.

That is why I personally switched my attention from working in the wilds to focussing on design of the urban realm at a midpoint in my career; and to the pressing concern of how to change human attitudes and behaviours, altering the hearts and minds of urban citizens and consumers, towards a fuller understanding and love of nature. I was not then versed in the statistics of global urbanisation. But now I know that in about 30 years hence, 70 percent of us will probably live in cities. Any rural poor that remain in the countryside will be vying with the urbanites for scarce resources. Something, somehow, has to be done to reset our balance with nature, or we face a world reflecting some of the starkest views of science fiction, perhaps with nature reduced to simulators and our living space to “caves of steel” enclosures.

To me, biophilia is the latest useful conceptual mechanism in the armoury we have to save the overall biosphere in a condition worthy of the name. Most of us appear to be aware deep down in our psyches that we need nature. The power of the biophilic response, as opposed to the value of other urban ecosystem services, is that it relates to primal emotions that are considered innate. It is also one that auto-reinforces; when the weak tendency from childhood that has atrophied in adulthood is rekindled, it can grow. And the importance of this is that we have now reached a point where logical, numbers-based arguments, though having an important role to play in saving and promote nature, are not going to be sufficient to save nature from anthropogenic decimation.

We need to appeal to our deepest positive emotions and instincts. Biophilic theory—and, now, the theory of biophilic design—have raised the potential to tap into these emotions and instincts to a new level of professional focus and, thus, action.

Recent publications on “biophilic cities” have described in some depth the struggle there has been to define what such a city looks like. Many of the images that we love and use when talking of biophilic cities, from Gardens by the Bay Singapore, to Bosco Verticale in Milan, to the Acros Centre in Fukuoka, strongly tap into the health and well-being responses in people that so many new research initiatives are quantifying and documenting.

But the creation of a love of, and respect for, wider nature, including those parts of it that we might not even know about, or ever directly encounter, is, to my thinking, every bit as important as focussing on our own urban well-being. Generating this emotion follows the degree to which biophilic city programmes can be shown to change how much urban humans starts to care for “that which is other” and should be a primary metric of their success. We need to look hard for shifts in cultural attitudes and voting opinions from dominion over and use of nature, to ones of precautionary restoration, stewardship, inquisitiveness, and wonder. The metrics could be varied, but would probably be based on social, political, and psychometric surveys of citizens.

The types of measures implemented to achieve this goal may differ from those that comprise the most frequent components of the biophilic design canon at present. What those measures need to be could be the subject of a future contribution to TNOC. What is certain is that they need to work very strongly to awaken human awareness of, and care for, global biodiversity, and not just those parts of it with which we share our cities.

 A final thought

There is even a risk that, by focussing on the urban ecosystem services that nature provides to us to make our lives better and more comfortable in the cities where we now spend most of our time, we could actually be distracted from thinking about the wider plight of nature. We may be lulled into feeling that all is well with the world in our nice, verdant urban realm.

Perhaps we also need, at times, to be made to feel uncomfortable, sad, compassionate—even desperate—about the plight of the wider natural world.

This is a very fine balance to strike.

Several times in my life I have had the pleasure of speaking with David Attenborough and, on the last occasion, I asked him why he does not directly present more hard hitting messages about humans’ harmful stewardship of the natural environment more often. He told me that he saw his main skill and main role to be inspiring people about the wonders of nature, and that from that love, perhaps sustainable stewardship would emerge. As an experienced broadcaster, he was all too aware of the risk of overloading viewers with depressing news to the point that they will “turn off”.

So, we need to employ all of our skill to create both nature-inspired wonder and knowledge-informed concern and action for nature in equal measure, in the effective “biophilic city”.

Ken Yeang

About the Writer:
Ken Yeang

Dr. Ken Yeang is an architect, planner, and ecologist. The Guardian newspaper named him as one of 50 individuals who could save the planet.

Ken Yeang

Many refer to the contemporary city as an “ecosystem,” but the contemporary city is not an ecosystem, nor is it ecosystem-like. The contemporary city is mostly inorganic. It is denatured, ecologically inert, and lacks the key attributes of the ecosystem that would enable it to biointegrate seamlessly and benignly with the ecosystems and the biogeochemical cycles in the biosphere. The existing city is, in effect, parasitic on the planet for its energy and material resources for its sustenance, and it gives nothing biologically beneficial back to the natural environment.

Instead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focusing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.

The existing city has an incomplete biotic-abiotic biological structure, unlike the naturally occurring ecosystems in nature. The existing city is unable to assimilate the emissions from the built environment’s production systems within the resilience and carrying capacities of the ecosystems in its surrounding bioregion and hinterland.

The land which has been fragmented for building the city remains disconnected, with poor ecological nexus, disrupting species interaction and mobility.

While greening the built environment as motivated by biophilia is good for the environment, it must not just take the form of undiscerning inclusion of organic mass. For example, the biotic mass must have non-invasive species. The species need to be native and their inclusion must come in the context of landscape conditions that must be designed to become habitats that will enhance overall biodiversity of the locality.

Biophilia is essentially an anthropocentric proposition, whereas we should be seeking nature-centric physical and systemic solutions. Nature-centric solutions seek to find ways to make our cities, our built environments, and our production systems (i.e. those systems producing energy, artefacts, and food) to be seamlessly and benignly biointegrated with the ecosystms and with the biogeochemical cycles in the biosphere. Instead of focussing on the biophilia of cities, we should be focussing on making cities into constructed ecosystems that are proxies and extensions of naturally-occurring ecosystems.

What Can Policymakers Do to Enhance Nature-based Solutions for Sustainable Cities?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Nature-based solutions stand out in the urban design environment for their multifunctionality and connectivity features as they offer multiple benefits to local people and ecosystems.
Cities are almost entirely dependent on surrounding regions for food, water, and energy (FWE) to sustain urban population and activities. Sixty percent of the global population will live in cities by 2030, with 90% of urban growth in the coming decades likely to occur in low- and middle-income countries. Rising costs of urban production, consumer-oriented lifestyles, and pressures to improve the quality of urban spaces could worsen the overall picture of urban areas. In light of this, how can cities promote sustainability through nature-based solutions and improve food, water, and energy securities?

This essay is part of the IFWEN project.

Nature-based solutions are any solution that uses an aspect of the natural world to solve resourcing, provisioning, or other issue types in a city. Some of the most common types of nature-based solutions, such as green roofs or inner-city waterways, are often characterized as green and blue infrastructure (GBI), which are simply defined by the type of infrastructure they provide: green plant life (green), and various water solutions (blue). The great benefit of green and blue infrastructure (GBI) is its often positive effect on food, water, and energy resources, particularly in urban areas. GBI broadly includes parks and reserves, gardens and backyards, waterways and wetlands, greenways, farms, orchards, plazas, roof gardens, and living walls. It can provide ecosystem services such as provisioning (food, water, fiber, and fuel), supporting (such as soil formation and nutrient cycling), regulating (climate, flood, and disease regulation and water purification) and cultural services (aesthetic, spiritual, symbolic, educational, and recreational).

Ecosystem services are defined as the gains acquired by humankind from surrounding natural ecosystems, making them key for the natural functioning of FWE systems. Moreover, these interacting resource systems are crucial to the survival and socio-economic development particularly in urban areas, as they import most of the food, water, and energy. Interestingly, an ideal nexus can occur from the ntersections within FWE systems and this is technically known by the term food-water-energy nexus (FWEN). FWEN systems are an ideal type of nature-based solution for cities because they can often have large positive impacts on better utilizing natural resources, reducing pollution, and ensuring the security of FWE supplies that are essential to the quality of life of city inhabitants. Thus, FWEN has the potential to be a pivotal fuel for global cities to ensure sustainable and resilient population and economic growth. All the terms and acronyms mentioned above are widely used by researchers, technicians, environmentalists, planners, and policymakers.

The aerial view depicts a city wide approach. Photo: CHUTTERSNAP

At this point, you might be asking yourself, what can policymakers and citizens do to enhance GBI in cities? The answer is not so straightforward. It depends on several site-specific variables such as a cities’ characteristics and goals, city size, geographical location, income level, governance capacity, and political will, among others.

In fact, there is more academic and technical information on the effects of different types of urban GBI on FWE resources than information on their potential practical applications in cities. A recent study conducted by the IFWEN project has found that urban agriculture has received the most attention from the urban GBI literature, especially through case studies in low-income and large, rapidly growing but food-insecure, cities of the global south and in Africa. Particularly in some eastern and central African cities, nearly half of all vegetables and maize consumed by city dwellers come from urban agriculture.

A building or micro-climate solution. Photo: Luca Dugaro

In addition to food-related ecosystem services provided by urban agriculture, street trees, green spaces, green roofs, urban forests, and other vegetation can help reduce local temperatures. These effects on temperature occur due to the shading of urban surfaces, through cooling and humidifying effects of plants on air. These types of GBI, when located near or over buildings, have an even greater impact on local micro-climates, and lower temperatures reducing the need for artificial cooling and indirectly contributing to energy savings and greenhouse gas emissions reduction. Technologies aiming to increase the absorption of solar radiation for cooling effects, or in cities such as the use of vegetative-green roofs, appear to be very promising. They have the potential to mitigate potentially problematic concentrations of high heat – heat islands in cities and they can provide significant benefits for more efficient energy performance of buildings, providing passive cooling to the built environment. Energy-related GBI has been attracting attention in middle-income and large Asian, North American, and European cities for this reason.

When it comes to the effects or benefits of urban GBI (such as urban forests, green roofs, rain gardens, permeable pavements, and wetland detention ponds) on water resources, they are mainly explored, in very small cities concentrated across various income brackets in cities (low, lower-middle and upper-middle). Constructed wetlands have been increasingly used for tertiary treatment of domestic wastewater which can then be used for irrigation, cleaning, or to supply water to natural areas. Water bodies, urban wetlands, and other water-based GBI also have positive impacts related to local temperature reduction, creation of micro-climates, and reduction of heat island formation, contributing to greater livability in cities. However, interesting trade-offs may take place. For instance, water bodies can also act as heat retention systems, contrary to the expected process of local temperature reduction.

A water-based BGI solution. Photo: Joseph Chan

Therefore, unintended negative impacts of each GBI must be taken into account, as this can offset the objectives that motivate the expansion of GBI in cities. On one hand, planting their own food, cities ensure the food supply, particularly for the urban poor in developing countries. On the other hand, food safety turns out to be a significant concern due to environmental pollution. For instance, heavy metal becomes the top issue sourced from atmospheric deposition. Wastewater reuse in urban agriculture, while enhancing the efficiency of the urban water system, adds to concerns about food safety with pathogens transferring from wastewater to food. Urban agriculture itself also may contribute to water contamination with fertilizer and pesticides similar to any other farming system, in addition to contributing to the increase of mosquito-borne diseases.

Characteristics of urbanization in different cities such as economic level, population size, social, and even the climate conditions could be the main influencing factors for the GBI-FWEN links in cities. Other critical points for overcoming current barriers and promoting GBI in cities are the governance capacity, the political will, and its openness to develop nature-based solutions as opposed to conventional grey infrastructures.Institutional arrangements, infrastructures, and actors are critical in mediating the ways in which central government programs are enacted and implemented, and in defining what it is which will be governed.

Nature-based solutions stand out in the urban environment for their multifunctionality and connectivity features, offering multiple benefits to local people and ecosystems. But the emergence of GBI does not depend solely on the technical evolution of the specialist expertise offered both by research institutions and by community organizations; it also requires local authority remaining as a key governing agency for GBI, in terms of expertise and knowledge of the domains to be governed. Stakeholders should clearly comprehend how GBI and FWE systems are interconnected in urban areas, aiming to promote cities’ sustainability. Despite being ultimately related to human well-being, urban GBI is unlikely to help drive change if their positive effects are not well communicated to stakeholders (i.e. by better connecting with decision-makers, emphasizing participatory approaches, and contributing to capacity building).

A community, neighborhood scale approach. Photo: Mark Chan

Thus, we list below key points that need to be included in the policymaking process to advance and promote urban nature-based solutions:

  • Recognize the importance of supportive framework conditions and “windows of opportunity” at all levels of governance;
  • Bring the social dimension into the fold. Empower cities and enhance citizen engagement;
  • Align the identification and selection of innovative technological solutions to urban development concerns;
  • Integrate different elements (e.g. plans, guidelines, strategies, frameworks) in the GBI-FWEN when trying to develop nature-based solutions toward sustainable urban development;
  • Build GBI-FWEN thinking and behaviours through working with educational institutions, universities, research and training providers;
  • Link cities to financial institutions and support introduction of innovative financial instruments to support GBI-FWEN projects.

Greater integration between local governments and societies with regional and national governments can promote the positive effects of urban GBI on the planning of food, water, and energy systems developed beyond city limits. The advancement of the desired sustainability in the use of scarce resources should not necessarily depend on national policies and initiatives; policies and plans for the sustainability of cities must be developed respecting the specificities of each location. Smaller and more achievable goals that are closer to citizens can be better accepted by the community, bringing the feeling of being part of a change that can be observed on a small scale. Nature-based solutions are a consequence and cause of changing attitudes towards sustainability in cities, and their development shows that urban planning, political will, and social participation must always be intertwined to make cities a better place.

Rodrigo Bellezoni and Fanxin Meng
São Paulo and New Haven

On The Nature of Cities

Fanxin Meng

About the Writer:
Fanxin Meng

Fanxin Meng is a Postdoctoral Associate with central research focus on how Green and Blue Infrastructure (GBI) affects Food-Water-Energy Nexus (FWEN) in cities. She is committed to constructing a methodology for assessing FWEN changes in cities.

 

What Can We Learn from Chinese Classical Gardens?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Step off the street in Suzhou through a small door and you leave behind the bustling cacophony of a modern Chinese city to enter a different world of tranquility and calm, where natural features create a sense of being surrounded by nature in a tiny oasis that is a scholar’s garden. Nine of these gardens in Suzhou have been given special status by UNESCO as outstanding features of the city’s World Heritage Site. Each provides a symbolic microcosm of the natural world within the confines of a single dwelling. They draw on the ancient disciplines of Chinese art and poetry, together with fundamental concepts of landscape, and demonstrate practical application of Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist teachings. The scholar gardens of China illustrate a way of life in harmony with nature and the arts that may still have relevance today.

The Chinese Classical Garden provides a template for an urban ethos that respects nature.

Although some notable early gardens existed in China over 2000 years ago classical gardens only really started to flourish in the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD), which has been referred to as China’s first Golden Age. They were developed at a time of relative prosperity, when wealthy scholar-officials were able to create their own special kind of domestic environment as part of the huge advance that was occurring in literature and the arts. One of the greatest influences was the famous 8th century poet Wang Wei, also renowned for his landscape paintings, and his garden Wang Chuan Villa, from which he gained inspiration as both poet and artist. Since that time, poetry and landscape art have remained crucial influences in the design of scholar gardens. During the Tang period, there were over 1000 domestic gardens in the city of Luoyang, and eight Imperial gardens in the capital Xian. The classical house and garden model of the “scholar-official” became well established at this time.

Greater prosperity during the Ming period (1368-1644) led to a proliferation of such gardens. This was the second Golden Age. Suzhou alone had 300 domestic gardens, with many architect-gardeners. Several of the gardens that still exist in Suzhou date from this period. The art of garden design reached new heights with publication of Yuan Ye (On the making of gardens) by Ji Cheng in 1634. The cities of Suzhou and Hangzhou (near modern Shanghai) remained at the forefront of garden design during the Qing period that followed. In the 1760s, the Qian Long Emperor copied many elements of their design, though on a strongly formal Imperial scale, for Beijing’s Summer Palace.

Scholar’s study:studio in the Master of Fishing Nets Garden Suzhou
Scholar’s study/studio in the Master of Fishing Nets Garden, Suzhou. Photo © David Goode

Who were these so-called “scholar-officials” and where did they get their inspiration?

They were members of a select group in Chinese society, the product of an educational system originating in 124 BCE. They had the education, social standing, and financial resources to indulge in intellectual pleasures. Steeped in Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist ethics, these were men with many parts. Poet, artist, musician, calligrapher, and lover of nature were all combined in each man. The art of garden design drew on all of these skills and the scholar-official became central to the development of that art.

Scholar gardens provided a natural retreat in the city. They are essentially urban, making unique use of the ubiquitous town courtyard, which has traditionally been the basis of Chinese urban planning. From the Song dynasty onwards, they provided a welcome retreat for busy scholar-officials, where they could escape from worldly affairs to indulge in creative pleasures. As a microcosm of the natural world in the city, the garden provided the calmness and right conditions for the scholar’s work. The essence of a scholar garden arises from the house and garden being designed as one entity. One merges with the other. The ambience of the house is pervaded by the tranquility of the garden. Yet, there are significant differences between the two spaces that have their origin in the scholar-official’s philosophical lineage.

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Carefully designed doors provide glimpses of other worlds. Photo: © David Goode

Confucianism can be described as a moral doctrine governing all aspects of life, including etiquette, social relations, architecture, and even city planning. This may seem to be in direct conflict with Daoism, a religion that seeks The Way through harmony with nature, finding space for contemplation and inner peace. There is a Chinese witticism which says, “Confucianism is the doctrine of the scholar when in office and Daoism the way of life of the scholar when out of office”. So it was in the life of the scholar-official, who designed the house and garden to conform with these different doctrines. Formal and living quarters of the house were arranged according to the requirements of social etiquette, either along one side of the plot or around a central space, or several different spaces, which were landscaped to create harmony with nature. The whole design was influenced by deep-rooted Daoist principles such as Yin and Yang: the need for balance between positive and negative, or contrasting elements. Ancient beliefs were also important, such as Feng shui: the need to conform with long-established practices regarding the ritual orientation of buildings.

But there are two features of the garden landscape that particularly characterize these scholar gardens. The first is the overall spatial design. The whole garden forms a three dimensional picture through which you can walk. Individual parts are only gradually entered or discovered as you go. The concept of the garden as a series of separate but interconnected parts, to be discovered and enjoyed, is analogous to the unrolling of a Chinese landscape painting. Walls, doors, windows, paths, corridors, and bridges all have a special role in creating a landscape of continuous change and surprise. Often, walls were built for the sole purpose of allowing spectacular views through carefully contrived windows and dramatic moon gates. The 18th century writer Shen Fu said, “Arrange the garden so that when a guest feels he has seen everything, he can suddenly take a turn in the path and have a broad new vista open up before him, or pass through a door in a pavilion only to find that it leads to an entirely new garden”. Many of these gardens are surprisingly small; all this was created within the bounds of a single dwelling, where different vistas were created within the garden that could be seen from carefully selected vantage points. Wherever possible, designers took advantage of a “borrowed view”, such as a distant pagoda framed through a window.

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Moon gate opening to a new vista. Garden of the Humble Administrator, Suzhou. Photo: © David Goode

The second feature is the landscape itself. Here we have to go back to early concepts of landscape based on Mountains and Water or Shan Shui. Poetry and landscape painting in China have both drawn inspiration from mountains and water for many centuries, and the phrase Shan Shui itself came to mean landscape. The rugged strength of great mountains set against the softness of water is Yang and Yin at its most profound. They are opposites that complement each other. Water can erode solid rock. So it was not surprising that scholars tried to emulate the great contrasts between rocks and water in creating the micro-landscapes of their gardens. Some of the most highly prized rocks were water worn limestones from Lake Tai that exhibited an intricate and sometimes grotesque degree of natural erosion. The so-called Exquisite Carved Jade Stone in the Yu Yuan garden in Shanghai is one of the most famous examples. The juxtaposition of such stones standing upright as vertical columns above placid pools full of lotus blossoms emphasizes the contrasting nature of mountain and water, and may symbolise, in miniature, the famous mountain landscapes of southern China. Some gardens contain dramatic hard landscapes built from layers of water-worn stone to create the illusion of small mountains—until you pass through the adjacent moon gate to find a completely new vista of lake and lotus leaves. That such contrasts play such a major role in most scholar gardens has led some writers to refer to them as Mountain and Water Gardens. But that name ignores so much else that is fundamental to their ethos.

What about plants? Historically, scholar-officials mainly used plants with long-established symbolic associations, especially those made famous in poetry and art. The palette was quite restricted. Bamboo, lotus, peony, chrysanthemum, plum, and pine were particularly significant. Plants were valued for their contributions during different seasons through their fragrance, colour, shape, or acoustic properties. Examples also included: rose, orchid, loquat, winter sweet, heavenly bamboo, apricot, juniper, sweet-scented cassia, osmanthus, maple, ginkgo, banana, and magnolia. Not only was the range of species very limited, but the total amount of space occupied by plants is relatively small. I have heard western visitors complain at the lack of plants, not recognizing that they are only one part of the philosophical message.

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Mountain landscape of southern China near Guilin. Photo: © David Goode
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The Exquisite Jade Rock in Yu Yuan Garden, Shanghai. Photo: © David Goode

Bamboo growing along a narrow inner courtyard, where it could be seen through a row of windows silhouetted against a white wall, was greatly admired as an artistic feature rather than as a botanical specimen. So it was with virtually all the plants. The placing of an individual tree was carefully chosen to create maximum visual impact when in blossom or showing autumn colours. Others were chosen to catch the natural sounds of wind and rain. Small pavilions were built in which one could sit to experience the sound of raindrops falling on lotus leaves, or drumming on banana leaves. Pine was planted to catch the wind and hold the snow.

Traditional Chinese folklore is full of such associations between plants and the natural elements, and they are frequently reflected in poetry and painting. Though they appear simplistic, these associations were at the very heart of garden design:

By planting flowers one invites butterflies,

by planting pine one invites the wind,

by planting banana trees one invites rain,

and by planting willow trees one invites

cicadas.

I have referred earlier to the great influence that pastoral poetry and landscape art brought to the development of scholar gardens over many centuries. Together, they provided the settings for garden designers to emulate. In addition, there are various buildings of literary and poetic significance within many of the gardens. All these gardens are imbued with a rich heritage stemming from these sources. In some cases, a single line from a revered poem may provide the basis for a whole garden. For example:

“The buzz of a cicada heightened the silence”.

Which brings me to the most significant feature of these gardens, the special sense of space and tranquility within a harmonious whole. To some, the word garden is something of a misnomer. Classical gardens contain many buildings. Some served as living quarters; others were used on more formal occasions. Some provided a place for drinking tea or joining friends for a glass of wine. Others provided a calm environment for scholarly pursuits such as painting, poetry, music, literature, and calligraphy. Yet others provided solitude for contemplation. The whole was bound together by a philosophical message that reflected the ancient Chinese intellectual’s desire to harmonise with nature. In that sense, garden is the right word. For the scholar-official, it was a way of life.

Today, in many Western cities, we have art galleries, poetry groups, literary institutes, botanical gardens, ecology parks, nature reserves, tea-houses, churches, and temples, all disparate and mostly separate. The scholar-official managed to accommodate all of these in his garden, together with a very strong sense of harmony with the natural world. Perhaps we might consider re-establishing the fundamental concepts of the Chinese Classical Garden within the heavily pressurized towns and cities of today by creating a modern equivalent that would encourage harmony between these various activities and with a strong ethos of respect for nature. Many urban nature reserves, town parks, and even city squares provide opportunities for people to gain spiritual refreshment, and in some countries, there is a growing movement to promote quiet gardens. Some of these places do encourage the cultural links that made the scholar gardens so special. We have sculpture parks and many art galleries within botanical gardens. There may be poetry readings. Small groups gather to listen to the dawn chorus.

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Pavilion surrounded by lotus leaves: Garden of the Humble Administrator, Suzhou. Photo: © David Goode

Perhaps we could embark on a new kind of garden. Not just to provide calm oases in the midst of phrenetic urban life, but something that might have much greater significance. These gardens could provide the basis for a natural philosophy between humankind and nature. They could promote greater understanding of our impacts on the natural world, with a philosophy capable of combating current threats. We need an ethos that respects nature, that draws on our wealth of experience from the arts and sciences. We need it urgently and it needs to be promoted from within the urban environment. We need spaces that provide solitude for contemplation and places that will reverberate with determination. Yes, a new kind of garden with a will to succeed. It is possible that the ethos of the Chinese Classical Garden provides just such a template.

UNESCO protects our cultural heritage through World Heritage Sites, and protects examples of the natural world through Biosphere Reserves, including some in urban areas. Somewhere between these two, there is a need today to provide places in towns and cities—where most of the world’s population now live—that would encourage a more harmonious relationship between humanity and nature, where a philosophy of respect for the natural world could be developed and promoted. We need that philosophy urgently if we are to succeed in stemming the current rate of loss of the world’s biodiversity. Maybe UNESCO could take the lead in promoting such initiatives by creating a new designation for Towns and Cities, in addition to urban Biosphere Reserves, to recognise places that demonstrate the tangible application of such a philosophy in sites of cultural, ecological, and perhaps spiritual value. They would benefit enormously from international recognition. Places for people and nature. That’s what we need.

David Goode
London

On The Nature of Cities

 

What Can We Learn from Past Successes? Thirty Years of Urban Ecology Action in London

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Gaining local commitment and support was crucial to success, and remains so today.

Looking back over 50 years working as an ecologist some things stand out as real success stories. Camley Street Natural Park in London is one of these. On the day that I started work as Senior Ecologist at the Greater London Council (GLC) in 1982 I learnt that the Council had decided to convert a derelict coal yard at the back of King’s Cross railway station into an ecology park. It was in one of the most deprived areas of inner London, surrounded by post-industrial dereliction. It was up to me to make it happen, along with many other innovative projects that formed the GLC’s dynamic new programme for ecology in London during the 1980s.

Aerial view of Camley Street during construction in 1983.

The coal yard had been acquired in 1981 by the GLC to provide a parking lot for long distance coaches. But things had changed in the meantime. The Council was now a Labour administration led by Ken Livingstone who was known to have strong environmental concerns. Added to that a forceful new Controller of Development, Audrey Lees, brought a wealth of experience in ecological planning. There was also a new pressure group, the London Wildlife Trust, formed to protect areas of value for wildlife. It was a group of local residents affiliated with this new body who had successfully lobbied the GLC to turn the coal yard into an ecological park.

I quickly found that life as an urban ecologist was remarkably varied; dealing with everything from overall strategic plans of bodies like the Corporation of the City of London to detailed consideration of individual sites with local community groups, often in some of the most deprived parts of the capital. So it was in the case of Camley Street Park, when I found myself going straight from a formal session in the Guildhall to a meeting with residents of Somers Town, at that time a district of rather ill-repute. My job was to explain how the Greater London Council intended to convert the derelict coal yard into an ecology park. But I was well aware that in this neighbourhood the whole idea could be easily ridiculed. People were far more likely to be concerned about homes and jobs. I arrived feeling out of place in a city suit and quickly removed my jacket and tie, walking into the community centre with shirt-sleeves rolled up.

I wanted to show images of the kind of place that might be created. There were very few examples to draw on but I had some shots of the William Curtis Ecology Park at Tower Bridge with children pond-dipping. A wetland theme seemed appropriate as the coal-yard lay beside the Regents Canal, so I really needed some good photos of wetlands. I ended up using photos of National Nature Reserves that I was familiar with. They were a far cry from central London, but I had to risk it. When the lights came on there was a long silence and my heart sank. Then there came a deep chuckle from the depths of an armchair and a lady said “Do you know, this is the first beautiful thing that has happened to us here”.

I knew from that moment we had local residents on our side. The next step was to ensure that some of them were on the management committee. They were delighted to be asked and some were intimately involved for many years. I soon realised that they were crucial to success of the whole venture. Within the GLC it was called community liaison, but that doesn’t do it justice. Engagement might have been a better word but it went much further than that. We recognised the need not just to engage with the local community but to have local residents involved in every aspect of the project. When we excavated to make the ponds we found a Victorian rubbish dump full of bottles and broken pottery. People fell upon them with glee and nearby houses are still full of these artefacts. Children from local schools made a mural from the fragments. As each stage in creating the park was completed we celebrated with a barbecue or other festivity. Jacqui Stearn, the first full-time project officer worked with local people whilst the park was being created. Her role was crucial to our success. She was one of the locals who lobbied to get the place protected as an ecology park. Later she brought national attention to the project when she won the annual Kenneth Allsop Literary Prize with an essay about Camley Street published in the Sunday Times in 1984.

Camley Street Park in 1985 showing the platform for pond-dipping in foreground, substantial aquatic vegetation around the pond (one year after planting), and the nature study centre erected in November 1984.

At that time the concept of an ecology park was still very new. People had very different views on what might be achieved. Some of those who had lobbied for retention of the overgrown coal yard wanted to keep it as it was, as an example of natural colonisation. I took a different view, arguing that the park would have much greater potential for environmental education if it was designed with that in mind. I could also see great advantages in developing a wetland theme. During 1982 GLC landscape designers and ecologists worked together to draw up plans for the park, in consultation with the local wildlife group. Fergus Carnegie was assigned to the job of landscape designer, but he freely admitted that he knew very little about ecology. My knowledge of landscape design was equally lacking. But between us we came up with a workable plan. Indeed the result was a great credit to Fergus who managed to create a remarkably intimate and natural feel within the confines of a very small site. The fact that it is still there today is largely due to the effectiveness of the original design and the considerable care that went into its construction. The GLC was used to doing much bigger construction projects. A capital budget of over £300,000 allowed this high profile venture to be done well.

Ensuring that we got the ecology right was another matter. It was my job to select suitable plants. That’s easy in theory but we soon ran up against problems of obtaining native species from horticultural suppliers. Deliveries of even the commonest wetland species such as purple loosestrife (Lythrum salicaria), ragged robin (Lychnis flos-cuculi) and marsh marigold (Caltha palustris) all turned out to be cultivars. At that time there seemed to be no way of obtaining commercial supplies of common reed (Phragmites australis) or bulrush (Typha latifolia). That was early 1984. Thirty years later the situation is totally different with many suppliers providing native stock for a wide variety of habitats. With these early frustrations overcome the landscaping was completed very quickly and like many other newly created wetland habitats the whole place had a remarkably natural feel within only eighteen months. I remember an excited phone call from the resident teacher telling me that a heron had arrived. It was standing precisely as portrayed by the artist in our publicity brochure. It seemed we had its stamp of approval.

Celebrating the opening of the park on 7th May 1985. Ken Livingstone putting some newts into the pond surrounded by local children.

The park was opened by Ken Livingstone, with great celebration by the local community, in May 1985 and it became an immediate success. With abolition of the GLC in 1986 it was leased to the London Wildlife Trust and quickly became one of their flagship nature centres. The main purpose of the park was to provide an opportunity for children in central London to have direct contact with nature. It was soon booked solid by local schools, attracting 10,000 schoolchildren every year by 1990. The park also attracted visitors from far and wide as a demonstration project. As interest in urban nature grew worldwide Camley Street achieved a certain fame among practitioners and brought an endless stream of visitors from Europe, Japan, South Africa, North America and more recently from China. But it was also popular with local people of Camden and Islington as a place of peace and quiet at weekends. The local community has continued to be closely involved. Volunteers have ensured that the park is kept open on weekends and there has been a succession of environmental festivals and other events for local people. Some of the young children who were involved at the beginning continued to take an interest as teenagers, and I remember one incident where a youngster confronted others saying, “Don’t you touch those trees. I planted those!”

Entrance gates advertising the new park for rail travellers. Photo: M. Waite

Camley Street Natural Park is still there today despite a succession of planning proposals threatening its existence, including the extension of St. Pancras Station for the Channel Tunnel rail link. Local people who recognise that they have something very special have fought them all off. So what was it that made it so special? In essence it was having nature on the doorstep. For people living in one of the most deprived neighbourhoods of inner London it provided a remarkable link with the natural world. In the early days I met a family there one Sunday evening. They were totally engrossed in pond dipping. The children, who had already visited the park with their school, had taken their parents and grandparents to share the experience. By the end of the evening their grandfather was extremely proud to tell me that he had identified four species of dragonfly and he had never set eyes on one before. He was entering a new world.

Celebrating the park’s success 30 years later: the original team left to right David Goode (senior ecologist), Jacklyn Johnston (community liaison ecologist), Fergus Carnegie (landscape architect) and Jacqui Stearn (LWT project manager).

Creating Camley Street Natural Park taught me many things. Gaining commitment and support from local people was crucial to its success and remains so today. That depended on a vision that local residents could embrace—“The first beautiful thing that has happened to us here”. But it also needed a sound philosophy that would work, crossing boundaries between ecology, nature, poetry and art that together provide a very special experience. It made me realise that much can be achieved through cooperation between ecologists and landscape designers, who are so often working poles apart. As in any major undertaking finance was crucial to success. Camley Street Natural Park was not constructed on a shoestring budget. The GLC ensured that the landscaping was built to last, and so it has. Then there was the politics. Having strong political backing was perhaps the most critical factor. It gave the whole project kudos way beyond its scale. This tiny park is acknowledged for its success all around the world. I am proud to have played a part in the story.

David Goode
Bath

On The Nature of Cities

A shorter and less detailed version of this story was contained in Nature in Towns and Cities David Goode 2014 published by Harper Collins.

What Cities Can Learn from Human Bodies

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Urban metabolism is not only a powerful metaphor for better understanding our urban systems, but also the fundamental framework we need for accelerating the transition to sustainable cities.
At any one moment, trillions of chemical reactions take place in the human body: a myriad of connections, enzymes, and processes that together make up our human metabolism. You might recognise this concept from health and fitness clickbait headlines that promise things like: “10 easy ways to increase your metabolism”; “7 daily habits that can boost your metabolism to burn fat” or “the 6 sneakiest ways to kickstart your metabolism and lose weight”.

In fact, your metabolism is related to much more than just how you process food. It encompasses all of the body’s chemical processes and the elimination of waste. But there is something else our metabolism is good for—providing the inspiration for another complex system: the city.

At Metabolic, we think there’s a lot our cities can learn from natural systems such as human bodies. And as you might have guessed, the concept also inspired our name. Imagine it this way: if you want to be healthier, perhaps you want to gain muscle or lose weight, what is the first thing you do? You look at what’s going into your body. Calories in, calories out.

You can perform a similar diagnostic on cities. We look at cities through a “Metabolic” lens that brings into focus a new framework through which to model urban flows: urban metabolism.

Nobody coined “the metabolism of the city” quite like American sanitation engineer Abel Wolman. Johns Hopkins University, Sheridan Libraries, Ferdinand Hamburger University Archives photograph collection.

Early influencers

Like human bodies, cities require resources to function. They import or stock up on what they need, consume the resource, and then dispose of what is left over in the form of different types of waste. But one widely accepted definition of urban metabolism does not (yet) exist. Over the course of several generations, different disciplines and schools of thought have used this term to frame a range of findings.

Perhaps the first person to do so was Karl Marx, who as early as the 19th century was employing this term to describe how humans were extracting materials and altering natural landscapes in unprecedented ways. Marx observed that humans were in the process of colonizing nature and rapidly “metabolizing” its resources.

Ernest Burgess followed in 1925 with the concentric zone model, one of the earliest theoretical models to explain urban social structures. He described urban land use in a set of concentric circles expanding from downtown (the beating heart) to the suburbs (the outer appendages). His model assumes a relationship between the socio-economic status (mainly related to income) of households, and their distance from the center of the city. Burgess called this spatial distribution of social groups “the metabolism of a city”.

But nobody coined “the metabolism of the city” quite like American sanitation engineer Abel Wolman. In 1965, Wolman, who had already gained international fame for another urban staple (chlorinated drinking water), published his seminal work on urban metabolism. In it, he imagined a city of one million inhabitants and defined its metabolism as all materials and commodities needed to sustain the city’s people at home, work, and play.

In the following decade, Wolman inspired several scholars to apply the concept to existing cities across the world, Brussels and Hong Kong being the first. Then, silence. From the 1980s to the early 2000s there were virtually no papers published on urban metabolism.

The reason for this can be hotly debated, but I believe that after the concept’s initial allure, academics realised just how difficult it was to get an accurate snapshot of a city’s metabolism. In that time, we were only on the cusp of the dot-com era unknowingly walking into the digital revolution.

Urban metabolism has been enjoying a major resurgence in recent years, most likely due to the increasing availability of (good) data.

Back with a vengeance

In recent years, urban metabolism has been staging a strong comeback. And while the global interest—both academic and political—in sustainable cities has grown exponentially, I think the driving factor behind the recent resurgence is the increasing availability of data. Not just data, but good data, particularly in cities that have made this a priority. Post–2005, most of the world began to digitize just about every aspect of city life: transport, energy, water, ecosystem services, civic engagement, sanitation, and air quality. We saw the emergence of the smart city—in stark contrast to the not-so-smart ones we’d been living in before.

So how does urban metabolism stack up against all the other frameworks we know, such as sustainability scans, and the calculating of ecological footprints? To some extent, looking at urban metabolism offers a way of assessing all of those other outcomes. Chris Kennedy, University of Toronto civil engineering professor and an urban metabolism aficionado, says: “it is part of the strategic toolkit for developing sustainable cities.” He believes the framework allows us to understand cities in a “much more holistic, more comprehensive way.”

We’re only just starting to understand the flow-in and flow-out “chemical reactions” taking place within cities. Credit: Metabolic

Not just a powerful metaphor

In an urban metabolism, networks of things (goods, capital, information, people, etc.) flow in, and flow out. In the middle is something we refer to as “the black box”. Otherwise known as the entity, the human body, or the city in which all of these flows and systems interact. As mentioned, the human metabolism hosts huge numbers of these chemical reactions every second. Yet, even though we’ve been building our cities for thousands of years, we’re only just starting to understand the “chemical reactions” taking place within them.

We can, however, start to draw some comparisons. Our lymphatic system, for example, is the network of tissues and organs that help rid the body of toxins, waste, and other unwanted materials, and also supplies white blood cells. Not unlike our first responders—think of paramedics offering medical aid in emergencies, or police officers protecting the city from harm.

Then there is our circulatory system, which permits blood to circulate and transport nutrients, oxygen, hormones and blood cells. This works much like a city’s gas and water utilities, supplying the necessities where they are needed most.

Our respiratory system takes in oxygen and expels CO2, a similar—if inverted—process to how urban parks, trees and gardens provide us with healthy living environments and fresh oxygen to breathe.

The framework on which we are all built—our skeletal system—works similarly to our zoning plans and the way we construct our buildings and neighborhoods.

Last but not least, there is the digestive system, which takes in food, extracts nutrients, and expels the rest as waste– not unlike the recycling and waste departments of our cities, picking up what people leave on the curb, reusing and recycling what they can, and disposing of the rest as waste.

I could go on—trillions of chemical reactions are taking place at any one moment, after all—but I think I’ve made my point. Urban metabolism is not only a powerful metaphor for better understanding our urban systems, but also the fundamental framework we need for accelerating the transition to sustainable cities.

Metabolic’s Material Flow Analysis for DGTL Music Festival in 2018. Credit: Metabolic

Cities need to go on a diet

In the last couple of decades, the fields of nutrition, medicine, and public health have increasingly come to a consensus on what’s needed for a healthy body: get at least eight hours of sleep every night and 30 minutes of physical exercise every day, eat a well-rounded diet, and limit your stress as much as possible.

Just as the medical community have been able define these parameters for a healthy body, Metabolic was curious to find out if we could do the same for a healthy city. And for us, a healthy city is one that follows the principles of a circular economy.

A circular economy, and therefore a circular city, is one that is “regenerative and waste-free by design”. In a circular economy, materials are cycled at high quality, all energy is derived from renewable or otherwise sustainable sources, and natural and human capital are structurally supported rather than degraded through economic activities.

Though it may appear that the primary focus of this philosophy is on material recycling and the energy transition, achieving a circular economy requires systemic redesign of our modern industrial system with a great deal of focus on how it relates to both ecological and human capital. And just like in a human body, it is imperative all these systems work together in harmony.

Not just for cities

At Metabolic, we’ve mapped out and analyzed countless urban metabolisms, like our recent work with cities like Rotterdam and Charlotte. Although it may be called “urban” metabolism, this concept can apply to much more than just cities.

Essentially, if you can define a system’s boundaries, you can map its metabolism. And, of course, some are easier to define than others. Take islands, for example. In 2017 we had the opportunity to map out the metabolism of Vlieland, the smallest inhabited island of the Dutch Wadden Islands. The energy transition on the island is well underway, and therefore it was time for Vlieland to move beyond energy and emissions and tackle its next challenge: the transition to a circular economy. The boundaries for this baseline assessment were easy to set: the island is surrounded by water and the only thoroughfare for goods (and waste) is through the island’s ferry. This is in stark contrast to most cities, where goods can be transported by bikes, vans, boats, trains, and planes. Just imagine the metabolic chaos once drone delivery takes off!

As the world begins to grasp circular economics, we will also need to open up opportunities for the rapid prototyping of new innovations. Similar to a scientist who must perform clinical trials of new pharmaceuticals in closed—and controlled—environments, circular economists must do the same with circular interventions. Festivals, with their fenced-off boundaries and temporary nature, are the perfect closed ecosystems for this type of experimentation.

Often, they can serve as a model organism for cities to learn from. In a short amount of time they must provide all of human’s basic needs: sanitation, food, shelter, and waste disposal, just to name a few. Starting small, on a festival scale, could bring about the insights needed to further research, experiment, and improve the most promising of circular interventions.

For the last two years, we have measured all the materials coming in and out of world-renowned electronic music festival, DGTL, which welcomes some 30,000 visitors to the NDSM-Docklands in Amsterdam North. The metabolism maps created each year have provided granular evidence to show which of the festival’s sustainability interventions are working, so that future inputs can be fine-tuned.

When it comes to sustainability, organisations often don’t know where to start. Urban metabolism can help by being the diagnostic tool to identify where we can have the greatest impact, for the smallest amount of effort. When your body’s metabolism isn’t functioning correctly, you go to the doctor. But if you want to fix the metabolism of your city, event or organization—that’s where we come in.

Nadine Galle
Amsterdam

On The Nature of Cities

 

 

 

 

What did you read in 2018 that moved you?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Isabelle Anguelovsky, BarcelonaJust Green Enough: Urban Development and Environmental Gentrification, Edited by Winifred Curran and Trina Hamilton
Marc Barra, ParisRé-ensauvageons la France : plaidoyer pour une nature sauvage et libre (Re-wilding France: A Plea for Wild and Free Nature), by Gilbert Cochet and Stéphane Durand
Katie Coyne, AustinDrawdown: The Most Comprehensive Plan Ever Proposed to Reverse Global Warmingby Paul Hawken
Samarth Das, MumbaiIndica: A Deep Natural History of the Indian Subcontinent, by Pranay Lal
Marcelo Lopes de Souza, Rio de JaneiroWhy we Disagree About Climate Change: Understanding Controversy, Inaction and Opportunity, by David Hulme
Artur Jerzy Filip, WarsawChaos Warszawa, by Joanna Kusiak
Russell Galt, GlasgowThe Invention of Nature: The Adventures of Alexander von Humboldt, the Lost Hero of Science, by Andrea Wulf
Claudia FuentesTao Te Ching,Translated by By Stephen Mitchell
Ursula Heise, Los AngelesFolding Beijing, by Hao Jingfang

Toby Kent, MelbourneThe Great Acceleration: How the World is Getting Faster, Faster, by Robert Colvile
Patrick Lyson, OsakaThe Skill of Ecological Perception, by Laura Sewall
Pascal Mittermaier, BostonThe Swerve: How the World Became Modern, by Stephen Greenblatt
Steward Pickett, PoughkeepsieThe Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America, by Richard Rothstein
Huda Shaka, DubaiDoughnut Economics: 7 Ways to Think like a 21st Century Economist, by Kate Raworth
David Simon, GottenburgThe Experimental City, edited by James Evans, Andrew Karvonen and Rob Raven
Jay Valgora, New YorkThe Georgics, by Virgil, translated by David Ferry 
Chantal van Ham, BrusselsCarbon Offsets for Urban Trees Are on the Horizon, by Maria Dolan
David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Introduction

There is a rich conversation to be found by exchanging ideas discovered in great writing.
What did you read in 2018 that moved, inspired, or otherwise excited you? That was our prompt to 17 diverse contributors to TNOC. It didn’t have to be published in 2018; only that they read it in 2018.

My own bookshelf right now.

As would be expected from a diverse, world-wide group with many interests, the reading list covers vast territory. From climate change, modern economics, and how urban planning promoted segregation in America to ecological perception and futurist fiction.

We’ve done other book lists previously, and now it’s an annual thing. First we asked 90 TNOCers what they would recommend as one thing every urbanist should read. We did it again the next year, but specific to every continent.

Perhaps you read something amazing in 2018. If you did, share it here as a comment. There is a rich conversation to be had in simple exchanging ideas discovered in great writing.

Check out these titles at your local, corner bookstore. But if you choose to buy one of these titles online, you could buy them at Amazon and some of the sales price will benefit TNOC.

Get busy.

Isabelle Michele Sophie Anguelovski

About the Writer:
Isabelle Anguelovski

Isabelle Anguelovski is a Senior Researcher at the Institute for Environmental Science and Technology at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. She is a social scientist trained in urban and environmental planning and coordinator of the research line Cities and Environmental Justice.

Isabelle Anguelovski, Barcelona

Just Green Enough:
Urban Development and
Environmental Gentrification
Edited by Winifred Curran and Trina Hamilton
Routledge, 2017
Buy the book.

This is an essential book demonstrating the need for a new ecological, political, and social imagination to place interactional, reparative, distributional, and participative justice at the center of green city planning.

Only through transformative green planning and creative lasting alliances will green interventions be public goods rather than environmental privileges.

Marc Barra

About the Writer:
Marc Barra

Marc Barra is an ecologist at the Regional Agency for Biodiversity in Paris Region in France, within the Institute of Planning and Urban Development of the Île-de-France. He is particularly interested in urban ecology and solutions to integrate biodiversity at the city, district and building scales.

Marc Barra, Paris

Ré-ensauvageons la France : plaidoyer pour une nature sauvage et libre
Re-wilding France : A Plea for Wild and Free Nature
Gilbert Cochet and Stéphane Durand
Acte Sud Editions, 2018
(In French)
Buy the book.

The book takes an optimistic look at the state of wilderness in France, showing that despite the biodiversity crisis, nature resists and even returns. The authors explain that it is coming back in every environments—from mountain to sea—and offers a range of simple solutions to create a place for plants and animals.

Nature has all the resources to repair its wounds … if only it is given the opportunity. Forests have doubled in size in less than two centuries. Most large animals have returned. Their numbers are still modest, but they are growing year by year. By applying the few tips in these pages, the authors want to convince all those who dream of African savannahs or Alaska that such natural spectacles are possible in France!

Katie Coyne

About the Writer:
Katie Coyne

Katie co-leads the Urban Ecology Studio at Asakura Robinson where she is a passionate advocate for design informed by studying the overlap between social and ecological systems.

Katie Coyne, Austin

Drawdown: The Most Comprehensive Plan Ever Proposed to Reverse Global Warming
by Paul Hawken
Penguin, 2018
Buy the book.

Drawdown is unique in that I feel like I’ve been reading books, reviewing data, and listening to people talk about climate and am consistently left lacking hope. Drawdown resonates with me because it carefully outlines 100 (rigorously evaluated!) succinct ideas about acting on climate change.

It categorizes solutions across a wide range of topics and meets my expectations for the holistic and ecofeminist path to action I know we need. Finally, a majority of the solutions are happening on the ground right now. We need more books that break down the big issues into bites you can sink your teeth into but that still feel substantive enough to matter.

Samarth Das

About the Writer:
Samarth Das

Samarth Das is an Urban Designer and Architect based in Mumbai. Having practiced professionally in Ahmedabad, Mumbai, and subsequently in New York City, his work focuses on engaging actively in both public as well as private sectors—to design articulate shared spaces within cities that promote participation and interaction amongst people.

Samarth Das, Mumbai

Indica: A Deep Natural History of the Indian Subcontinent
by Pranay Lal
Penguin / Allen Lane, 2016
Buy the book.

Through Indica, a book that draws a number of parallels from Eric Sanderson’s masterpiece Manahatta: A Natural History of New York City, Lal has managed to condense thousands of years of the earth’s evolution into tangible and legible segments across a range of issues that have contributed to the intense biodiversity found in our country today.

It has moved me immensely because the book constantly puts into perspective the incredibly small amount of time we (humans) have been around compared to the history of the planet. Even so, the intense and irreversible shifts we have effected on the planet that is home to thousands of other living creatures and ecosystems that have existed far before we arrived, and those that may not be around for much longer, helps lend perspective to the way we need to approach development within our cities as well as rural areas in the future.

Marcelo Lopes de Souza

About the Writer:
Marcelo Lopes de Souza

Marcelo Lopes de Souza is a professor of socio-spatial development and urban studies at the Department of Geography of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.He has published ten books and more than 100 papers and book chapters in 6 languages

Marcelo Lopes de Souza, Rio de Janeiro

Why We Disagree about Climate Change: Understanding Controversy, Inaction and Opportunity
by David Hulme
Cambridge University Press,  2009
Buy the book.

The most interesting book I read this year is, Why we Disagree About Climate Change, by David Hulme. Being himself a climate change expert—and by no means a climate change denier!—Hulme nevertheless challenges or relativises some pictures we (the “enlightened” and scientifically well-informed ones) have cultivated: as he stresses, climate change is not (only) a scientific fact, but a physical phenomenon which is experienced in different ways and at various levels by different people at different places. It is a problem, yes, but this problem is to some extent relative. Moreover, in spite of all the real or potential dangers, it is important to understand that fear can be consciously or inadvertently manipulated (and not only by politicians: science and scientists are never neutral).

Artur Jerzy Filip

About the Writer:
Artur Jerzy Filip

Specialist in the field of urban planning and design and a uthor of the book “Big Plans in the Hands of Citizens”, Artur is currently an assistant professor at the Warsaw University of Technology.

Artur Jerzy Filip, Warsaw

Chaos Warszawa
by Joanna Kusiak
Bęc Zmiana, 2018
(In Polish)
Buy the book.

“Chaotic” is one of the most common adjectives being used to describe spatial and functional disorders of modern cities. In the book Chaos Warsaw, Joanna Kusiak renders brilliantly economic mechanisms that lead to so called “chaos” while not being “chaotic” themselves.

After reading the book, then urban chaos doesn’t seem that much chaotic any more.

Claudia Luna Fuentes

About the Writer:
Claudia Luna Fuentes

Claudia's poems and visual works are inspired by the nearby nature (forest and desert). Recent works deal with the relationship between people and water, and the interaction of the social, ethical, and spiritual.

Claudia Fuentes, Saltillo

Tao Te Ching
By Laoi Tzu
Translated into English by Stephen Mitchell
Buy the book.

The English version of Stephen Mitchell on the Tao Te Ching, originally written by Lao Tzu, is supreme.

From there, the Castilian version was made. And for the first time, it allowed me to feel connected with his wisdom, accompanied by Taoist illustrations.

It allows me to order vital creative efforts, revealing substantial nutritious interconnections.

Russell Galt

About the Writer:
Russell Galt

Russell Galt works for the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) where he serves as Head of the Urban Alliance - a broad coalition of IUCN Members concertedly striving to bring cities into balance with nature.

Russell Galt, Glasgow

The Invention of Nature: The Adventures of Alexander von Humboldt, the Lost Hero of Science
by Andrea Wulf
John Murray, 2018
Buy the book.

An enthralling account of Alexander von Humboldt’s extraordinary life and his many prescient observations. Driven by an insatiable curiosity, he established a global “brotherhood of scientists” that transcended politics and war.

One can only wonder, what would he have thought of today’s sprawling megacities? How would they feature in his famous Naturgemälde diagram?

Ursula Heise

About the Writer:
Ursula Heise

Ursula Heise is the Marcia H. Howard Chair in Literary Studies at the Department of English and the Institute of the Environment and Sustainability at UCLA. Her research and teaching focus on contemporary literature and the environmental humanities; environmental literature, arts, and cultures; science fiction; and narrative theory.

Ursula Heise, Los Angeles

Folding Beijing
by Hao Jingfang
Uncanny Magazine, Issue 2, 2015
Buy this work.

My favorite read in 2018 was Hao Jingfang’s short story “Folding Beijing”. This science fiction story was first published online in 2012, translated into English in 2015, and won the Hugo Award for best novelette in 2016.

It imagines a future Beijing of 80 million inhabitants that flips upside once every 24 hours: on one side, 5 million people live in luxury with ample green spaces, which they can enjoy for 24 hours; on the other side, two sets buildings take turns for the 25 million inhabitants of Space Two, which is active for 14 hours, and the 50 million of the seedy Space Three, who are only given 8 hours of waking time. When their spaces are not active, the inhabitants rest sedated in sleeping capsules. Hao’s description of this revolving, folding and unfolding megacity delivers a mind-boggling, surrealist portrait of urban inequality, depressing and exhilarating at the same time.

Her protagonist, a trash worker who inhabits Space Three but travels illegally to Spaces Two and One to make money on the side, achieves his modest goals in spite of being crushed by socio-economic forces whose true nature he only comes to understand in the course of his journey.

Toby Kent

About the Writer:
Toby Kent

Toby Kent is metropolitan Melbourne’s Chief Resilience Officer. In this role he works with many stakeholders to create the first metropolitan-wide, local government-led strategy for Melbourne.

Toby Kent, Melbourne

The Great Acceleration: How the World is Getting Faster, Faster
by Robert Colvile
Bloomsbury, 2018
Buy the book.

In a world in which it seems that fewer people have time to think deeply, a book on how the world is accelerating and how better to manage it, was appealing. The challenge thrown up by the book is that humans seem to crave speed, however unwittingly, and perhaps conversely to what some may assume, the stresses of constant information and an accelerating world seem to correlate not just with greater productivity, but also satisfaction.

An interesting point of contemplation at this busy (and ever busier….!) time of year.

Patrick M. Lydon

About the Writer:
Patrick M Lydon

Patrick M. Lydon is an American ecological writer and artist based in Korea whose seeks to re-connect cities and their inhabitants with nature. He writes The Possible City series, is co-founder of City as Nature (Daejeon). He is an Arts Editor here at The Nature of Cities.

Patrick Lydon, Osaka

“The Skill of Ecological Perception”
an essay by Laura Sewall in the book Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth/Healing the Mind
Counterpoint, 1995
Buy the book.
Link to standalone essay, here.

When a neuropsychologist blends science and art, I’m intrigued; when she suggests how to use imagination and perception as tools for building beautiful, environmentally-sane cultures (and cities), I’m elated.

This short essay is one to be read many times, as is the larger collection in which it is printed.

Pascal Mittermaier

About the Writer:
Pascal Mittermaier

Pascal Mittermaier is the Global Managing Director for Cities at The Nature Conservancy. He leads a team at the Conservancy focused on transforming how the world’s growing cities harness nature’s power to build resilient, livable, thriving communities for millions of people.

Pascal Mittermaier, Boston

The Swerve: How the World Became Modern
by Stephen Greenblatt
W.W. Norton, 2018
Buy the book.

This year I read The Swerve: How the World Became Modern by Stephen Greenblatt. In this Pulitzer Prize-winning historical detective thriller, Greenblatt describes how, early in the 15th Century, dedicated monks obsessively explored libraries all over Europe in search of ancient Greek and Roman texts neglected and suppressed for hundreds of years.

The ideas they rediscovered in these lost documents literally contributed to kick-starting the Renaissance and the modern age. It’s a tale of determination in the face of resistance from those in power and ultimately the rediscovery of thinking that sparked a swerve from the dark ages into modern times. We need a similar swerve movement to align our human civilization to the challenges of sustainability and climate change!

Steward Pickett

About the Writer:
Steward Pickett

Steward Pickett is a Distinguished Senior Scientist at the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies in Millbrook, New York. His research focuses on the ecological structure of urban areas and the temporal dynamics of vegetation.

Steward Pickett, Poughkeepsie

The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America
by Richard Rothstein
Liveright Publishing Corporation, 2017
Buy the book.

Rothstein documents that the ubiquitous racial segregation of American cities reflects more than individual choices. It is the result of a long history of racist government policies.

This conclusion resonates with my experience growing up under segregation, but it also encourages my research into how the segregation of cities affects their ecology.

Huda Shaka

About the Writer:
Huda Shaka

Huda's experience and training combine urban planning, sustainable development and public health. She is a chartered town planner (MRTPI) and a chartered environmentalist (CEnv) with over 15 years' experience focused on visionary master plans and city plans across the Arabian Gulf. She is passionate about influencing Arab cities towards sustainable development.

Huda Shaka, Dubai

Doughnut Economics: 7 Ways to Think like a 21st Century Economist
by Kate Raworth
Chelsea Green Publishing, 2017
Buy the book.

I found Raworth’s book to be a compelling case for overturning the way we learn, teach, think about, and discuss economics. It provides a holistic and vivid explanation of why we need a different approach and what that could mean for the world.

It has propelled the discussion squarely into the mainstream and has given me the confidence to push the conversation further with anyone, including with my colleagues and clients.

David Simon

About the Writer:
David Simon

David Simon is Professor of Development Geography at Royal Holloway, University of London and until December 2019 was also Director of Mistra Urban Futures, an international research centre on sustainable cities based at Chalmers University of Technology, Gothenburg, Sweden.

David Simon

The Experimental City
edited by James Evans, Andrew Karvonen and Rob Raven
Routledge, London & New York, 2016 (paperback, 2018
Buy the book.

Since cities all differ, with each being unique, recipe books of what to do are almost by definition useless; however, learning how to do things better and sustainably is crucial. The central message of this stimulating edited collection is that, as key agents of change, cities are sites of experimentation for urban sustainability, which has to be locally appropriate and globally literate.

The 17 chapters fall into 3 sections, respectively addressing logics of experimentation, experimenting in cities, and experimental cities. They provide diverse approaches to experimentation of different kinds, drawing on case studies from around the world, thereby avoiding the classic Northerncentric trap of so much urban sustainability literature.

Jay Valgora

About the Writer:
Jay Valgora

Mr. Valgora brings together an extraordinary range of disciplines at all scales: architecture, waterfront master planning, urban design, and interiors. He founded STUDIO V to create work that is connected to function, history and context.

Jay Valgora, New York

The Georgics
by Virgil
37 to 30 BCE (written during the Roman Civil War)
translated by David Ferry, 2006
Buy the book.

Struggling with writing a book about utopia, I searched for a source to illuminate the conflicts of our relationship to nature, the city, to one another?

The most hopeful narratives emerge from times of greatest turmoil: a farmer’s almanac, an instruction manual of artifice and nature, immersed in an epic poem of infinite human potential and frailty.

Chantal van Ham

About the Writer:
Chantal van Ham

Chantal van Ham is a senior expert on biodiversity and nature-based solutions and provides advice on the development of nature positive strategies, investment and partnerships for action to make nature part of corporate and public decision making processes. She enjoys communicating the value of nature in her professional and personal life, and is inspired by cooperation with people from different professional and cultural backgrounds, which she considers an excellent starting point for sustainable change.

Chantal van Ham, Brussels

Carbon Offsets for Urban Trees Are on the Horizon
by Maria Dolan
CitiLab

Many cities in the world are losing trees and lack budget to maintain their green spaces. City Forest Credits generates funding for city tree canopies from private companies and individuals that wish to offset their carbon emissions by buying credits for tree planting or maintenance.

This can in my view be a game changer for mobilising investment to create carbon neutral cities which improve air and water quality, reduce energy costs, and improve health and wellbeing for their citizens.

What Do Developers Think About Managing for Biodiversity in Conservation Developments? 

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Recently, a popular concept called conservation development (CD) has gained traction in many planning and design fields. CDs typically are developments where homes are clustered on small lots with the remaining areas conserved as open space, as opposed to traditional development, where homes are spread out, fragmenting the original natural areas.

Open space in a Colorado development. Photo: Sarah Reed
Open space in a Colorado development. Photo: Sarah Reed

When a goal is to conserve biodiversity, the objectives for a CD are twofold: 1) to improve biodiversity within a designated subdivision, and 2) to minimize development-related impacts on surrounding habitats.

Often, though, the efforts are limited to just the initial phase of development: site design. To conserve and improve biodiversity within urban environments effectively, one must implement good management for both the built and open space over the long term. Once a CD is built, it becomes the responsibility of residents individually and collectively to manage their homes, yards, neighborhoods, and common areas in ways that do not compromise the original intent of the community. Problems that affect biodiversity can arise if residents are not fully engaged—imagine residents moving in and planting invasive exotic plants in each of their yards (Hostetler & Drake 2009). Residents could also improperly apply fertilizers and pesticides. The spread of invasive plants and polluted stormwater runoff could then severely reduce or destroy the diversity of animals and plants found in the conserved areas.

Aerial photo of development in the foothills of Colorado. Nearby development can have significant impacts on the biological integrity of natural areas. Photo: Sarah Reed
Aerial photo of development in the foothills of Colorado. Nearby development can have significant impacts on the biological integrity of natural areas. Photo: Sarah Reed

It is up to the developer to not only have a good design but to set up a well-funded management plan that implements practices that help retain the biological integrity of a CD project. But most conservation developments do not have management plans that target biodiversity conservation over the long term (Wald & Hostetler, 2010; Reed et al. 2014). Developers of conservation developments need to be engaged, but are developers interested in conserving biodiversity and are there policies that they would support that encourage long-term management?

To help promote the adoption of management practices within CDs, important questions to address are:

  1. Are developers of conservation developments interested in implementing management practices that help to improve biodiversity?
  2. What kinds of new policies would developers of CDs like to see that help them to implement management practices?

Below, we describe the results of a case study in Colorado, USA (Feinberg et al. 2015). In this study, developers of conservation developments were asked about their opinions regarding management practices for biodiversity and their likelihood to support an incentive-based policy.

Conservation developments in Colorado: A case study 

Colorado is experiencing rapid population growth and many of its counties have already created CD policies as a way to conserve open space. However, the CDs tend to lack long-term management plans that are needed for conserving biodiversity (Reed et al., 2014). In order to assess policy directions and whether developers would implement certain management practices in CDs, we surveyed and interviewed developers that have created CDs in four counties of Colorado (Chaffee, Douglas, Larimer, and Routt).

A conservation development in Colorado that is touting the benefits of nearby natural areas and ability to view wildlife.  Photo: Sarah Reed
A conservation development in Montana that is touting the benefits of nearby natural areas and ability to view wildlife.  Photo: Sarah Reed

We asked 25 developers about their opinions on conserving biodiversity, their willingness to adopt proposed management practices, their opinions on how to fund ongoing management, as well as their opinions on a policy incentive (a density bonus) that would reward them for adopting the management practices. This density bonus option, where developers are allowed to build more homes on the property above current zoning, was chosen based on conversations with city and county planners who indicated that such an option is realistic in these Colorado counties. The survey listed four specific management practices to be implemented if developers received the density bonus:

(1) Landscaping around the homes with native plants

(2) Adding wildlife-friendly language to the neighborhood’s codes, covenants, and restrictions (CCRs)

(3) Installing interpretive signage to educate the homeowners about the conservation goals of the CD (For more information on specific educational strategies to engage residents, please see Conservation Subdivision: Post-construction Phase—Engaging Residents.)

(4) Establishing a long-term management plan that involves removing invasive exotic plants from the open spaces and planting native vegetation

People viewing an educational sign installed in the town of Harmony, Florida. Photo: Mark Hostetler
People viewing an educational sign installed in the town of Harmony, Florida. Photo: Mark Hostetler

Out of the 25 survey respondents, 13 had bought the land specifically to develop it (“developers”), whereas 12 had previously owned and farmed the land (“landowners”). The developers’ neighborhoods conserved much less of the land as open space (an average of 26%), whereas the landowners’ neighborhoods conserved 68% of the land. Most of the respondents (76%) said that it was important for the open spaces to contain native plant and animal species, but only half (50%) were concerned about activities in the built spaces negatively impacting biodiversity in the open spaces. This is very interesting as it indicates developers wanted to conserve native plants and animals but they were not concerned about impacts stemming from nearby development areas.

A small wildlife crossing sign in a Colorado conservation development.  Photo: Daniel Feinberg
A small wildlife crossing sign in a Colorado conservation development. Photo: Daniel Feinberg

Respondents generally supported the four proposed conservation management practices, although they were neutral about requiring native landscaping around the homes (practice 1), perhaps due to a reluctance to dictate how homeowners manage their respective private properties. In terms of the two groups of respondents (landowners and developers), the long-term landowners were more supportive of environmental CCRs. The two groups did not differ in their opinions of the other practices.

There was some support for the policy incentive: seven survey respondents supported the density bonus (four opposed it) and ten (seven developers and three previous landowners) stated that they were neither unsupportive nor supportive of the policy incentive. Two interviewees (both long-term landowners) explained that the reason why they neither opposed nor supported the scenario was because they lacked experience with the proposed practices and knowledge about how policy incentives work. In addition, four interviewees (three previous landowners and one developer) expressed interest in a fast-tracking incentive, with one (a previous landowner) saying that it would be better than a density bonus because, “it takes forever to get through the permitting process”. Two developers stated that the appropriate incentive depends on the context of an individual developer and neighborhood. For instance, a density bonus might be more attractive if the developer seeks to build a senior community with smaller lawns, but fast-tracking is advantageous if the developer is on a tight schedule.

All of the management practices required a funding source and we asked developers whether they would support funding coming from homeowner association dues and a property tax. Results suggested that long-term funding is the greatest barrier to implementing management programs in the CDs, with developers expressing opposition to the proposed homeowner association dues and property tax. Overcoming this barrier may require more awareness among developers about their potential to profit from CDs; homes in CDs tend to sell for higher prices than those in conventional developments (Hannum et al., 2012), and the increased profits can help developers off-set the initial costs of management (e.g., installing signs, landscaping with native plants). However, Bowman and Thompson (2009) found that although homeowners are willing to pay more to live in CDs, prospective developers are often unaware of this increased willingness to pay.

A small rabbit spotted in a landscaped common area of a Colorado conservation development. Photo: Daniel Feinberg
A small rabbit spotted in a landscaped common area of a Colorado conservation development. Photo: Daniel Feinberg

Although this case study is a snapshot and not necessarily representative of all developers around the world, results demonstrated that developers of CDs in several Colorado counties are generally interested in conserving native animals and plants and would be willing to support some stewardship practices. The study highlighted the importance of assessing stakeholder opinions and values when trying to construct new conservation policies. In Colorado, offering both a density bonus and a fast-tracking option could be viable options that encourage the implementation of management practices in CDs.

However, this study and others suggest that developers often resist adopting novel conservation practices and policies due to a lack of familiarity with these tools and a lack of access to the data that support their efficacy. Developers might be more supportive of implementing management practices in CDs (including a long-term funding source such as HOA dues or a property tax) if they knew more about how policy incentives work, why certain management practices are critical for biodiversity conservation, and even the profitability of CD.

One approach for sharing this information, as well as emphasizing the importance of management, is through workshops in which planners and environmentalists work directly with prospective developers in their region. These workshops would target local issues concerning conservation development and highlight important management practices (e.g., educating developers of CDs on the importance of environmental CCRs, since respondents reported that they were not too concerned about impacts from built areas).

Many metropolitan areas are conserving natural areas in and around residential and commercial districts, and there are various efforts to conserve critical wildlife habitat in areas that are subdivided. Conservation development can be a part of the solution, but the long-term viability of conservation developments is contingent on the implementation of management practices by developers. To realistically create new policies that are locally supported and help in promoting the adoption of conservation management practices, developers need to be engaged and partnerships formed between planners, environmentalists, and developers. Prospective developers and other interested parties can learn more about CD and visualize some of the proposed management strategies by visiting existing neighborhoods in the state of Florida (Harmony and Madera).

Mark Hostetler and Daniel Feinberg
Gainesville

On The Nature of Cities

***

References

Bowman, T., & Thompson, J. (2009). Barriers to implementation of low-impact and conservation subdivision design: Developer perceptions and resident demand. Landscape and Urban Planning, 92(2), 96-105.

Feinberg, D.S., Hostetler, M.H., Reed, S.E., Pienaar, E.F. and L. Pejchar. 2015. Evaluating management strategies to enhance biodiversity in conservation developments: Perspectives from developers in Colorado, USA. Landscape and Urban Planning, 136: 87-96.

Hannum, C., Reed, S. E., Pejchar, L., Ex, L., & Laposa, S. (2012). Comparative analysis of housing in conservation developments: Colorado case studies. Journal of Sustainable Real Estate, 4, 149-176.

Hostetler, M., & Drake, D. (2009). Conservation subdivisions: A wildlife perspective. Landscape and Urban Planning 90(3-4), 95-101.

Reed, S. E., Hilty, J. A., & D. M. Theobald. 2014. Guidelines and incentives for conservation development in local land-use regulations. Conservation Biology, 28(1), 258-268. doi – 10.1111/cobi.12136

Wald, D. M., & M. E. Hostetler. 2010. Conservation value of residential open space: Designation and management language of Florida’s land development regulations. Sustainability 2(6): 1536-1552.

Daniel Feinberg

About the Writer:
Daniel Feinberg

Daniel Feinberg is a PhD student in the University of Washington's School of Environmental and Forest Sciences, focusing on urban ecology and environmental policy under the advisement of Dr. Clare Ryan.

What Do People See in the Landscape? The Metamorphosis of Ecosystem Services After Disaster

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

My interest in learning about the services that natural areas provide to the community begun after the earthquake that hit south-central Chile on February 27, 2010. Though no major infrastructure damage occurred, the earthquake, tsunami and countless aftershocks caused great fear in the population, who were in particular insecure to return to their homes. For this reason, the community gathered in the open space, including natural areas. As it has been recorded in other parts of the world (Link 1; Link 2; Link 3), the open space was mostly used for camping, refuge and as escape routes, while natural areas, both inside and outside the city limits, became a source of provisioning services such as water and firewood (for heating), and cultural services, for gathering, camping and the provision of urban supplies.

The various studies we have undertaken since 2010 have made us realize that the services provided by natural areas in particular, or ecosystem services, are context specific and are conditional to what people see in the landscape. Ecosystem services vary on one hand, on the physical attributes of natural systems, meaning their elements and organization, which in turn, affect their provisioning capacity, their appearance and the way people perceived them. On the other hand, ecosystem services vary with the socio-cultural aspects of a community, which influence the possibilities of people to value natural areas as useful for their specific needs at specific times. Our studies also support the idea that people’s perception of nature and their capacity to perceive potential uses after disaster depends on their knowledge and familiarity with the landscape. For instance, ecological knowledge can help to differentiate between water bodies useful for drinking, among others which are useful for washing only. Similarly, a high familiarity with the landscape can help discover services in natural areas, such as hidden recreational pathways in the forest, which can be much valued as evacuation routes after a tsunami.

For these reasons, not every park, hill and wetland among other natural sites, are used in the same way after disaster. Why does utility vary between sites? Are the uses of natural areas for daily life and for a post-disaster situation compatible? And most importantly for landscape professionals, can design and urban planning improve the role of natural systems after disaster?

Yes! By identifying the biophysical attributes that are perceived by people, understanding the manner in which they are organized, the services they provide, and the meanings (e.g. uses) they convey after disaster, we have useful information to make landscape interventions which are compatible with both, nature and people’s needs.

These questions motivate the research we have been carrying out since 2010 in different cities of Chile affected by earthquakes and tsunamis, with particular emphasis on the use and role of natural systems located both inside and outside the city limits (See link 4). We know that landscape properties are valued due to both, the services landscapes provide (provisioning, regulating, cultural and supporting services)(link 5) and to the capability of the people to see them. This  idea has been widely explored and proved in other landscape types and urban areas, with a focus on the study of affordances, or the ‘useful things’ that people ‘see’ in the environment (Gibson, 1979; Heft, 2003). Affordances are not things themselves but are resources that arise between the interactions of the properties of the environment and of the perceiver (Chemero, 2003); hence, are available for people that are capable of perceiving and using them. Landscapes elements are typically valued because they are useful in some way at specific times, in relation to people’s abilities and in particular contexts.

The case studies I present next provide further insight in the context after disaster.

Structure affects use: camping versus water extraction

In the inland city of Concepción, urban lagoons, which are the remnants of ancient riverbeds, were used to collect water, and also for overnight stay, meeting and for gathering information after the earthquake of February 27, 2010 (Mw 8.8) (To see a full range of photographs that show the use of the open space after the earthquake in Concepción see Link 7).

Figure 1. Variation in the management and design of meadow areas in Tres Pascualas Lagoon, Concepción. Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 1. Variation in the management and design of meadow areas in Tres Pascualas Lagoon, Concepción. Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 2. Different intervention types (landscape management to the left and landscape design to the right) at the Los Patos and Mendez lagoons, Concepción. Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 2. Different intervention types (landscape management to the left and landscape design to the right) at the Los Patos and Mendez lagoons, Concepción. Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 3. Upland areas of wetlands in Concepción with different interventions and human cues (paths and urban furniture). Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 3. Upland areas of wetlands in Concepción with different interventions and human cues (paths and urban furniture). Photos: Paula Villagra

The urban wetlands of Concepción were our pilot study (Villagra et al., 2014; Villagra and Dobbie, accepted), which provided inspiring and highly suggesting information. It shed light on the role of urban wetlands to support everyday life and life in times of crisis, which is conditioned by the biophysical aspects of the wetlands. Aspects such as water visibility and the presence of pathways, fences and buildings are elements in the wetland areas that define landscape utility before and after disaster, and which, at the same time, can be manipulated by planning and design. The meadows (Figure 1) — or wetland areas close to water with different grasses and herbs, and which lack of excessive urban cues — were found to be useful for ‘observing nature’ before disaster, and for ‘water extraction’ after disaster. Other areas such as the uplands (Figure 3) — closer to urbanized environments and with a mix of paved and grass areas with trees and urban furniture — were described as for ‘playing’, ‘jogging’ and ‘walking’ before disaster, and for ‘camping’ and the provision of ‘goods and services’ and ‘security’ after disaster. The study of the use of urban wetlands in Concepción assured us that the use of nature in cities is conditioned by the structure of open spaces and it changes according to people’s needs.

Familiarity influences survival: escape and safety

The case of the city of Dichato on the coast, revealed a different scenario and different service types. Dichato was affected by the tsunami after the 2010 earthquake, which flooded almost 100% of the urban area (Link 10). For this reason, the only place that was available to use post-tsunami was the hill, located outside the city limit and over 20 meters over sea level. Thanks to the familiarity of the local community with the streets that reach the highest points of the hill, were various ‘lookouts’ are placed, the streets were used as ‘evacuation routes’ and the lookouts as ‘safety zones’. These, in addition, were valued for providing visual information about the tsunami effects in the city. All type of electronic communication was disrupted after the tsunami; hence, being in an elevated area improved visibility, keeping the community informed. In the case of Dichato, the usual touristic and recreational activities provided by the hill — characterized by its elevated areas, the forest and the sea views — were transformed into survival activities, particularly for escaping and being safe. In this case, and in addition to the case of Concepción, the use of natural areas was also conditioned by the extreme effect of the disturbance on the urban space.

Figure 4. Effects of the tsunami in the urban space of Dichato. The image shows the remaining infrastructure (concrete bathrooms) after the tsunami and the hill at the back. Photo: Paula Villagra
Figure 4. Effects of the tsunami in the urban space of Dichato. The image shows the remaining infrastructure (concrete bathrooms) after the tsunami and the hill at the back. Photo: Paula Villagra
Figure 5. The view from the hill to the city was perceived as a useful service after disaster. Photo: Paula Villagra
Figure 5. The view from the hill to the city was perceived as a useful service after disaster. Photo: Paula Villagra

Time affects meaning: water resource versus waste dump 

The case of the city of Valdivia, adds to the results from the Dichato and Concepción case studies. After the 1960 earthquake (Mw 9.5), changes in the landscape were so dramatic (see previous blog: Link 8), that changed the physical geography of the city. New wetlands were created in the periphery of the city, which used to be agricultural land, providing space for the development of ‘agriculture’ and ‘grazing’ activities, ensuring food for the community. After the earthquake, this land changed into a mix of dry and wet lands, providing ‘water’ as well as suitable areas for installing ‘temporary shelters’ to accommodate more than half of the population who lost their homes (35,000 people) (See link 9 for a photographic collection of the use of open space after the 1960 earthquake).

In addition, built up areas flooded by the river that crosses the city — formerly used as neighborhoods — were transformed into ‘escape routes’. People moved through these suburbs using boats available by most of the community before the earthquake, usually used to cross between both sides of the river. The case of the city of Valdivia after the earthquake of 1960 revealed that although the natural system was completely transformed by land use change (from agricultural land to wetland areas, and from urban areas to riverbeds), the natural system provided services for post-disaster recovery (Villagra, 2012). This can be explained because at the same time the physical geography changed, human needs were modified, and the transformed landscape provided the necessary services for survival.

Knowing the spatial and temporal context in which the use of the natural system for post-disaster recovery unfolds, is very important, as it was revealed by the study we performed about the use of the same wetlands of Valdivia, but in 2012. Through a rigorous research process, we explored what would be the use people give to these wetland areas in a hypothetical earthquake situation nowadays, finding surprising results. The same wetland areas used for temporary housing and water extraction in the 1960, would be used today as places for the ‘disposal of debris and garbage”, regardless of the water they contain. This can be explained because of the change in the biophysical attributes that are visually appealing for the community. The beautiful landscapes of Valdivia’s wetlands in the 16th hundred, described as full of swans and herons (Guarda, 2009), has over time changed into a waste looking land, with overgrown vegetation, lack of urban public infrastructure and accessibility, which in turn has changed the meanings these wetlands convey.

Figure 5. The appearance of urban wetlands in Valdivia illustrate lack of accessibility and hence, utility. Photos: Paula Villagra
Figure 5. The appearance of urban wetlands in Valdivia illustrate lack of accessibility and hence, utility. Photos: Paula Villagra

In the same manner, the survival values assigned to wetland areas in the 1960s after the earthquake, are no longer embedded in the community’s perception of wetlands, unlike the case of Concepción, where the lagoons that provide daily recreation and depict evident cues of urban design intervention and management, were perceived as highly valued by the community after the earthquake. The value assigned to urban wetlands in Valdivia today, as a place for urban waste, most probably rely on their negative appearance as a result of mismanagement over the last 50 decades.

We know that natural systems provide invaluable provisioning, regulating, cultural and supporting services. Flood and climate control, urban water cleaning, biomass and atmospheric oxygen production, recreation, aesthetic experiences and wellbeing, are only few of the services provided by natural areas. However, it is important to highlight the role they take in the post-disaster context. There are ecosystem services that are not relevant during everyday life but this does not mean they are less important. Some services are dormant resources, which are activated only after a major disturbance; such is an earthquake or tsunami. The role of wetlands, dunes and mangroves to mitigate tsunamis and floods, as well as the role of vegetation communities with flora which is fire retardant are well documented in the literature (Chiang et al., 2014; Hoehn et al., 2003; Link 5; Walker and Salt, 2006) and used in the planning and design of urban environments. In the same manner, it is important to keep exploring and including in the planning and design of cities the role of nature to provide cultural and provisioning services at the local scales after disaster, such as those revealed in the cities of Concepción, Valdivia and Dichato.

Ecosystem services after disaster and at the local scale are affordances, conditioned by the interaction between the needs of the community after disaster, the possibilities of the natural system to satisfy such requirements, and the biophysical aspects that shape the utility of the space. Therefore, these services are rooted in a specific physical and cultural context, and not transferable from one community to another. Accordingly, the capacity of metamorphosis of the natural systems after disaster and of the values people assign to them, changing from their usual recreational and/or economic use to places that provide provisioning and cultural services, should be taken into consideration during the planning and design of cities. Different needs emerge in cities after disaster which can be satisfied by the use of natural systems within and between urban environments. As a consequence, the ‘nature of cities’ after disaster change, including physical landscape change and the way people perceive, use and afford it.

Paula Villagra
Los Rios

On The Nature of Cities

 

Links of interest

1. http://www.pennyallan.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Resilience-as-a-framework.pdf

2. http://www.nat-hazards-earth-syst-sci-discuss.net/2/4263/2014/nhessd-2-4263-2014-print.pdf

3. http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/nepal-preparing-earthquake-kathmandu-valley

4. www.pru-lab.cl

5. http://www.unep.org/maweb/en/Index.aspx

6. http://www.jnd.org/dn.mss/affordances_and_design.html

7.http://prontus.diariosregionales.cl/prontus_sube/site/edic/base/port/aniversario_terremoto.html 

8. http://www.thenatureofcities.com/TNOC//TNOC//2014/01/12/can-devastated-landscapes-inspire-planning-and-adaptation/

9. http://www.museo1960.cl/

10. http://www.dichatovive.cl/asi-quedo-dichato/

References

Chemero, A. (2003). An Outline of a Theory of Affordances. Ecological Psychology, 15(2), 181-195.

Chiang, L.-C., Lin, Y.-P., Huang, T., Schmeller, D. S., Verburg, P. H., Liu, Y.-L., et al. (2014). Simulation of ecosystem service responses to multiple disturbances from an earthquake and several typhoons. Landscape and Urban Planning, 122, 41-55.

Gibson, J. J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Guarda, G. (2009). Cuatro Siglos de Evolución Urbana Valdivia 1552-1910. Valdivia: Universidad Austral de Chile.

Heft, H. (2003). Affordances, Dynamic Experience, and the Challenge of Reification. Ecological Psychology, 15(2), 149-180.

Hoehn, J. P., Lupi, F., & Kaplowitz, M. D. (2003). Untying a Lancastrian bundle: valuing ecosystems and ecosystem services for wetland mitigation. Journal of Environmental Management, 68, 263-272.

Villagra, P. (2012). Landscape change and urban resilience: the role of natural and urban landscapes in earthquake recovery of the city of Valdivia, Chile. Paper presented at the International Conference on Urban Sustainability and Resilience, London.

Villagra, P., & Dobbie, M. (Accepted). Design aspects of urban wetlands in an earthquake-prone environment. Journal of Urban Design.

Villagra, P., Rojas, C., Ohno, R., Xue, M., & Gómez, K. (2014). A GIS-base exploration of the relationships between open space systems and urban form for the adaptive capacity of cities after an earthquake: the cases of two Chilean cities. Applied Geography, 48, 64-78.

Walker, B., & Salt, D. (2006). Resilience thinking: sustaining ecosystems and people in a changing world. Washington: Island Press.

 

What Do Rotterdammers Want in Green Infrastructure? We Asked Them

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Now that urban greening is increasingly seen as a climate adaptation strategy, the question is how to best provide the necessary green space. Where, at which scale, and what type of greenery? Which design is preferred? And how can municipalities increase public support for green adaptation measures?

Municipalities should use green space strategies that assess needs, create designs, and evaluate outcomes on a neighborhood level
To find answers to these questions, we need to investigate local needs. This story illustrates residents’ needs in two different neighborhoods in the Dutch architectural and cultural capital, Rotterdam.

Heat waves today, flooding tomorrow

In two typical residential neighborhoods (see boxed text for a description), the one “greener” than the other, we interviewed 200 residents about their experiences with urban heat and local flooding. The underlying study can be found here.

DSC_0342
Photo: Marthe Derkzen

We found that residents are more aware of present-day heat waves, but more alarmed by future flooding. The prospect of increasingly frequent and extreme rain events that cause traffic jams, block streets, and flood basements is apparently considered a greater risk than a rise in heat waves that pose serious health risks to vulnerable groups such as children and the elderly, even though, at present, Rotterdam residents indicate that they suffer more from heat than flooding. Shuaib Lwasa found a similar difference in risk perception between heat and flooding in Kampala. This apparent contradiction may be explained by the difference between individual and societal problems, and the related ability of controlling these: whereas heat can largely be dealt with on an individual level (e.g. regulate indoor temperature), the consequences of flooding are much more difficult to regulate by oneself and therefore set off more alarm bells.

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One thing that heat and flooding have in common is that both are typically observed at stony, impervious locations: streets, parking lots, city centers. The city’s sealed and built-up surfaces are clearly most prone to climate impacts. Talking to residents, it becomes clear that the impacts are not limited to those spaces that are under public control (streets, sewage system) but are also felt at the smallest urban scale level: people’s homes. During the interviews, residents told how their basements would flood during heavy rains, leading to financial damage. In several streets, slight differences make houses on one side of the road vulnerable while houses on the other side are not. The measures that people take to protect their homes mostly serve to block the water from seeping in through roofs and walls, or to redirect the water before it reaches the house by constructing, for example, a drainage pipe 30cm below street level in front of the house. Up to now, few residents have implemented green measures, such as a green roof or rain garden, to increase local infiltration capacity.

Green space for recreation and clean air

chart_legendPeople are aware of urban heat and flooding and consider these serious future challenges, but do not always realize how greenery may support climate adaptation. We asked residents to name the two most and two least important benefits related to six different green space types (see figure). Green space benefits with a more direct effect on people’s health and well-being, such as recreation and air purification, are better understood than less direct benefits, such as temperature regulation. Traffic noise reduction was considered the least important benefit of each green space type.

chart_1

 

chart_2
Most (top) and least (bottom) important benefits provided by green space types, according to residents. Image: Marthe Derkzen

We also enquired about residents’ preferences for different green space types. Overall, people prefer large-scale greenery such as city parks, especially those with a woody character. Parks with large water bodies are also favored, followed at some distance by street trees and then by gardens. Green roofs and grass strips are not very popular, although green roofs grew in popularity for people living in areas with a larger share of vegetation cover. This does not happen for grass; even in areas with limited grass cover, people preferred trees or green roofs. The reason why people do not seem to like grass is because it is easily littered and attracts dogs.

Adaptation measures

In collaboration with Rotterdam municipality, we compiled a set of green climate adaptation measures from which residents could select their preferred options. For each scale level (home, street, neighborhood square, main road, city park) residents had three alternatives to choose from, e.g., for “home”, residents could choose between a green roof, green wall, and front garden. For “main road”, participants could choose between trees, a canal, and a grass strip (see image). Half of the 200 interviewed residents were shown symbols that conveyed information about climate regulation benefits: thermometers indicating cooling capacity and water drops indicating flood protection capacity. This way, we could assess whether residents’ preferences for adaptation measures are influenced by additional information about their effectiveness.

Interview forms to gauge preferences for green adaptation measures. Thermometers indicate cooling capacity and water drops indicate flood protection capacity; the more blue thermometers and water drops, the greater the climate adaptation capacity of that measure. Image: Marthe Derkzen
Interview forms to gauge preferences for green adaptation measures. Thermometers indicate cooling capacity and water drops indicate flood protection capacity; the more blue thermometers and water drops, the greater the climate adaptation capacity of that measure. Image: Marthe Derkzen

Comparing the two neighborhoods, it becomes clear that they have quite different demands, illustrating that green adaptation measures need to be tailored to preferences on the neighborhood level. Whereas the first neighborhood prefers accessible greenery that can be used for leisure, sports, and play, such as gardens, playgrounds, grass strips, and recreational parks, the second neighborhood chooses trees, streams, wooded parks, and green walls and roofs. Such differences are related to demographic factors but also to the locally available greenery. Generally, diverse, aesthetically attractive, and familiar greenery is preferred over green space that is rather simple or unfamiliar, like some of the suggested adaptation measures may be.

The water plaza, for example, is a relatively new element in Rotterdam’s streets, designed to store peak flow during heavy rains and serve as a sports court when dry. Likewise, green walls and roofs are not so common yet, and we noticed that residents can have doubts about such greenery, often related to their maintenance. We found that the use of informational symbols influenced residents’ preferences: when citizens are informed about the climate adaptation capacity of different measures, their preferences shift towards the most effective options. Thus, providing information about the reason why investments are made for certain green space designs can increase public support for adaptation measures.

City planners: communicate benefits and tailor to local needs

From the stories and opinions expressed by local residents, some important lessons can be learned and applied in urban green space planning.

First, green measures need to be tailored to local needs. The case of Tarwewijk neighborhood illustrates this. Residents of this grey and stony neighbourhood encountered more heat and flood prone locations, experienced more personal problems (often health-related—see Chris Garvin’s piece for a discussion on climate related health risks) with climate impacts, and more often acknowledged climate benefits of green space. This may lead to the conclusion that Tarwewijk residents would easily accept the most effective adaptation measures. However, when asked for their opinion, residents prioritized functional green space that can be used for leisure, sports, and play much more than in Kralingen-West neighbourhood, where residents expressed a preference for natural greenery. City planners need such nuanced information to design adaptation measures that are effective but also fit the local context.

Second, we learned that talking and listening to residents is key to designing green space strategies that fulfill needs from both user and climate adaptation perspectives. Knowing that residents worry most about flooding and air pollution, urban planners can prioritize these issues and in their communication, stress how new greenery helps to mitigate these problems. Designing productively also works the other way around: by informing residents about the climate adaptation effectiveness of different green measures, municipalities can influence the way people think about and increase support for the most effective designs. Increased green cover and accessibility stimulates residents’ contact with nature and its processes, subsequently facilitating environmental learning and private (e.g. green roof installation) or communal (e.g. neighborhood garden) action.

Third, residents prefer large-scale greenery over small-scale greenery. New greenery is often small-scale out of necessity, since it needs to fit into the existing urban fabric: green roofs and facades are ideal solutions from this point of view. Given that, in newly built neighborhoods, the plans mostly include smaller structures such as grassy road verges, canals, and street trees, such small-scale measures are absolutely needed to fulfill local demand. But planners should keep in mind that cities also need iconic parks that shape city identity and act as pillars of ecological and cultural structures.

Fourth, residents need to be better informed about the risks related to flooding and, especially, heat waves. Although residents are well aware of temperature differences within the city, they do not consider heat waves a major risk for the future city. They do worry about future flooding. On the one hand, residents trust that the authorities will take care of dealing with climate impacts; on the other hand, they are not sure how this will happen. Both parties would benefit from an awareness campaign, especially if it is targeted at vulnerable groups.

Taken together, there is no one-size-fits-all solution for using green infrastructure to mitigate the impacts of climate change in cities. But municipalities would benefit from a green space strategy that assesses needs, creates designs, and evaluates outcomes on a neighborhood level. Where green space is sparse, a first priority may be to provide greenery designed for recreational purposes. Where green space is already in place, new greenery can have a more natural character. This does not mean that green-poor neighborhoods should be equipped with the least effective adaptation measures (playgrounds, sports fields) and green-rich neighborhoods with the most effective measures (woodlands), but that designers keep an eye on the degree of usability. By nature, this includes communicating with residents.

Marthe Derkzen
Amsterdam

On The Nature of Cities

The underlying study was published in Landscape and Urban Planning.

What Does Urban Nature-Related Graffiti Tell Us? A Photo Essay from the City of Cape Town

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Graffiti, revered and loathed by turn, provides insights into societal attitudes and perceptions. In this short photo essay I present nature-related graffiti from the City of Cape Town.

Whether for protest, art, comment, or signaling, as an illegal activity graffiti always challenges hegemony.

Cape Town still bares the hallmarks of apartheid with significant race-based development and wealth discrepancies. It is situated in the middle of a global biodiversity hotspot. And, it will be the world design capital for 2014. This city has rich pickings for exploring and interpreting graffiti. Cape Town has all the standard expressions among its graffiti, including political commentary, personal or ‘existential’ commentary, gang-related territorial demarcation, basic tagging, the more elegant ‘piecing’ where tags or names are elaborate, and larger artworks that combine comment with a particular aesthetic.

Check out http://thenatureofgraffiti.org
Whether for protest, art, comment, or signaling, as an illegal activity graffiti always challenges hegemony. An examination of nature-related graffiti in Cape Town shows a number of emergent themes around the imaginings and recalling of rural nature in cities, political statements around conservation concerns of African mega fauna, nature as beautiful and aesthetically improving and informative of a better way of life, and simply bringing depictions of nature into cities where it might be otherwise absent to soften and beautify. Graffiti in Cape Town presents cities as counter to a rural idyll, the aesthetic form as non-nature, or aesthetically requiring the remediation which natural scenes can provide, as the site of the greatest populace where ‘armies’ can be called on to take up causes, in particular in the South African context, for conservation concerns.

So if we need to listen to people about their perceptions and views on nature in cities, in order that we better promote the idea and value of nature in cities, what does this graffiti tell us? It tells us there are voices of dissent out there, personal views not captured by popular media, or standard urban form, and a desire for more nature both in cities, and beyond cities.

A tour of Cape Town nature-related graffiti 

Much of what appears as nature-related graffiti is evidently to improve an otherwise harsh urban aesthetic. Depictions of trees, plants and animals add colour and soften hard edges and expansive blank walls.

Nature on my mindCreeping nature creeping consciousnessDistrict 6 deerThe following two examples depict boats tossing in stormy seas, a strong narrative of shared, collective history in Cape Town, which was originally known as the Cape of Storms. Even today ships run aground on the shores of the City every winter and this is an aspect of nature we all share and respect.

This notion of sharing and connecting through the visual in an urban space is enhanced here where a telecommunications engineer fixes a phone box adorned with a vase of flowers and the scene of a small boat approaching Table Bay in the high seas. Devil’s Peak, one of the major peaks of Table Mountain, can be seen in the background.

Telkom and cape of stormsCape of stormsPictures of African wildlife, not present in Cape Town for hundreds of years, litter the city, calling on the larger urban populations to take up these distant conservation causes.

CheetahGraffiti GiraffeSave the rhino girlTomorrow's RhinoThe following graffiti is regularly updated, keeping abreast of the shocking rhino death tolls due to poaching for the illegal horn trade in conservation areas far flung from Cape Town.

Positioned along one of the City’s major highways this graffiti is seen on a daily basis by thousands of commuters. The image of a car speeding past and the pedestrian makes you think about the intended audience, a critical element to graffiti, and how different personal experiences might affect how such messages are received.

Rhinos IIRhinos whose problem is it

Rapid urbanization, combined in the case of Africa with persistent rural-urban linkages, means that many city dwellers have strong ties to rural nature.

These two pieces of graffiti hint at a nostalgia for rural landscapes and livelihoods with noble cattle and abundant lands.

Rural livelihoods_cattle

Rural imaginings

As a cosmopolitan city, Cape Town is home to people from various places. The following two pictures, which sit side-by-side on a street in Cape Town, remind us of the diversity of cultures, experiences, and perceptions that make up our urban space.

No two end points on these maps will have the same nature. We all carry our own experiences of nature and our own expectations of nature into the city with us.

Maps of originsDifferent people know different natures

Some nature-related graffiti draws on nature to improve our urban existence. Here we are called on to learn from the bees and the plants.

Bee I Bees IIIPlants to heal and repair

Thanks to Jaques de Satage for taking these commissioned pictures so beautifully.

Pippin Anderson
Cape Town

On The Nature of Cities

See also: http://thenatureofgraffiti.org

For a paper on urban graffiti, see:
Urban Graffiti on the City Landscape
Alex Alonso
Department of Geography
University of Southern California

An illustration of a person wearing VR googles with space and the earth behind them

What Futures for Nature in Cities?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
The Nature Futures Framework could support the creation of nature-positive scenarios for cities that should follow two important principles: First, consider the effects of actions well beyond the footprint of the city; second, consider equity in visions of the future.

Over the last few months, the metaverse has captured the attention of many professionals, including urban planners.

While some may fear a Spielberg-like scenario where we stop caring for our physical world, we can also think of the metaverse as a gateway to inclusion ― where most people could help shape cities from the comfort of their living rooms. This is what cities like Seoul envision, with large investments in the metaverse to improve civic services and lower barriers to participation in urban debates.

An illustration of a person wearing VR googles with space and the earth behind them
Credit: Noelle Ong

As this technology and other internet and communications technology (ICT) tools develop — fast ― can we leverage them to change how we design with nature in cities? Can they help develop biodiversity-friendly visions for the future?

Issues with existing nature-related visions

Frameworks that address the question of nature in and around cities are already abound. Some examples at the international level include the “Urban” Sustainable Development Goal, SDG 11, and the New Urban Agenda, which both promote greenspaces in cities: For example, SDG 11 proposes to measure the increase in the share of urban greenspace in a city to “provide universal access to safe, inclusive, and accessible green and public spaces”.

Multiple concepts taught in urban design and landscape architecture schools also paint optimistic visions centred around nature: Designing with Nature, Garden Cities, Biophilic Cities, and so on. All these have inspired greening policies in many cities around the world, including here in Singapore where we moved from a Garden city to a City in Nature in the course of a few decades.

Notwithstanding their contributions, these agendas and visions remain limited for shaping our cities’ nature-positive futures.

First, they typically offer general guiding principles or high-level targets that do not address on-the-ground challenges. For example, the goal of increasing the share of urban greenspace is laudable but insufficient when it comes to addressing complex trade-offs between land for transport, housing, and greenspace.

When concepts are more detailed, they lack an important dimension in that they do not reflect citizens’ values. Yet, for those visions to be legitimate, useful, and used, they need to integrate a plurality of worldviews about nature. In other words, recognizing that people hold different views related to nature, and therefore positive visions for the future of nature in cities will differ vastly between people.

In the “science-policy space, IPCC’s “shared socio-economic pathways” are other examples of narratives that embody various degrees of optimism ― or rather pessimism ― about our ability to mitigate and adapt to climate change. Although laudable, these pathways that make IPCC-scenarios relevant beyond climate models resulted in most scenarios being negative for nature. Probably not useful, therefore, as a tool for shaping hopeful futures for nature in cities.

An illustration of a city with greenery and three speech bubbles above the city with a tree, a bus, and a house depicted in them
Credit: Noelle Ong

Making space for positive and inclusive nature visions The Nature Futures Framework

Such diagnostic is what drove the development of the Nature Futures Framework by the IPBES working group on scenarios and models. The framework ― NFF in short ― was co-developed to emphasize the importance of plurality in scenario development. In this context, we do not let “experts” develop nature-positive scenarios but acknowledge that local values should drive this process.

In practice, the NFF distinguishes between three types of nature-related values: “Nature for Nature” values, that recognize nature in and for itself (driving, for example, the protection of endangered species); “Nature for Society” values, that emerge from an understanding of the benefits nature provides to people (think promoting urban parks for people’s enjoyment); and “Nature as Culture” values, a fuzzier set of values having in common that they do not set people apart from nature, but rather embrace our relationship with nature (think educational programs developing a sense of nature stewardship in early age).

All these values have overlaps, and, as individuals, we likely hold multiple, perhaps conflicting, values ourselves. Yet, recognizing and mapping such values, for example, using the triangle below, will help understand individual and organizational perspectives on nature, negotiate potential trade-offs, or look for win-win solutions, where multiple types of values are promoted.

An info graphic of a rainbow gradient triangle with "Nature for nature", "Nature as culture", and "nature for society" written outside each corner
The Nature Futures perspectives associated with 3 different types of values. Adapted from: PBL 2018

Using the Nature Futures Framework for cities

The NFF has only just started being applied as a visioning tool for cities, for example, urban growth scenarios in the Atlantic forest of Brazil.

In a recent publication, we explained how the framework could support the creation of nature-positive scenarios for cities: In addition to reflecting different types of values (“for nature”, “for society”, and “as culture”), scenarios developed with the urban NFF should follow two important principles: First, considering the telecoupling effects; i.e., actions taken in a city, such as reducing food waste, may have effects well beyond the footprint of the city, such as in agricultural expansion in sourcing countries. Second, considering equity in visions of the future, both through an inclusive participatory process and in designing for environmentally just futures that provide equitable access to the benefits of nature.

Recently, we also applied the NFF as a screening tool to analyse a particular “pool” of urban visions and determine whether some perspectives were missing. For example, my lab has analysed a set of serious games ― games with an educational or professional purpose ― to show that they were promoting “nature for society” values, and therefore painting a utilitarian picture of urban nature. Could future serious games be developed with a more balanced view of nature?

Similarly, we have used the framework to scrutinize visions for new towns in the Greater Jakarta Metropolitan area, through a masterplan analysis. By identifying the values associated with different visions and practices, we emphasized how new towns could inspire each other and become more “nature-positive” without necessarily involving more financial or land resources.

Both of these projects provide a mirror for existing practice and help researchers and practitioners design or re-design tools that will cater to a broader range of valid, nature-related values.

Yet another framework?

Is the NFF yet another tool to consider for cities interested in “building greener”? Yes… and that is fine. IPBES is one among many organisations ― with or without the UN system ― promoting participatory processes in urban governance. Its legitimacy and recognition will help the diffusion of the framework and will promote innovation, which is needed for local governments, NGOs, and civil society to accelerate the protection or restoration of urban nature.

Upcoming guidance will help promote the tool in the ways I described above and many other applications. Technology such as the metaverse can enable further applications, of course. As an intelligent urban thinker recently put it: “Urban practitioners should use AI in combination with other tools and methods, such as community engagement and stakeholder consultations, to make informed decisions about sustainable and inclusive urban development.”

But most importantly, NFF guidance will help the scenario and modelling community standardize lessons learnt through engagements and improve the usefulness of the NFF in future applications. It will promote the creation of toolkits and capacity-building materials critically needed for cities with lower resources. While megacities typically have capabilities to catalyse the work on urban nature, secondary cities may benefit from more resources and tools to effectively implement participatory processes for urban nature.

Secondary cities do not have millions to invest in the metaverse or expensive technology but they have real-world issues to address regarding the use of a precious resource: land. With the expected urban population growth, especially in Asia-Pacific, it is critical to provide urban actors with resources to articulate future visions and develop a deep understanding of what right- and stake-holders care about. Research and practice demonstrate over and again that this is a prerequisite to sustainable and inclusive urban planning.

As a community of practice working on urban nature, we can leverage technology ― the metaverse or a flipchart and marker ― to step up the work on participatory planning, scenario visioning, and further advance our shared understanding and progress toward a City in nature. The Nature Futures Framework can help us do that.

Perrine Hamel
Singapore

On The Nature of Cities

Thank you to colleagues in my lab and participants in the IPBES workshop on the Nature Futures Framework (November 2022) for inspiring this post. Special thanks to Shaikh Fairul Edros and Aura Istrate for their active work on the topic and for reviewing this post

What I Know Now: The Need for “Good Trouble” to Build an Anti-Racist Science of Ecology

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

A meditation on race and ecology on the occasion of the death of U.S. Representative John Lewis.

What does anti-racism mean for my profession, the science of ecology? We must identify how ecology as a science—which is itself in part a social system of researchers, teachers, and practitioners—can rise to the extraordinary crises that 2020 has highlighted so distressingly.
Representative John R. Lewis (1940-2020) was a hero of the civil rights movement in the United States. He was one of the six leaders of the famous 1963 March On Washington, a leader of the Freedom Rides and other key protests, as well as organizations like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. He worked tirelessly toward improving civil rights for Black Americans and other Americans of color.  His autobiography summarizes much of his vision, work, and experience (Lewis 2012). He served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1987 until he died in July of 2020.  The death of such an important advocate for civil rights is a cause for reflection, especially since 2020 has come to represent a global reckoning on racism in many places around the world.  He often spoke of “good trouble” in describing the non-violent and political work of alleviating the impacts of racism. An important point of reflection is the growing understanding that racism exists in two forms, one personal and one systemic. Each may require different kinds of good trouble.

A racial shock in urban renewal

When I was a kid in Louisville KY, urban renewal displaced my family from the house in which I represented the third generation. The house had been owned by my Grandfather, physician William H. Pickett (1876-1949), and his wife, Lucy B. Pickett (1873-1946). My father, Steward T.A. Pickett, Sr. (1903-1981) was one of the first African American Boy Scout Executives, and my mother, Barbara Lockett Pickett (1926-2010), was a librarian, initially in the “colored branch”, of the Louisville Free Public Library. The house was located on East Chestnut Street, a few blocks away from my grandfather’s medical office. This neighborhood was destroyed by urban renewal in 1964, when I was 14.

Urban renewal was an urban planning craze of the 1960s, dissolving many neighborhoods in which Black and poor people lived. I have come to know that some of the justification for obliterating neighborhoods of Black people or mixtures of Black people and the working classes was derived from a metaphorical translation of ideas of ecological succession to the life cycle of cities. Waves of poor people, immigrants, and Black people were assumed to occupy neighborhoods in a sequence of decreasing status, ultimately leading to a mature stage of “blight”. I now know that this is a perverse application of the ecological idea of deterministic succession to the turnover of neighborhoods in cities. This translation was a product of the Chicago School of Sociology, a pioneering academic specialty in the early 20th century. Unfortunately, that school is sometimes called the Chicago School of Urban Ecology. Social succession is a flawed translation (Light 2009), and one which may reflect the racist impact of that university in the life of Chicago’s south side.

An individual model of race 

My parents had a philosophy—as did most Black parents of the era—of personal responsibility. Individuals, whether Black or white, were responsible for their behaviors. We as African Americans had to work harder as individuals in the context of racial exclusions, and the evils of racism were assumed to be the personal characteristics of individual white people.

After urban renewal, the real-estate establishment steered our family to an all-white neighborhood in the West End of Louisville. This was a case of blockbusting. My brother, four years younger than I, became a playmate with the two young white boys next door. That is until their parents forbade them from playing with him. We could chalk that up to more individual bad behavior.

As I have begun to collaborate with social scientists, I have learned a great deal about social differentiation, social hierarchies, economic entanglements, and institutional structures. This new knowledge was what I needed to understand in order to work at the interface of social and ecological sciences in the Baltimore Ecosystem Study research project.  BES was originally conceived to understand how a metropolitan area was structured as a combined social-ecological system. Consequently it was necessary for biological and physical scientists to learn from sociologists, human geographers, environmental historians, and anthropologists the details and dynamics of social processes and institutions in this human-natural ecosystem.

The need to understand institutions means that simple parameters like human density, or other straightforward measures of human demography, are inadequate for much research in social-ecological science. Furthermore, individual behaviors are not the whole story. Understanding institutions opens a vast intellectual territory: formal and informal norms, networks of institutional interaction, the operation of power differentials, and the emergent results of institutional behaviors that may go beyond the scope of individual organizations. To me, this sounds a lot like a systems approach to social relationships, but social scientists these days often eschew mention of systems, in favor of—to them—less loaded terms such as “process”. As an ecologist, I was trained in similar ways of thinking, regardless of the term used. So adopting an institutional approach to help understand cities and social-ecological systems was not a difficult step.

Fast forward to the heightened awareness of racism that exists today. There is a perfect storm: a president who seems bent on exacerbating racial conflicts; the COVID-19 pandemic that disproportionately kills African Americans, Indigenous, and other people of color whose employment, living, and transportation situations expose them to the virus excessively; and the ongoing drumbeat of state violence against those very categories of person. My involvement in work on environmental justice as a part of the Baltimore Ecosystem Study, and my continued exploration of the social science literature that is needed to support and expand that work, have led me to a new level of understanding of the nature of what I had been raised to see as individual bad behavior concerning race.

The systems view of race 

My new knowledge is that the discrimination I faced as a kid, the problems of environmental injustice, and the social segregation that stands behind so much of what we study in the ecology of Baltimore, are all manifestations of a system of racism. Yes, there are individual bad behaviors, but fundamentally, there is a system—that is, a network—of social tools in place that define racial differences, establish racial hierarchy, and maintain the racial order. Of course, teaching people to avoid individually harmful race-based behaviors is desirable, but even if all bad actors in individual encounters between the dominant and the subordinate racial groups suddenly became good actors, the bedrock of racism as a social-political-economic system would still be in place.

This new understanding can be summarized in the social fact that racism is a complex system. If we want a society that does not socially construct and exploit race as a political device, or put certain races and classes in harm’s way, or continue to treat black people a priori as criminals, we as a society are going to have to undo the system of racism. Racism, to be clear, is a set of policies and norms, operating together to socially define a racial rank hierarchy, and apportion social and political advantage, privilege, disadvantage, and resources based on that ranking. Like many other “isms”, it describes a social-political system of governance and social order.

In the United States, racism expressed as differentiation and exclusion (or worse!) of Native Americans, Chinese, Japanese, African Americans, Latinxs, or recent immigrants is part of the national DNA. Emerging from a settler-colonial project, the United States was built, first, on dispossession or extermination of Native Americans and, second, on the importation of Africans and breeding generations of their descendants to supply slave labor to work the appropriated lands.

The racist system of the U.S. is cleverly hidden (Loewen 2018, Wilkerson 2020). The constitution does not mention slavery but embodies compromises between slaveholders and other stakeholders in the new government that were designed to ensure the survival and expansion of slavery (Baptist 2014). The New Deal looks like a boon for working-class Americans but it established lending practices that advantaged white people over African Americans for decades (Rothstein 2017). The war on drugs of the 1990s, although it seems superficially colorblind, thinly veils racist assumptions about Black people and embodies punitive practices that result in seemingly rational mass incarceration and a growing private prison industry (Alexander 2012).

When one is dealing with a system, individual behavior—whether the striving of underdogs or the microaggressions of the privileged—is not the point. The struggle is against the fundamental system. This is the “good trouble” that John Lewis referred to: Call attention to the hidden system. Don’t let the fight just be against individual bad actors. Work to dismantle the system and put in place a fairer, non-racist system.

The work is made all the more difficult because the system of racism is one of the most resilient social phenomena in the U.S. Highlights of action and reaction can be drawn in broad strokes. First, early slave rebellions engaged working whites as well. To break up that coalition, adjustments were made to privilege poor whites so as to enlist their help in subjugating Blacks. Then, as abolitionist sentiment grew and threatened the expansion of slavery westward into new territories of the U.S., the confederacy was born and seceded with the stated goal of preserving and expanding slavery. After the Civil War, Reconstruction and the associated constitutional amendments gave Blacks some measure of democratic participation. However, after roughly a decade of Reconstruction, federal troops were withdrawn from the South, and Reconstruction was replaced by a so-called Redemption movement, which re-enshrined white supremacy, often on the heels of terrorism by the white supremacist Ku Klux Klan (KKK). (It is the Redemption period that saw the erection of many of the confederate statues around the U.S. They are clearly a message to Black people about their place in society.) Jim Crow laws and practices of segregation against Black people were a 20th century legacy of the Redemption movement. In the mid-20th century, Jim Crow was overthrown by the Civil Rights laws of the mid to late 60s, thanks to the work of people like John Lewis. A ghost of Jim Crow was reawakened beginning in the 90s, however, with a supposedly colorblind “three strikes” war on drugs; this took a great toll on the liberties and enfranchisement of Black people. This regime continues today and continues to hide behind calls for order. This looks like a classic example of resilience in a system.

What I know now 

What does anti-racism mean for my profession, the science of ecology. First, it suggests a broader sense of the work to be done. Yes, individual behaviors matter but no amount of good behavior by individuals of whatever “color” will, in and of itself, dismantle the fundamental, resilient system of racism in the U.S. The existence, complexity, and adaptive nature of the racist system must be recognized. Then it can be fought, with great and constant effort. Perhaps a key step is to envision what an anti-racist system would look like. A system that can replace racism will not arise from a neutral, color-blind stance toward racism (Kendi, 2019). The work will be hard and multifaceted: We must understand how systemic racism influenced the academic institutions that created and nourish the field. We must examine how the seemingly rational reliance on individual merit for access and advancement may embody racist assumptions. We must understand how the pleasant and progressive view of American history hides the impact of colonial dispossession and slave capitalism in the past and their continuing legacies today. We must move beyond justice that only aims to restore harms by and to individuals. We must acknowledge that the roots and applications of conservation ecology may owe a debt to white privilege. We must examine the ways in which ecological research has neglected the concerns and neighborhoods of disadvantaged, racialized groups. Perhaps most fundamentally, ecology as a science must have the uncomfortable conversation to understand these things.

Ultimately, we must identify how ecology as a science—which is itself in part a social system of researchers, teachers, and practitioners—can rise to the extraordinary crises that 2020 has highlighted so distressingly.

Steward T. A. Pickett
Poughkeepsie

On The Nature of Cities

Banner image: A police officer points his stick at John Lewis at Morrison’s Cafeteria in Nashville, Tennessee, 29 April 1964. Photo: Jimmy Ellis

Literature Cited:

Alexander, M. 2012. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. Paperback edition. The New Press, New York.

Baptist, E. E. 2014. The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. Basic Books, Philadelphia.

Kendi, I. X. 2019. How to be an Anit-racist. One World, New York.

Lewis, J. 2012. Across That Bridge: Life Lessons and a Vision for Change. 1st ed. Hyperion, New York.

Light, J. S. 2009. The Nature of Cities: Ecological Visions and the American Urban Professions 1920-1960. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.

Loewen, J. W. 2018. Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong. 2nd Edition. The New Press, New York.

Rothstein, R. 2017. The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America. Liveright Publishing Corporation, New York.

Wilkerson, I. 2020. Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents. Random House, New York.

What I mean when I talk about collaboration. What is a specific experience collaborating on a project with someone from a different discipline or “way of knowing”?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Pippin Anderson, Cape Town The literature is full of tales of woe and warning when it comes to collaborative work, but until you jump in and try you will never know what those specific or particular stumbling blocks might be in your case, and similarly you will never know the pleasure of having your own views challenged.
Carmen Bouyer, Paris Because cooking is very much an art and a practice that is profoundly connected to the land, our collaboration flowed very easily. As an environmental artist it opened new perspective on what art meant for me: I realized that it was simply the art of living together that moved me so much.
Lindsay Campbell, New York I would never have predicted that I would be chanting my own mele, “Oh, Stone!” in honor of the Petoskey Stone (state stone of Michigan, fossils from an ancient inland coral sea) and my Midwestern connections to it in front of 50 professionals.
Gillian Dick, Glasgow Collaboration is about real partnerships built on a trusting relationships where each contribution is valued equally.
Lonny Grafman, ArcataPractice, meet Whimsy. Whimsy, meet Practice. Both of you, meet Vision. And in meeting, create installations inspiring hundreds of thousands of visitors that could not have been created alone.
Eduardo Guerrero, BogotáIn Bogotá, we have a promising process in which there is not a single stakeholder leading the recovery and protection of our urban wetlands, but a synergistic arrangement of committed public, private and community participants.
Britt Gwinner, Washington What can seem like an obvious gain to an engineer may not be as clear to the family that has to pay for the technology, or to the lender that would finance its purchase.
Keitaro Ito, Kyushu In this project to create biodiverse schoolyards for engagement and play, we have done over 350 workshop together with children, teachers, and university students. They discussed their own ideas about ecology, target species, depth of water, domestic plants, and so on.
Madhusudan Katti, Raleigh We—ecologist and sociologist and anthropologist—ended up with a richly detailed socioecological picture of Fresno, depicting details of how people and birds behave in individual homes and yards, and how that fits into the larger patchwork quilt of green spaces and biodiversity across the city.
Jessica Kavonic, Cape Town An emergent principle of the UNA learning spaces is special emphasis on the actual conversations and the areas of tension that occur between unfamiliar participants. It is often these areas of tension that can unlock opportunities for change.
Yvonne Lynch, San Sebastian Two elements of successful collaboration are key: acknowledgelment of joint effort, and starting the collaboration early in any process.
Mary Mattingly, New York Practice, meet Whimsy. Whimsy, meet Practice. Both of you, meet Vision. And in meeting, create installations inspiring hundreds of thousands of visitors that could not have been created alone.
Brian McGrath, New York I have become convinced of the need for new collaborative models around the shift in the cultural narrative for cites from the architecture to the ecology of cities. These models are multi-scalar and multi-actor, including the essential balancing of non-human and human actors.
Tischa Muñoz-Erikson, Río Piedras The greatest impact this collaboration had on me is that it made me confront the unconscious (and naïve) bias I had towards scientific knowledge as a superior form of knowledge.
Jean Palma, Manila While there were many collaborations across disciplines and ways of knowing in our urban development programme, which were equally valuable to city and environmental planning, together they are an overview of the interphases in economic planning.
Diane Pataki, Salt Lake City One of the key ingredients that can make or break interdisciplinary collaborations is respect.
Bruce Roll, Portland What I find most inspiring about this story is what we are able to achieve when we share a common set of values and inspiring language. This approach forced me and Clean Water Services to move from transactional to transformative partnerships.
Wilson Ramirez, Bogotá I´ve decided to include an expert in the interface of science and policy into my regular team, in order to establish clearer connections and more relevant interpretations of environmental information for policy stakeholders.
David Simon, Gothenburg The partnership worked effectively because of key champions, but also because our team was able to generate synergies of interest among the participating partners that benefited all concerned.
Tomomi Sudo, Kyushu In this project to create biodiverse schoolyards for engagement and play, we have done over 350 workshop together with children, teachers, and university students. They discussed their own ideas about ecology, target species, depth of water, domestic plants, and so on.
Dimitra Xidous, Dublin Something I have always felt to be true of collaboration: it is an act of translation. And trust.
David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Introduction

Before I founded TNOC, I spent almost 15 years as a full-time theatre artist. It is sometimes said that theatre is the “most collaborative” of the arts. It is certainly an intensely collaborative form, and this aspect is what I love most (among many things) about theatre.

And even in theatre, collaboration can take on various forms. There is a well-known kind of serial collaboration, in which a play is written, a theatre decides to produce it and hires a director, the director works with designers (costumes, lights, set, sound) to create the world, the director selects actors, and all set about to make an experience and say something … maybe for an audience. Another form of theatrical collaboration goes back to Shakespeare and others (see, for example, the depiction in the movie Shakespeare in Love) in which the actors come first, or at least together at the outset with other contributors, and everyones dives into creation.

Both are joined by an idea: that together, we create something we could not have created by ourselves.

When I first encountered “urban ecology”, and urbanism generally, what attracted me was the essential collaborativeness of cities and their design—that cities are, or at least should be, collaborative creations. Indeed, this is the fundamental (and ideally fun) and foundational idea of TNOC: let’s put different types of people into the same space and see what emerges.

So, we asked a collection of TNOC contributors—scientists, artists, planners, designers, engineers, policy makers—about their own experience with collaboration. Specifically, we asked:

What is a specific experience you have had in your work with collaborating on a project with someone from a different discipline or “way of knowing” or “mode of action”? What was good about it? What was challenging? What did you learn or produce that could not have happened without this collaboration across difference?

It is a rich vein of response, and some threads stand out about the collaborative experience:

  • It challenges us to trust.
  • It is often surprising.
  • It is often difficult.
  • Sometimes there is tension.
  • It takes time.
  • It demands personal growth.
  • It requires acknowledgment of others.
  • It asks us to question our own points of view.
  • It thrives in the in-between spaces.
  • There is no one way.
  • It is an act of transformation.

I suppose collaborative work is not for everybody. But have a look here, and imagine where your ideas might go as you engage with difference.

By the way, this is also the spirit of The Nature of Cities Summit. Perhaps we’ll see you there.

Pippin Anderson

About the Writer:
Pippin Anderson

Pippin Anderson, a lecturer at the University of Cape Town, is an African urban ecologist who enjoys the untidiness of cities where society and nature must thrive together. FULL BIO

Pippin Anderson

The literature is full of tales of woe and warning when it comes to collaborative work, but until you jump in and try you will never know what those specific or particular stumbling blocks might be in your case, and similarly you will never know the pleasure of having your own views challenged.
Reflections on an Urban Ecology CityLab

Between 2010 and 2012 I was mandated to run an Urban Ecology CityLab, as one of a suite of CityLabs run through the African Centre for Cities in Cape Town, South Africa. The idea was to broker greater engagement between academia and society on the understanding that the most pressing problems facing cities will be best attended to by drawing on the expertise sitting both within academia and society. The Urban Ecology CityLab took the form of a series of seminars around specific ecological themes or issues in the City of Cape Town, and included some meetings off campus and field trips. Invitations went out to a diversity of groups and people, via various mailing lists, with the hope that we would draw as diverse a crowd into the room as possible. The hope was to have a group of people in the room that could challenge the status quo, add new insights, and shed light on existing problems from entirely different angles.

Every time we met, I held my breath as there was always a chance that no one would show up. It never happened. Not once did I end up in a room alone. There was always a good enough crowd who came along and make for a meaningful discussion. But that said, in almost every instance the attendees were ecologists. And in almost every instance ecologists with an interest specific to the topic at hand. So, if we were planning to talk about urban rivers, the room would be full of riparian ecologists. If we were planning to talk about conservation areas in the City, the room would be full of plant ecologists. So, while the people who were there were undoubtedly from a different “way of practicing”, where they came from NGOs or were City officials or consultants, and shared a disciplinary understanding.

There were some definite lessons to be learnt in this process. If you really want to get a diversity of people in the room, how you go about posing the question is critical, and you need to be disrupting disciplines at that point already. To achieve sustained engagement and the development of a community in these new spaces presents a particular challenge. Ecologists are—well I believe anyway—inherently conservative and not inclined to step readily outside of their comfort zone. Meetings off campus, and in particular in the field, attracted a greater diversity of people. Evidentially where you meet is also very important, and a lot of people are put-off by academic spaces. We had lots of interesting conversations and in the end did some fun writing together, but I was not sure I ever really brokered the different communities as I had hoped to.

Probably the most significant positive outcome was my own personal and professional growth. The literature is full of tales of woe and warning when it comes to collaborative work, but until you jump in and try you will never know what those specific or particular stumbling blocks might be in your case, and similarly you will never know the pleasure of having your own views challenged.

Carmen Bouyer

About the Writer:
Carmen Bouyer

Carmen Bouyer is a French environmental artist and designer based in Paris.

Carmen Bouyer

Because cooking is very much an art and a practice that is profoundly connected to the land, our collaboration flowed very easily. As an environmental artist it opened new perspective on what art meant for me: I realized that it was simply the art of living together that moved me so much.
Chef + Artist

It is a pleasure to talk about the so nurturing collaboration with the talented all organic chef Anne Apparu-Hall. We had been put in touch several years ago in Paris but had never met, when a new friend in New York connected us again. I remember meeting Anne for the first time at the Edgemere Farm weekly market, a lush half-acre urban farm that had bloomed on an empty lot in Far Rockaway, Queens (New York). It was a perfect place to meet such a woman! The stroller were her beautiful daughter was sitting was also full of locally grown organic vegetables, flowers, and herbs. After sharing a colorful meal at her housejust five minutes away from the farm we realized how her work as a chef, educator and environmental activist, often working with art institutions, was closely related to mine as an environmental artist and designer. Our shared passion for bringing people together in a happy way and making organic food accessible in cities convinced us that we had to do something together.

Already, as a facilitator of the Red Hook Community Farm C.S.A (an other striving urban farm) at Pioneer Works art center in Red Hook, Brooklyn, I had noticed that we had weekly food leftovers from the shares. People who couldn’t come to take their food baskets that week and also an extra abondance at the farm that gave us very full crates of all kinds of delicious veggies. Along with Corey, the farmer, we wondered what to do with this food and came up with the idea of doing a weekly community lunch on the day after the weekly CSA deliveries.

All we needed was a chef interested in co-organizing a hyper local community lunch.

We soon started to imagine a shared meal with Anne, her husband Edward Hall, along with Pioneer Works team. We united through a common vision for environmental art practices,community events and convivial access to restorative grown food. It was a great success. With 30 to 40 guests a week, from July to November 2016, the community lunch at Pioneer Works was welcoming a large part of the staff, some neighbors, and visitors, for a cost of $8 (suggested donation). It became a weekly celebration of the passing seasons in sharing nourishing food from the land we inhabit and inspiring sustainable practices to our guests, from offering only vegetarian local food, to creating an all compostwaste system, chemical-free, communal experience.The meal was a fruitful collaboration between environmental urban activists, from committed urban farmers to city parks foragers, as well as upstate grain and fruit growers and dairy farmers. We would add to the mix the beautiful food grown in Pioneer Workss garden by permaculturist and ecologist Marisa Prefer.

Community Lunch in Pioneer Works’ entrance hall, Summer 2016

Working with Anne I learned that cooking was first of all a collaboration with many food producers, and often more, whose work would nurture and inspire you. Through these food lovers, we would learn about the local nature, what the weather had been, what was in bloom, what was in fruit. It was above all a collaboration with our immediate environment and its gorgeous fertility, even in the center of New York City!

This sense of abundance was enhanced by Annes ways of creating her copious shared meals. Always so creative and free. Because every week the available fruits, vegetables and herbs were a total surprise. Depending on what food would be leftover from the day before and what could be foraged that week, Anne had developed a graceful way to welcome those surprises into her meals. She would simply lay out all of the available ingredients on the kitchen table and look at them for a short while, taste them if needed, mixing colors and textures and then, very fast, in a sort of magical way, her intuition would tell her what the menu will be that day. I would write down that flow of inspiration, make a spontaneous drawing expressing the overall emotion it brought and send that invite to our mailing list. With Anne and her ability to celebrate being alive through preparing a community feast, I could experience the sacredness of food and its raw power to bring people together in a safe space for encounters and conversations to happen.

 Because cooking is very much an art, and a practice that is profoundly connected to the land were food grows, the collaboration flowed very easily. As an environmental artist it opened new perspective on what art really meant for me, I realized that it was simply the art of living together that moved me so much. This refined art : in essence a conversation, a co-creation, a community meal of some sort, a place where each guests can feel nurtured and thrive.

 And how best could we develop this life sustaining art but by collaborating with as many people as we possible can?

Lindsay Campbell

About the Writer:
Lindsay Campbell

Lindsay K. Campbell is a research social scientist with the USDA Forest Service. Her current research explores the dynamics of urban politics, stewardship, and sustainability policymaking.

Lindsay Campbell

I would never have predicted that I would be chanting my own mele, “Oh, Stone!” in honor of the Petoskey Stone (state stone of Michigan, fossils from an ancient inland coral sea) and my Midwestern connections to it in front of 50 professionals.
A group of researchers, land managers, educators, and artists shared ideas, practices, and epistemologies for “Learning from Place” via a two-day workshop held in New York City during the fall of 2017. We exchanged knowledge between Hawaiʻi, New York City, and the many other global locales to which our participants were connected, to co-create this workshop with and for the “stewards of stewardship”.

We collaborated with Kekui Kealiikanakaoleohaililani, who is the kumu (master teacher) and catalytic force behind the Hālalu ʻŌhiʻa Hawaiian stewardship training. This training is immersed in a Native Hawaiian world view, using multiple modalities to get participants thinking and feeling in new ways.

Working with Kekuhi to plan the workshop was inspiring, humbling, and as my colleague Heather McMillen shared about her experience writing a chapter with Kekuhi, “like putting fireworks in a box”. I am very orderly in my notetaking, project management, and have an ever-present “to do” list. While that can lead to productivity, it can also be quite rigid. Every time we spoke with Kekuhi, our ideas for the structure and content of the workshop were transformed. I left refreshed, but also sometimes befuddled. I would have to trust, to leave some space and room for not only her wisdom and approach, but also for the collective, beautiful, crazy wisdom of the group that would emerge.

Workshop participants performing mele, listening, and laughing. Photo by Giles Ashford

Our workshop had no powerpoints, lectures, or panel discussions; instead, it included singing mele, dancing hula, making hei string forms, and building a kuahu (altar). From there, Kekuhi taught us to use the conceptual framework of kiʻi to analyze origin stories from all over the globe, and to write our own stories connected to our observations of place. We later wrote (and performed) our own mele to honor the plant, rock, and water people with whom we feel special connections.

I would never have predicted that I would be chanting my own mele, “Oh, Stone!” in honor of the Petoskey Stone (state stone of Michigan, fossils from an ancient inland coral sea) and my Midwestern connections to it in front of 50 professionals. Or that some of those colleagues would be wriggling like eels on the ground, making their journey from the Sargasso Sea. Or that others would be brought to tears in offering stories of childhood, of home, of family, of place. These memories are seared into brain as a shared experience where our guards came down, our hierarchies were shed, and our traditional roles as “agency representative” or “scientist” or “land manager” were transformed. We began to treat each other, as well as the nonhuman others in our surrounding landscape—a bit more like kin.

But how do we carry it forward? Where do we go from here?

Inspired by Learning from Place, we launched a series of monthly “Stewardship Salons” with a loose group of about 15-25 folks engaged with caring for New York City. We are a rotating community of teachers and learners—and we are operating without a master teacher, and without the scaffolding of any one particular worldview. But our diversity and flexibility is also our greatest strength. We have visited places and engaged topics ranging from examining the histories of Central Park and the displaced Seneca Village, to sharing a Tu B’Shevat seder and exploring Jewish environmentalism, to building a group conceptual model of stewardship in the city. So, I am learning not only from the content shared by all the other teacher-learners, but by the process of remaining radically open to where we might head, together.

Gillian Dick

About the Writer:
Gillian Dick

Gillian is the Manager of Spatial Planning – Research & Development team within the Development Plan Group at Glasgow City Council.

Gillian Dick

Collaboration in a real world setting

Collaboration is about real partnerships built on a trusting relationships where each contribution is valued equally.
When you think about collaboration what is the first thing that comes to mind? It’s inclusive. It’s equitable. And it’s a meeting of like-minded people with a shared objective. This is the front facing view that folk participating in collaborative efforts want to project to the wider world. In reality, collaborative projects can be very different for local authorities. In the past Glasgow has had the academic community present us with proposals and asked us to sign on the dotted line. These statements are then presented back to funding bodies as evidence of collaboration. It feels very different to us. It feels like we are being “mined” for our own research and innovation (often described by academics as “grey” research, as in their view it’s not subjected to academic rigour or peer review), which is then repackaged to be validated by the academic world. The repetition of this process, with the view that there is limited value academically in the research that local authority practioners undertake, taints the process of collaboration between academics and practioners and impacts negatively on trust and understanding. It’s a breath of fresh air when you encounter a different form of collaboration between academics and local authorities. I have two examples to share of a different type of experience of collaboration.

My first positive experience was working with European geological surveys and local authorities within the COST Suburban . Sub-Urban is a European network of Geological Surveys, Cities and Research Partners working together to improve how we manage the ground beneath our cities. There was a realisation that the Geologists had a lot of interesting and useful GIS based data that urban planners within local authorities were either not aware of, or just not using. In some cases it was known knowns, but also known unknowns. The best analogy was that the Geologists were running a stall with lots of great products, but we as practioners were only interested in the one product we understood and knew. How could the geologists move us from risk averse to risk aware? It also felt like we were all talking different languages and explanations and understanding were getting lost in translation. Through the project we collaborated on developed a shared language that allowed the delivery of a toolkit that helped planners identify their information requirements in relation to the sub surface and linked them to the data that Geologists had available. We had shared ownership and understanding of the objectives and outcomes and a shared responsibility to deliver.

My second example is Connecting Nature, large research and policy project funded by the European Commission. Academics recognised that in order to impact actions on the ground with regard to their research into nature based solutions they had to recognise the large body of work that local authorities had already developed. They had to recognise that innovation could come from communities as well as the academic world and that they had to understand the needs of practioners and identify useable tools and methodologies that worked with the realities of local authority governance. There was a recognition that research aims can be served by working on real world problems that currently exist and not on “pilots” that have just been created to service an academic need. We’re only a year and a bit into Connecting Nature, but it feels like a real collaboration that has the potential to change how Local Authorities work with academics. It will also, hopefully show the wider academic community that local authority practioners do have a scientific rigour underpinning the work that they deliver, and that there is real value in social science in a real world setting. Collaboration is about real partnerships built on a trusting relationships where each contribution is valued equally.

Tischa Muñoz-Erickson

About the Writer:
Tischa Muñoz-Erickson

Tischa A Muñoz-Erickson is a Research Social Scientist with the USDA Forest Service’s International Institute of Tropical Forestry (IITF) in Río Piedras, Puerto Rico.

Tischa Muñoz-Erickson

The greatest impact this collaboration had on me is that it made me confront the unconscious (and naïve) bias I had towards scientific knowledge as a superior form of knowledge.
As a sustainability scientist I’ve worked in many collaborative projects with people from different walks of life, including scientists from other disciplines, community members, representatives from government, non-governmental and grass roots organizations, and business owners. Yet no experience has been as challenging, and as rewarding, as when I collaborated with ranchers. When I was working on my Master’s degree in environmental science and policy I was in charge of developing an integrated knowledge system to monitor and evaluate the ecological and social health of ranchlands managed by the Diablo Trust in Northern Arizona. The Diablo Trust is a collaborative land management group formed in 1993 by two family ranches to address public concerns about the impact of cattle grazing on forestland and wildlife populations. For three years I met routinely with the ranchers and others in the collaborative group to decide on indicators, monitoring sites, data collection methods, and analysis protocols for this knowledge system that was to inform sustainable land management decisions.

The main challenge the ranchers and I had to overcome to work together on this knowledge system was one of trust because of the conflict that ranchers have had experienced with environmental activists in the past. My advisor at the time was a conservation biologist that had been working with the group for many years and that the ranchers now trusted. Yet, I couldn’t rely on his social capital alone, but I had to build my own rapport the ranchers as well. I visited the ranches many times to have coffee with them. I participated in campouts and other social activities that the Diablo Trust organized to encourage community cohesion. I walked the land with them, and I volunteered when they needed help to move the cattle herds or to put up fences. I even wore cowboy chaps one time (yes, you read right, this urbanite from a Caribbean island wore cowboy chaps!). I had to do all that so they would see that I respected their way of life and that, while sometimes we may disagree over specific management actions, caring for the land was a value we held in common and that it could be the basis of our professional relationship. Once they trusted that I was not trying to impose my environmental views on them, they were willing to listen to me and see the importance of studying and monitoring things that I also cared about (i.e. rare plant species) along with what they cared about (i.e. productive grasses for their cattle).

Thirteen years after I left the project, the knowledge system we developed together is still being used by the Diablo Trust. I am also still welcomed as a friend and colleague to their regular meetings. There is not better indication that our collaboration was a success as seeing them take ownership of the project and sustain it beyond my time there.

But the greatest impact this collaboration had on me is that it made me confront the unconscious (and naïve) bias I had towards scientific knowledge as a superior form of knowledge. All that time I spent building trust with the ranchers also allowed me to see and learn from the deep knowledge they had amassed from growing with and managing the land. The humility and appreciation I gained for other ways of knowing, and that now is the foundation from which I approach every collaboration, could not have happened if I hadn’t had experienced ranching and this different way of seeing and experiencing the world.

In short, the positive and productive collaboration I had with ranchers taught me that building relationships and inclusiveness across different worldviews and ways of knowing are crucial ingredients for a successful collaboration. The time and energy invested in these key ingredients will not only result in better project outcomes but, more importantly, the work and its impact (and the friendships!) will be more meaningful.

Eduardo Guerrero

About the Writer:
Eduardo Guerrero

Eduardo Guerrero is a biologist with over 20 years of experience in projects and initiatives involving environmental and sustainable development issues in Colombia and other South American countries.

Eduardo Guerrero

Towards a multi-stakeholder approach to sustainable management of urban wetlands in Bogotá

In Bogotá, we have a promising process in which there is not a single stakeholder leading the recovery and protection of our urban wetlands, but a synergistic arrangement of committed public, private and community participants.
Unlike Bogota’s Cerros (east side mountains), a landscape icon visible from any point in the city, urban wetlands are Bogotá’s best kept natural secret. Fortunately, more and more citizens and visitors are discovering the wealth of life that characterizes Córdoba, La Conejera, Santa María del Lago, Juan Amarillo, Jaboque and Tibanica, just to mention a few.

These urban wetlands are the living memory of a great high Andean lake system that once characterized the indigenous Muisca territory, in what we now call Sabana de Bogotá.

Although fragmented relicts of large aquatic spaces, still today they offer us an amazing biodiversity in the middle of the big city. Their ecosystem services are essential, either as biological filters, water regulators, microclimatic regulators, carbon storage or as high-value natural spaces for citizen enjoyment.

During the last 25 years a synergistic process involving public and community stakeholders has been successful in halting an intense deterioration caused by irrational urban planning.

They have been legally declared as District Ecological Parks, which are fundamental elements of Bogota’s Main Ecological Structure and district water system. The rationale behind this declaration includes the understanding that the economy and competitivity of the city depends on its natural base of support.

Two people observing wildlife at Santa Maria del Lago urban wetland. Photo: Eduardo Guerrero.

Even amid divergent points of view and occasional lack of trust among authorities and citizens, a shared goal to protect these strategic urban ecological parks has gradually gained momentum.

An intense and necessary debate is part of the process. Should the urban wetlands be dedicated strictly to passive recreation? Considering they are natural areas located in the middle of the city, is it possible to reconcile the protection of their ecosystem attributes with land uses such as walking trails, bike paths, park furniture (benches, viewing platforms, fitness equipment) or even the nearby planning of avenues? What should be the distance between urban infrastructure and wetlands, and what is the type of protective barriers or urban design needed to preserve ecosystem functions? What activities should be allowed and under what criteria should the carrying capacity be managed in such a way that ecotourism and visitor access are compatible with conservation and sustainable use?

During recent years, my own experience with this intense process has comprised several roles. It has allowed me to experience personally a diversity of perspectives and interests regarding urban wetlands. Let me share some specific experiences I have had in my work in collaborating with stakeholders from different disciplines or “ways of knowing”.

  • As a citizen, I participated in a community-led initiative, in which neighbors collaborated to build a kind of “social mesh”, instead of a physical mesh, looking to protect a public wetland area through environmental education and citizen ownership.
  • As a manager in Bogota’s environmental authority, we enriched wetland park management by recruiting community leaders as environmental interpreters and guides for visitors.
  • And currently, as an advisor of the national policy on urban environmental management, I have organized a multi-stakeholder think tank devoted to promoting dialogue and exchange of good practices among interested parties in public, private, academic and community settings.

In all these experiences I encountered a genuine interest in joint action beyond disciplines and points of view. When you establish a common ground around a shared vision, as well as a “win-win” mood, interest, and actions tend to converge.

The Cordoba wetland, in Bogotá. Photo: Eduardo Guerrero.

Of course, there still are conflicts of interest, misunderstandings, and sectoral and political biases, but gradually and increasingly more and more stakeholders recognize urban wetlands as a patrimonial and strategic element of Bogota’s natural heritage.

Clearly, dealing with urban wetlands is not just an environmental issue. You must involve strategic sectors and stakeholders including habitat and urban planning, the construction industry, infrastructure, health, education, security and, of course, community organizations. It’s a complex challenge that requires integrated approaches as well as governance based on transparency and participation, the building of trust, and joint action.

In Bogota, we have a promising process in which there is not a single stakeholder leading the recovery and protection of our urban wetlands, but a synergistic arrangement of committed public, private and community participants. In the midst of agreements, disagreements, constructive debates, and conflicting interests, the social imaginary regarding urban wetlands is evolving towards a recognition of the multiple values and ecosystem services provided by them.

Few Latin American capitals have the quantity, biological diversity, and the extent of wetlands like Bogotá, both in the city and in rural areas. We should be proud to have a wetland system that represents a natural heritage, and that has become a major city project. And at the same time, we must be more and more committed to and co-responsible for their protection and coordination of a sustainable, inclusive and resilient development of our capital city.

Britt Gwinner

About the Writer:
Britt Gwinner

Britt Gwinner works on affordable housing in developing markets. He has led investment and advisory programs for affordable housing finance for the past four years, with most experience in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and South Asia.

Britt Gwinner

What can seem like an obvious gain to an engineer may not be as clear to the family that has to pay for the technology, or to the lender that would finance its purchase.
Affordable Green Housing—How to get Bankers to Communicate with Architects, Engineers, and Consumers?

As a banker, I’ve struggled to collaborate with my engineering and architectural colleagues to define and finance affordable, green, and disaster resilient housing. We have had some success, but it’s been an on-going discussion about how to pitch the value proposition to individuals, what is feasible in technical terms, and what is feasible in economic terms, especially for low-income families in developing countries.
Building efficient, resilient, affordable housing ought to be one of the easy ways to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and improve urban disaster resilience. Close to 20% of GHGs come from buildings, and in the urbanizing world, housing makes up 75% of new structures. In earthquakes and cyclones, housing usually suffers more than robust commercial structures.
But globally, most new housing is built in developing countries by low income households. Families start with pieces of land and build shelters incrementally, room by room. These families cannot afford to follow basic local building codes, much less global norms for energy efficiency. Up to 70% of the workforce of countries like Indonesia and Kenya work informally, without a regular paystub. Banks will not provide informal workers with mortgages to buy completed houses.

Financing is essential to any kind of real estate. Neither low income households nor wealthy investors pay cash for real estate. Formal real estate construction brings together teams of engineers and architects, who design the building, and teams of financial specialists, who figure out how to finance the building’s construction. Informally built housing brings together low-income households with often low-skilled artisans and a wide variety of materials and methods.

To an engineer or architect, the advantages of green technologies are obvious, based on climate change mitigation and future savings for the families. But these savings can be small in a temperate or tropical climate, where it is not necessary to heat a home. For commercial structures, communications among professionals are easy. Investors in a new warehouse are happy to reduce future operating costs with energy and water saving tech.

The struggle comes in affordable housing, where even a middle-class household that buys a flat in city like Jakarta may scrimp for years to save up a down payment. Any additional up-front cost is a serious challenge, even if it leads to lower electricity bills in the future.

Resilience to disasters can be even more difficult to sell to poor households. Installing plumbing in a house that lacks it is a sure gain in hygiene and health for a family. Depending on the location, reinforcing the structure against earthquakes is an uncertain gain against a distant, potential calamity.

To a low-income family or a financier, the cost benefit tradeoff of energy efficiency and resilience is not always obvious, because the calculation is made solely in terms of the direct costs to the owner. What is the technology package that is cheap enough for a low-income household in an informal neighborhood in Jakarta? How do we convince microfinance institutions to finance LED lights, solar water heaters or structural improvements? How does the microlender assess the capacity and willingness of the informally employed household to repay a loan for that technology package?

As a lender with social science background, I’ve been learning about the mix and match of different green technologies for different climates and countries. On the other hand, I’ve had to school my engineering colleagues on how banks and micro-lenders function.

We are having some success. In recent years, we’ve financed more and more green, resilient housing. The challenges are generally found in the institutions that build and finance housing, from authorities for building codes, materials producers and distributors, lenders, and the households themselves.

The construction business is conservative, as are consumers. Housing is an aspirational good. People identify with their homes. We’ve all had to learn what building materials are culturally acceptable in different countries, and how we might convince people to accept new technologies.

The shortfall in affordable and resilient green housing is a microcosm of the broader debate of thinking globally and acting locally. What can seem like an obvious gain to an engineer may not be as clear to the family that has to pay for the technology, or to the lender that would finance its purchase. But engineers and lenders at many lenders are working to express the value proposition more effectively.

(The opinions expressed In this post are my own and not necessarily those of my employer.)

Keitaro Ito

About the Writer:
Keitaro Ito

Keitaro is a professor at Kyushu Institute of Technology and teaches landscape ecology and design. He has studied and worked in Japan, the U.K., Germany and Norway and has been designing urban parks, river banks, school gardens, and forest parks.

Keitaro Ito and Tomomi Sudo

In this project to create biodiverse schoolyards for engagement and play, we have done over 350 workshops together with children, teachers, and university students. They discussed their own ideas about ecology, target species, depth of water, domestic plants, and so on.
What we have learned from ecological landscape design in urban area in Japan.

What is urban ecology and biodiversity? What have we learned from collaborative ecological landscape design in urban area? We have been designing landscape even in urban areas, based on vernacular design (ecology, regional culture, and so on) for the past decade. The aim of our projects is to create an area for preserving biodiversity, children’s play, and ecological education that can simultaneously form part of an ecological network in an urban area. In these past 15 years, I have been designing to have interdisciplinary research and proposing to accommodate both children’s play and biodiversity in an urban area. I would like to discuss the problem and future issues through our projects, exotic species, children’s play, and managing urban nature from a landscape designer’s point of view.

University students talk about ecological matters with school children in an outdoor workshop. Photo: Keitaro Ito

The Multi-Functional Landscape Planning (MFLP, Ito et al. 2014, 2106) method has been used for the projects. MFLP approach will be effective to evaluate for the planning of a project such as urban park. According to this method, a space is divided into a number of layers (layers of vegetation, water, playground, and ecological learning), which overlap each other. Thus, during the creation of a multi-functional play area, children are able to engage in “various activities” as its different layers are added on top of each other. In addition, they will learn something new about its ecology when they are playing there. The ecological rich place is thought to be a more vivid location for play. The project drew on two planning processes. First, “process planning” was used in the planning and design phases of this project (Isozaki, 1970). This does not place emphasis on the finished object but allows changes to be made during the actual process and is thus a very flexible method of design. The children learned about the existence of various ecosystems through their participation in the various workshops (and then later when playing in the biotope). Children and teachers at the school, along with a number of local residents, actively participated in the development of an accessible environment (the biotope) and are active in proposing ideas for its future management. As such, their interest in the biotope continues. “Process Planning” would thus appear to be well suited for a long‐term project such as a school biotope.

The aim of these projects is to create an area for preserving biodiversity, children’s play and ecological education that can simultaneously form part of an ecological network in an urban area. Then we need to communicate ecological matters to children, parents, and teachers. In our school yard nature restoration project, the collaboration has been done with landscape designers, university students, school teachers, educators, ecologists, and psychologists. In this project, we have done over 350 workshop together with children, teacher and university students. They discussed their own ideas about ecology, target species, depth of water, domestic plants, and so on. University students especially have a very important role for connecting ecological knowledge between teachers and school children. For example, exotic species are sometimes difficult because, while some of the flowers are beautiful, they may need to be eliminated for native biodiversity conservation purposes. Students’ teaching skill is key. They need to learn and study basic and ecological matters.

Learning about ecology and maintenance methods in a school yard. Photo: Keitaro Ito

I think landscape designers should consider “landscape” as an “Omniscape” (Numata 1996; Arakawa, 1999; Ito et al. 2014, 2016) in which it is much more important to think of landscape design as a “learnscape”, embracing not only the joy of seeing, but stimulating a more holistic way of using body and senses for learning. So it is very important to see how children and teachers are using urban nature, then landscape designers can flexibly adapt the plan for the place according to their needs. Landscape designers and architects need the ssupport of biologists/ecologists for ecological design and planning.

References

ITO Keitaro, Tomomi Sudo and Ingunn Fjørtoft, Ecological design: collaborative landscape design with school children, Children, Nature, Cities, (Eds.) Ann Marie F. Murnaghan and Laura J. Shillington, Routledge, pp.195-209, 2016

ITO Keitaro, Ingunn Fjørtoft, Tohru Manabe and Mahito Kamada, Designing Low Carbon Societies in Landscapes, Landscape Design for Urban Biodiversity and Ecological Education in Japan: Approach from Process Planning and Multifunctional Landscape Planning, Springer, pp.73-86, 2014

Arakawa, S. Fujii, H. (1999) Seimei‐no‐kenchiku (Life architecture), Suiseisha, Tokyo.

Numata, M.(1996) Landscape Ecology, Asakura shoten, Tokyo

Isozaki, A.(1970) Kukan e (Toward the space), bijyutu shuppan, Tokyo (in Japanese)

Tomomi Sudo

About the Writer:
Tomomi Sudo

Dr. Tomomi Sudo studies for developing sustainable cities which can provide essential nature experiences for people and children. She has been implementing ecological learning projects for children in urban natural environment. She is studying also Landscape Ecology and Design in Japan and Norway. Her interest is how to develop the materials for ecological education and apply that for ecological design. She studies at Kyushu Institute of Technology, Japan.

Madhusudan Katti

About the Writer:
Madhusudan Katti

Madhusudan is an evolutionary ecologist who discovered birds as an undergrad after growing up a nature-oblivious urban kid near Bombay, went chasing after vanishing wildernesses in the Himalaya and Western Ghats as a graduate student, and returned to study cities grown up as a reconciliation ecologist.

Madhusudan Katti

An ecologist walks into a suburban backyard… and finds common ground with a sociologist and an anthropologist

We—ecologist and sociologist and anthropologist—ended up with a richly detailed socioecological picture of Fresno, depicting details of how people and birds behave in individual homes and yards, and how that fits into the larger patchwork quilt of green spaces and biodiversity across the city.
An evolutionary ecologist by training, I entered the city with my lens focused on urban habitats for birds, in arid southwestern US landscapes where human impact was most obvious in how much water was available to plants and animals. Ecologists have found many interesting patterns in how plants and animals are distributed within cities, with a recurring theme being the so-called “luxury effect” on biodiversity—i.e., species diversity increases with neighborhood wealth. But we don’t quite understand how this pattern comes about: how do people channel their wealth into their yards and local landscapes in ways that attract or deter wildlife?

I chose to study wildlife biology in my youth because it was easier for me to wander through woods watching (and eventually catching and measuring) birds than to strike up conversations with strangers. I learned how to measure the plants, insects, and other resources birds need in the wild, drawing detailed pictures of their lives in the forests where I spent my Ph.D. years.

Diving into the city to study birds was therefore rather disconcerting for an introverted evolutionary ecologist! It soon became clear that urban bird behavior was shaped by what people do in and to their habitats. And measuring people as the biggest variable to explain bird behavior and distribution is a whole different ballgame than measuring plants or insects. People can be mercurial, and don’t always like being measured in ways I had been trained to do—and their behavior, how they shape their landscapes, is driven by even more complex influences, including cultural, social, institutional, governmental, and market forces that shape decisions in conscious or unconscious ways.

Therefore, when I moved to Fresno, California as a new professor, I first sought out local birding hotspots, and second, collaborators outside my biology department, and off-campus, to help me understand that city’s ecology. Universities don’t make it easy for faculty to reach across disciplinary silos, so one has to commit enough time to build productive collaborations. By the time a grant opportunity arose from the National Science Foundation and US Forest Service under President Obama’s economic stimulus package, I had a team in place to a study how Fresno’s environment would change with the installation of water meters.

While I was able to fill the larger canvas of the whole urban system in broad ecological strokes—where which plants and birds occurred, and how they layered atop patterns in the green-/blue-/grey-scapes of the city—a sociologist filled in important details about underlying socioeconomic gradients, and an anthropologist took us into backyards, talking to homeowners about how and why they chose to have a lawn or other plants, how much and how often they watered them, and what they felt about the birds.

We ended up with a richly detailed socioecological picture of Fresno, depicting details of how people and birds behave in individual homes and yards, and how that fits into the larger patchwork quilt of green spaces and biodiversity across the city. Without my sociologist and anthropologist friends, I wouldn’t have discovered that people wanted lush over-watered lawns in this dry region due to cultural inertia: it was what they knew from the dominant American model home from wetter parts of the country. And this culturally ingrained habit created a lush lawn landscape that kept out too many native bird species. Water metering and drought shifted perceptions enough that we could nudge people towards more waterwise landscaping choices, creating room for more of the local wildlife within the sprawling suburbs of Fresno.

Jessica Kavonic

About the Writer:
Jessica Kavonic

Jess is part of ICLEI’s Cities Biodiversity Center as well as ICLEI Africa’s Resilience team. She has a background in atmospheric science with a more specialised knowledge of climate change and its relationship with a sustainable approach to development.

Jessica Kavonic

Mainstreaming nature into planning in urban Africa: the power of collaboration

An emergent principle of the Urban Natural Assets for Africa learning spaces is special emphasis on the actual conversations and the areas of tension that occur between unfamiliar participants. It is often these areas of tension that can unlock opportunities for change
News headlines in many African cities highlight the significant impacts of floods, droughts, heat waves and landslides. It is now widely acknowledged that there is a link between the scale of the impact of these events, and how depleted the natural assets are in the relevant area.

Given this, many African cities face a choice: to continue to merely reactto these events, or to address the systematic causes of the loss of natural assets, which counteract the negative effects of such events. Addressing these underlying causes requires scaled action, investment, and collaboration to connect often “siloed” departments and organisations.

Against this backdrop, the Urban Natural Assets for Africa (UNA) programme, among other activities, brings together a wide array of African city stakeholders from different sectors, institutions and organisations in a series of informal learning spaces, to co-explore how to best address these issues.

The benefits of bringing a diverse group of stakeholders together are clear. “Meeting and learning helps presents a complete encompassing picture which triggers action … helping us refocus where we are going and being an eye-opener so that we do not lose direction”, one UNA participant observed after a collaborative learning dialogue. Another participant mentioned that, “if nothing else, this collaborative process provided a great platform for information sharing and learning what others are actually doing. This is an ongoing challenge”.

Increased systems thinking, sharing of knowledge, as well as improved co-ordination and networking are common benefits for co-production. But it is apparent that collaboration also helps foster an improved sense of “togetherness” as it facilitates a greater understanding of others as individuals. One UNA participated said: “I have realised that to work together I need to change my views to be able to meet every [person]. I need to meet others where they are and not where I am … from conversation I see that we all equally contributing to both the solution and the problem. I am not alone”.

Collaboration also offers an opportunity for diverse actors to collectively reflect on and propose solutions to some of the most pressing challenges faced by their cities. One UNA stakeholder noted that, “…hardly do we stop and think about where we are going and if this is the best way to get there. Or that we can have thought of the things we don’t want to happen”.

The UNA learning spaces provide a place for co-exploration of nature-friendly urban planning and development issues with city stakeholders, co-creating the information needed to support policy and practice. However, a major emergent challenge to identifying solutions seems to be the limited ability in unpacking the actual steps needed to take these opportunities forward. Spaces that prioritise dialogue whereby stakeholders effectively unpack the actualmethods for taking discussion forward, analyse howthings can be done differently (especially linked to how certain decisions can be made differently), as well as provide the space for visioning, have proven extremely valuable in collectively overcoming systemic lock-ins.

An emergent principle of the UNA learning spaces is the special emphasis on the actual conversations, the need to follow effective processes, the areas of tension that arise in dialogue and the subtle learnings that occur between participants. It is often these areas of tension that can unlock opportunities for change.

For example, during visionary exercises in Malawi, participants co-developed impact stories for potential futures under plausible climate futures. A major point of tension was whether to include current policy reform and planned interventions in the stories. Participants from one sector were adamant that the future would change based on what they were currently planning to do, and therefore these activities should be included. Whereas other stakeholders were of a differing opinion with one participant mentioning “we are locked into bigger challenges that current interventions will not overcome”.This brought to the fore an important discussion in relation to how African city stakeholders can tackle systemic issues, which would have unlikely happened if an open and collaborative process was not followed. And more importantly, this would have unlikely emerged if there were no areas of tension or differing backgrounds between stakeholders.

As in the biodiversity discourse, which celebrates the role that diversity plays in coping and adapting to changes, so too does collaboration. Different ideas, backgrounds, vulnerabilities and power dynamics, if managed effectively can lead to improved collective action. However, as with any situation differences can result in challenges. One particular challenge that emerges across many ICLEI Africa projects and programmes, is terminology. The same word can mean multiple things depending on the background and perspective in which it is being used, and by whom. This challenge can be overcome, if effectively unpacked early on in the process, avoiding areas of tension that can arise from a misunderstanding of what stakeholders mean and how terms are viewed.

Through its experimentation in co-production, ICLEI Africa and the Cities Biodiversity Center, is effectively establishing new methodologies, tools and learnings for mainstreaming nature into local level planning and decision making processes. Interestingly, a major learninghas been that mainstreaming seems to be limited by confidence. City officials are often looking for the best methods for integration, planning, biodiversity management etc. Collaborative spaces are profound in helping improve confidence in all stakeholders so that they are comfortable that there is no one size fits all and confident in working with the context, resources and methods available to them. In addition, allowing time for diverse stakeholders to engage in a safe space on a mutually important topic is key to building trust and relationships, both of which benefit the longevity of interventions. These subtle and softer skills, which are key to mainstreaming nature into planning, cannot be developed without stakeholder collaboration.

Yvonne Lynch

About the Writer:
Yvonne Lynch

Yvonne is an Urban Greening & Climate Resilience Strategist who works with Royal Commission for Riyadh City.

Yvonne Lynch

Two elements of successful collaboration are key: acknowledgement of joint effort, and starting the collaboration early in any process.
Engineers hold the keys to our cities. Of that I’m certain. Despite the politics that play out to determine directions and make decisions, ultimately engineers are the critical players when it comes to either maintaining the status quo or realising radical transformation for cities.
There are multiple disciplines of engineers from aeronautical and biomedical, from chemical to mechanical, and everything in between. In a career spanning almost two decades, I’ve worked with all of them, but most continuously with civil engineers. I’m a policy maker with a tertiary education in philosophy and communications, so I’m not exactly the first port of call for a municipal engineering department when they have a problem to solve. We speak different languages. We have different styles of working, different ways of knowing.

As a policy maker, I have always been committed to implementation. It is not enough to design and endorse cutting edge policies and strategies, you must actively drive implementation at every level, otherwise these documents are a waste of time and money. It didn’t take me long to realise that in a city government, you need to win the confidence of the engineers in order to implement sustainable, climate adapted, and ecologically healthy urban spaces.

What I have learned is that change takes time with engineers and that if at first you don’t succeed, then try again. When you come from different ways of knowing, collaboration is not instantaneous or easy. I recall the day I gathered several of my former engineering colleagues together to discuss extreme flooding and sea level rise. It was a hot sweltering summer day in year 13 of Melbourne’s Millennium Drought. I sat with my consultant team and demonstrated our flashy GIS-based flood model, illustrating critical flood scenarios. I was met with the response that we were in the midst of drought, this was not a priority matter. I tried to explain that our Climate Adaptation Strategy said we will experience drought and extreme flooding more frequently and simultaneously. By the end of our meeting, almost prophetically, the city had been unexpectedly flooded in the space of an hour. There were people swimming down Flinders Street.

Floods! Fabulous! What an endorsement for immediate action to progress this work, right?
Wrong. In fact, it took many more months and years to advance the municipal approach to climate-adapted flood management. And rightly so, because dealing with the big issues is rarely immediate. And changing the approach to municipal design, engineering and management is no overnight matter and nor is it something that can be driven by an evidence-based scenarios model or a single policy, plan or person!

Transformational city change takes time and requires the involvement of hundreds of municipal officers and many leaders. But when the engineers get involved, the innovation picks up pace and the magic begins to happen. I’ve seen first attempts at permeable paving quite literally sink in the ground, and I’ve seen engineers solve the problem. I’ve marvelled at largescale stormwater harvesting infrastructures and watched the engineers make them work when problems arose.

I’ve learned the key to collaboration with engineers is taking the time to fully explore the critical issues together. Its also about starting the work together from conception and not engaging them only at the point of implementation. The second time I developed a flood model, the engineers collaborated from the outset and owned the final product. And, probably the most important element of collaboration is acknowledgement. So often a lead work area in a city government can garner the attention for success, but the work always involves multiple parties. Highlighting those players and saying thank you is critical, and so is asking: what are we going to do next?

Mary Mattingly

About the Writer:
Mary Mattingly

Mary Mattingly creates sculptural ecosystems in urban spaces. Mary Mattingly’s work has been exhibited at the Brooklyn Museum, International Center of Photography, the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes de la Habana, Storm King, the Bronx Museum of the Arts, and the Palais de Tokyo.

Mary Mattingly and Lonny Grafman

Practice, meet Whimsy. Whimsy, meet Practice. Both of you, meet Vision. And in meeting, create installations inspiring hundreds of thousands of visitors that could not have been created alone.
Mary: In 2008, I was planning a public art and ecological project called Waterpod. Waterpodwas to become a fully self-sufficient ecosystem where five people would live, work, and host visitors on a floating barge in New York City’s harbor. I met Lonny Grafman that year through a mutual friend, Doug Cohen. Doug knew that I had a vision for the project, but did not have the practical skills necessary to build a self-sufficient ecosystem. Doug urged me to call his friend Lonny, a Resilient Technologies designer. I knew Lonny lived on the west coast and my instinct at the time was to find someone local with similar experiences and knowledge, but I took Doug’s advice and Lonny patiently listened to me explain what I was aiming to do. On our first call, I realized how much I had to learn about what he did. We talked for a few months before Lonny offered to have his engineering class work on specific projects that could be utilized and tested on the Waterpodby visitors and the crew who would live onboard. Since talking with Lonny on the phone in 2008, we’ve collaborated on numerous public projects, including Swale, Flock House, Wetland, lectures, workshops, writing, and more.

Project leaving South Street Seaport NYC, 2009. Photo: Mary Mattingly

Through being able to collaborate with Lonny, I’ve learned a number of practical skills, from plumbing a dry composting toilet, grease traps, and gutters to setting up solar systems. Every day, I utilize other skills I learned through working with Lonny, including modeling criteria for small and large projects and mapping team assets. Without having the formal background, I’ve been brought into his world and am now able to think more like an engineer, which has helped me immensely in other endeavors. Lonny has also taught me how to communicate more clearly, be more self-assured and therefore convincing. Most of all, Lonny has taught me that meeting new people and then finding common ground is a necessity.

Lonny: When I received that random late-night call in 2008, I was a little skeptical. The scale was epic, the need to inspire people regarding climate change was palpable, and the tone was a mixture of apocalyptic and whimsical. At the same time, this project seemed like one of those things that people talk about and never do.

Through my conversations with Mary, I quickly realized how serious she was and how definitively she was going to make this happen…so I jumped on board.

The projects I generally work on are more directly practical—e.g. safe drinking water, clean energy, local entrepreneurship, sustainable construction, etc. While these projects may have an artistic element, the main goals are more obvious. In these projects, it is easy for me to know what is a necessity and what can be changed. In an epic art project, it is much harder to know. Watching Mary articulate her grand vision and weave in multiple cocreators with their own visions was edifying. Yet, if I had to pick just one thing I learned deeply working with Mary, I would pick whimsy.

Whimsy. I am sure that is not how Mary would describe it, but it is how it seems to me. I have learned deeply how whimsy matters. The better engineered something is, the more visitors, users, and stakeholders will enjoy the more whimsical aspects. The fanciful, imaginative, and even the evanescent serve to inspire. I often think back to my early thinking on the Waterpod. I was attempting to calculate the embedded energy of every part of the barge in order to balance our impacts…and yet somehow, I forgot to calculate in the impacts on the visitors and what they would end up changing in their lives. We had 200,000 in person visitors. Anecdotally most left inspired. If even a small fraction of these visitors made change, the investment was more than worth it.

Waterpod Water System, 2009. Photo: Mary Mattingly
Lonny Grafman

About the Writer:
Lonny Grafman

Lonny Grafman is an Instructor at Humboldt State University; the founder of the Practivistas summer abroad, full immersion, resilient community technology program; the project manager of the epi-apocalyptic city art project Swale; the Chief Product Officer of Nexi; the managing director of BlueTechValley North Coast; and the President of the Appropedia Foundation, sharing knowledge to build rich, sustainable lives.

Brian McGrath

About the Writer:
Brian McGrath

Brian McGrath is Professor of Urban Design at Parsons School of Design at The New School and Associate Director of the Tishman Center for Environment and Design where he leads the Infrastructure, Design and Justice Lab. The focus of his work is the architecture of urban adaptation and change from social justice and ecological resilience perspectives.

Brian McGrath

I have become convinced of the need for new collaborative models around the shift in the cultural narrative for cites from the architecture to the ecology of cities. These models are multi-scalar and multi-actor, including the essential balancing of non-human and human actors.
I have had many collaborative experiences in urban discourse in general as well as on specific projects in a wide range of community, professional, and academic research contexts. In order to convey some lessons learned over the years, I can group these experiences under three broad umbrellas: architecture and urbanism as humanist disciplines; an early immersion in art and activism as a young professional; and my generations’ encounter with digital technology as a platform to engage within the very different collaborative frameworks of science. All these experiences have been arenas for personal and intellectual growth, but the extreme gap between humanist and scientific methods of collaboration remains a continuing challenge—they require shared metaphors that can bridge distinct ways of thinking.

I studied architecture as an undergraduate and graduate student within stand-alone professional schools within liberal arts universities. These schools awarded degrees that conform with national and state licensing structures, but emphasized architecture as an inherently cultural act that engages in the collaborative construction of cities according to collective social norms and aspirations. The best way to understand any culture is to visit its cities and to be enveloped in the life-worlds produced by architecture and building. Art, literature, and all forms of cultural production as well as the various forms of urban social life constitute a type of collaborative project with the design and building of the city as a collective artifact. During the European Renaissance and Enlightenment, architecture was placed at the center of this collaborative enterprise, and therefore served as both the common narrative and the arena for the exertion of power. This can be seen as a hierarchical collaborative model, where the discipline of architecture was created in order for a prince, religious leader, wealthy individual, or civic group to arrive at a physical structuring of both the city as a whole, and various institutions, public spaces, and private buildings within it. Cities are inexhaustible texts from which to read or decipher the power structure, ethics and values of a society, in other words, how they collaborate or not.

As a recent graduate undertaking a career as an architect in Lower Manhattan in the 1980s, the injustice of the hierarchical Eurocentric architectural model became clear. Recent struggles for civil rights, social equity, feminism, and queer theory are just a few of the social movements that provided more democratic and just models of collaboration. I lived within a milieu that was rich in collaborative experiments such as homesteading in vacant buildings, green gorillas seed bombing vacant lots, community gardeners, bicycle activists, independent art, poetry and performance groups, community land trusts, community housing organizations, and AIDS activism. Collaboration under this activist model questioned the older patriarchal and colonial models that the U.S. had always tried to import as forms of cultural legitimacy from European sources. Unfortunately these grass roots organizations were ill-equipped to counter the economic and political restructuring of New York City following its near fiscal default in the 1970s. As city officials became more invested in economic development rather than social welfare, architects were quick to provide a cultural veneer and narrative for displacement, gentrification and the commodification of the city. A corporate model of collaboration creates a professional hierarchy of a client, either public or private, a lead designer for a project, with various vertical tiers of consultants, depending on the scale and complexity of the project.

With each passing decade preceding and following the new millennium, new developments in digital technology. The development of modeling software, wide access to the internet, and hand held links to social media invited new models of collaboration and with the widening of access to the tools that created the possibility of a return to the more radical non-hierarchical collaborative models developed in the ‘60s and ‘70s, culminating in Occupy Wall Street in 2011. New technology formed the basis of multiple experiments in urban design collaboration that I undertook as a teacher and practitioner in urban design. One project, Manhattan Timeformations, celebrated the new millennium with an interactive on-line data base that allows viewers to understand the historical formation of New York’s two central business districts. The publicly funded project with the Skyscraper Museum involved multiple public forums in the creation of the digital model in order to provide an easy user interface. The project has had a wide internet audience and after it was published in WIRED magazine and I was approached by three principal investigators of the Baltimore Ecosystem Study (BES) who were experimenting in GIS software and time based mapping of longitudinal research. As one of two urban sites as part of the National Science Foundation’s Long Term Ecological Research program, the research project brings social and biophysical scientists together in collaborative research projects, driven by the accumulation of data over long time periods, This collaborative approach to research has significantly enriched the understand of the Baltimore region as an urban ecosystem. After 15 years with BES, I have become convinced of the need for new collaborative models around the shift in the cultural narrative for cites from the architecture to the ecology of cities. These models are multi-scalar and multi-actor, including the essential balancing of non-human and human actors. Important is that this new collaborative model is not about green space in the city, but a cultural metaphor for the ecology of and for the city.

Ragene Palma

About the Writer:
Ragene Palma

Ragene Palma is a Filipino urbanist currently studying International Planning at the University of Westminster, London, as a Chevening scholar. Follow her work at littlemissurbanite.com.

Ragene Palma

While there were many collaborations across disciplines and ways of knowing in our urban development programme, which were equally valuable to city and environmental planning, together they are an overview of the interphases in economic planning.
Environmental planning in the Philippines is such a multi-disciplinary profession because of how it transects with so many other fields. In city and municipal governments, planning is central to all other departments, primarily because of the data and strategic and spatial directions. In private practice, planning is always conducted by a team of different experts. The profession is inclusive towards many specializations, ranging from the natural, environmental sciences to sociology and economies.

While I am fond of sharing many experiences on planning, let me write about my work under the UN HABITAT Philippines. In 2015, I became part of the team that worked on the Achieving Sustainable Urban Development (ASUD) Programme. As part of the strategy to approach planned city extensions holistically, the program used the model of enhancing governance, financing, and economic development to ensure how leadership, implementing ability of plans, and economic progress could move together.

I was tasked to work on the local economic development of select cities. In doing so, I had to work closely with all economic departments of the government and groups within civil society. The sectors involved included agriculture and fisheries, trade, entrepreneurship, and business development. In conducting primary research, I worked with farmers and fisherfolk, business owners, and entrepreneurs. In conducting secondary research, I worked with local government departments, including trade and tourism. I also conducted research with special sectors, including the youth, to understand issues on schooling courses, preferred industries, and access to employment; social welfare groups, to understand issues on migration in and out of the city; and people’s organizations that could provide perspectives on informal markets.

The knowledge of each of these sectors was vital to understanding the local economy. The assessments and strategy development spanned from defining the cities’ strengths and capacities (including skills, production, income) to aligning local economic growth to the planned city extension while sustaining the current economic activities.

Another key collaboration in the program was the close work of environmental planning and geography. In creating strategies for local economic development, the spatial component was of utmost importance, because of how it helped direct the workability of improved value chains and linkages within industries, and the viability of connecting the city extensions.

While there were many other collaborations across disciplines and ways of knowing in the ASUD Programme, which were equally valuable to city and environmental planning, what I shared could be an overview of the interphases in economic planning. Valuing specialized, local knowledge through collaboration enhances one’s work through added value, provides a change of perspective in a profession, and challenges viewpoints to become truly holistic.

Diane Pataki

About the Writer:
Diane Pataki

Diane Pataki is a Professor of Biological Sciences, an Adjunct Professor of City & Metropolitan Planning, and Associate Vice President for Research at the University of Utah. She studies the role of urban landscaping and forestry in the socioecology of cities.]

Diane Pataki

One of the key ingredients that can make or break interdisciplinary collaborations is respect.
In this roundtable about collaboration, I’ve ironically decided to write this essay non-collaboratively. But I do so to take the opportunity to write a note of deep gratitude to my dear friend and closest collaborator, fellow TNOC contributor Stephanie Pincetl.

Stephanie and I have virtually nothing in common in terms of disciplinary background. I am a quantitative ecosystem scientist who has spent my career making physiological and physical measurements of the urban environment, placing probes in trees and soils, measuring isotopes of various elements, and applying statistical and computational models of plant-atmosphere interactions. Stephanie has a Ph.D. in urban planning and has worked in environmental justice, land use politics, and urban governance. But over the last 14 years or so, our collaborative work on the role of vegetation and greenspace in cities has resulted in many of my most exciting, gratifying, and simply fun projects.

We met years ago through a mutual colleague (the path-breaking soil scientist Susan Trumbore), who invited Stephanie to give a lecture on urban ecosystem services. Years ahead of her time, Stephanie presciently saw the many emerging challenges in feasibly designing, planning, and managing cities to accommodate nature in different ways. My research at the time, and still today, was focused on measuring ecosystem services, and so a collaboration was born. However, I’ve had many, many interdisciplinary collaborations over the years, and this one turned out to be special. This roundtable has given me the opportunity to ponder why

Interdisciplinary collaborations between ecologists and social scientists were popularized at least 20 years ago, when funding agencies such as the U.S. National Science Foundation incentivized the formation of research teams that could take on complex environmental challenges, such as Biocomplexity in the Environment.  As part of one of those early teams, I met social scientists who specialized in studying interdisciplinary team dynamics. From them I learned that one of the key ingredients that can make or break interdisciplinary collaborations is respect. Teams that breakdown or fail to coalesce are often composed of one or more members who feel their expertise and contributions are not truly respected by their collaborators. Conversely, strong teams respect the value of each other’s disciplines, expertise, and accomplishments.

Although I had a pretty poor understanding of the qualitative social sciences when I began to collaborate with Stephanie, I immediately respectedher clear thinking, sharp assessments of environmental and social issues, and creative solutions to the persistent problems that plague modern cities. She also conveyed a deep understanding and appreciation for the uncertainties about the functioning of designed landscapes that characterize urban ecology. Together, we have now jointly unraveled many interesting findings about fundamental relationships between people and urban nature that will, we hope, help us better steward urban landscapes and human-non-human interactions in the future.

It’s impossible to know exactly what would have happened if this collaboration had not materialized, but I’m quite sure I would have learned far less about cities and their human and non-human inhabitants. Is it possible to really understand the ecology of urban plants without studying the reasons, the history, and the goals of the people that planted them? Can we adequately plan and manage urban greenspace without a deep knowledge of how people and nature interact? For me, the answer is clearly no.

Notably, it was Stephanie who introduced me to TNOC and its amazing community (you can read our first joint contributionhere). These days, our work is so intertwined that some people, amazingly, have asked me if we come from exactly the same discipline. Certainly we don’t, but I hope it’s true that in the end we played a part in developing the “transdiscipline” that studies the interface of people and urban nature. And that is probably the best collaborative outcome of all.

Many thanks to Stephanie and our other friends and colleagues. Onward!

Wilson Ramirez Hernandez

About the Writer:
Wilson Ramirez Hernandez

Wilson Ramirez Hernandez Ph.D., is a Senior Researcher (Coordinator) in the Alexander von Humboldt Institute, is the coordinator of the territorial management program, he is Lead Author in the IPBES objective 3bi (land degradation and restoration), and he is working in urban restoration and urban sustainable indicators.

Wilson Ramirez

I´ve decided to include an expert in the interface of science and policy into my regular team, in order to establish clearer connections and more relevant interpretations of environmental information for policy stakeholders.
As a researcher in urban issues, I recently had the big challenge to work closely with a mayor and his team in a medium-sized city. The idea was to include some environmental variables and indicators into the landscape planning of the city and its surroundings.

At the beginning I felt a kind of short-circuit between the classical scientific language and the decision making and territorial management language used in the mayor´s team. The good point is after a couple of months, my team and I understood that we were discussing the same concerns, but with different words. After that experience, I´ve decided to include an expert in the interface of science and policy into my regular team, in order to establish clearer connections and more relevant interpretations of environmental information for policy stakeholders.

Recently, a new urban sustainability project has begun, and I feel confident about the new results. As a conclusion, I believe that if we want to be more impactful in our work as scientists, especially in urban contexts, the more diverse the team is, the better results you will have. This is a special conclusion mainly for science research institutes, where the natural way of working is among only a few colleagues who share the same expertise.

Bruce Roll

About the Writer:
Bruce Roll

Bruce is the Director of Watershed Management for Clean Water Services (www.cleanwaterservices.org) and the nonprofit Clean Water Institute (CWI) in Hillsboro, Oregon.

Bruce Roll

What I find most inspiring about this story is what we are able to achieve when we share a common set of values and inspiring language. This approach forced me and CWS to move from transactional to transformative partnerships.
Having worked for public utilities and local governments for the better part of thirty years, I have been blessed with some interesting collaboration opportunities. A dozen plus years ago I was given a rare opportunity to work for Clean Water Services (CWS), a regional public wastewater and stormwater utility in northwestern Oregon.

Heron at Fernhill Wetlands.

In 2005, CWS received one of USA’s first discharge permits that allows for water quality trading in the Tualatin River Watershed. This permit allowed CWS to invest in riparian restoration instead of costly hard infrastructure, such as water chillers estimated to cost over 150 million dollars. At this time, local governments were witnessing two huge watershed stressors: climate change and prolific urbanization. Creating a resilient watershed able to survive these challenges would require a scale of action far beyond the wheel house of my utility, and demonstrated a need to find transformational partners capable of bringing additional resources to the table.

Tualatin

As CWS began to implement its new riparian restoration program, it became clear that we would need to think outside the box, find new partners, and create a new language. A language that engaged and inspired. Utilities are very good at planning, modeling, and constructing hard infrastructure, but often struggle when designing projects for Mother Nature. If we had used the classic utility model, it would have meant paying for costly access easements, minimizing distractions like parks and trails, thinking of mitigation as a one-time transaction, and pursing the easiest compliance outcome. That approach would have also resulted in high project costs and, most likely, an inability to achieve landscape-scale results. Wanting to avoid this inefficient approach, I sought the support of parks and open space groups that had land but limited resources for restoration or maintenance.

I learned very quickly that words like mitigation, compliance, discharge permit, and trading were part of my utility jargon, but certainly did not inspire or engage parks and open space groups. They looked at me like I was a one-eyed monster from the sewage lagoon trying to pull a fast one. Luckily, I was able to step back, stand in their shoes, and reengage with a new vocabulary that talked about values like watershed resilience, biodiversity, stewardship, cultural heritage, sustainable economies, recreation and human health. It was truly amazing how quickly we went from “No” to “Go, Go, Go”. Now, 15 years later, we have found a home for 10 million native plants, and restored 150 river miles across 25,000 plus acres in the Tualatin River Watershed (www.jointreeforall.org). What started as a utility’s regulatory compliance opportunity is now a group of over 30 partners working together to create a healthy and resilient watershed.

What I find most inspiring about this story is what we are able to achieve when we share a common set of values and inspiring language. This approach forced me and CWS to move from transactional to transformative partnerships. In many cases it took years of hard work to create the transformative partnerships that were necessary to move to scale, but when I look at the 700 plus projects that we accomplished together, I see that it was all well worth it.

David Simon

About the Writer:
David Simon

David Simon is Professor of Development Geography at Royal Holloway, University of London and until December 2019 was also Director of Mistra Urban Futures, an international research centre on sustainable cities based at Chalmers University of Technology, Gothenburg, Sweden.

David Simon

Social scientist and local authority official and consultant

The partnership worked effectively because of key champions, but also because our team was able to generate synergies of interest among the participating partners that benefited all concerned.
This experience represents one example of the transdisciplinary as well as interdisciplinary approach to tackling so-called “wicked” problems around transitions and transformations to urban sustainability that characterise the work of Mistra Urban Futures, which I lead.

Mistra Urban Futures is an international research centre on urban sustainability that experiments with various forms of transdisciplinary co-design/-creation or -production methodologies in formal transdisciplinary institutional partnerships. In this sense, transdisciplinarity refers to academic and various policy and practice stakeholders working together into research partnerships—as distinct from interdisciplinarity, which refers to people from different academic disciplines working together.

As a partner in the Campaign for an Urban Sustainable Development Goal from 2014, I realised the potential value of using the four cities where Mistra Urban Futures at that stage had transdisciplinary research platforms to test the draft targets and indicators for what became Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG 11, the urban goal). Despite the great diversity of skills and experience within the Campaign, debate and dialogue could only get us so far and to be able to provide feedback to the UN statistical team on the basis of real-world testing would be a huge advantage. With additional funding, we then undertook an intensive 3-month pilot project in early-mid-2015 to work with the local authorities in our four platforms (Gothenburg (Sweden), Greater Manchester (UK), Cape Town (South Africa), and Kisumu (Kenya))–and we added Bangalore (India), to provide an almost-megacity in Asia for even greater diversity of conditions and operational challenges.

The challenges of setting up and running the experiment were considerable, not least in terms of the short timeframe but also all the well-known differences of priorities, operational protocols and procedures, budgetary constraints and staff availability. The project was designed centrally but operationalised and implemented locally by each of our city platforms and the team in Bangalore at the Indian Institute for Human Settlements. The example here focuses on Cape Town, but each city case study threw up specific challenges.

The immediate issue in Cape Town was that the formal partnership underpinning the research platform was between the academic host and partner, the African Centre for Cities at the University of Cape Town, and one particular department in the City of Cape Town (i.e. the municipality). For a combination of the above reasons, the head of that municipal department was not well disposed to participation in the project or even the idea of developing a new set of targets and indicators, because South African metropolitan authorities were at that time overwhelmed with performance and compliance demands from central government in the form of overlapping indicator sets.

Participation in the project depended on finding a different path. The leadership of the Cape Town platform used personal connections to discuss the proposal more widely in the municipality. Fortunately, the head of one integrative department saw the point of the exercise and also the value to the City of having a “dry run” of activities on which it would have to report annually from 2016-30 in any event. She became the crucial institutional “champion”, along with a former municipal employee and at that time a consultant working with the national Treasury (finance ministry) to harmonise reporting indicators for metropolitan authorities.

Not only did the partnership work effectively because of these champions but because our team was able to generate synergies of interest among the participating partners that benefited all concerned, as well as contributing to a successful project that helped refine the final targets and indicators of what became SDG 11. It enhanced the partnership’s existing relations of trust and has led to an extremely fruitful ongoing partnership implementing a longer term follow-up project on how the City is engaging with the SDGs and New Urban Agenda.

For further details, see the following Open Access papers:

D. Simon, H. Arfvidsson, G. Anand, A. Bazaaz, G. Fenna, K. Foster, G. Jain, S. Hansson, L. Marix Evans, N. Moodley, C. Nyambuga, M. Oloko, D. Chandi Ombara, Z. Patel, B. Perry, N. Primo, A. Revi, B. van Niekerk, A. Wharton and C. Wright (2016) ‘Developing and testing the Urban Sustainable Development Goal’s targets and indicators – a five-city study’, Environment and Urbanization28(1), pp. 49-63 (my contribution 30%), http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247815619865.

Z. Patel, S. Greyling, D. Simon, H. Arfvidsson,N. Moodley, N. Primo and C. Wright, (2017) ‘Local responses to global sustainability agendas: learning from experimenting with the urban Sustainable Development Goal in Cape Town’, Sustainability Science 12(5), pp. 785-797 DOI 10.1007/s11625-017-0500-y.

Dimitra Xidous

About the Writer:
Dimitra Xidous

Dimitra Xidous is a Research Fellow in TrinityHaus, a research centre in Trinity College Dublin’s School of Engineering that focuses on co-creation and the intersection between the built environment, health, wellbeing inclusion, climate action and sustainability. She is an Executive Editor of SPROUT, an eco-urban poetry journal, run in partnership with The Nature of Cities.

Dimitra Xidous

Something I have always felt to be true of collaboration: it is an act of translation. And trust.
I am currently collaborating with printmaker and artist Ria Czerniak-LeBov on a text and visual project entitled “(M)other, M(other): In Which We Speak About Our Mothers”. Exploring the links between (m)otherhood(s), (m)other tongue(s), and (m)otherland(s), at its heart, “(M)other, M(other)” is an act of remembrance.Over the last two years, we have looked and we are looking back at our mothers in photographs, photographs of them in time (before us) and in place (in Greece, in Ireland, in Canada). The collaboration recalls the places our mothers once were, and using the mediums of poetry and copper plate etching, we are placing them at the centre of a re(membering). In and at the centre of this re(membering), we are re(visiting), re(inserting), and re(inventing) our mothers in fragments (of what we know, what we are being shown) re(collected) and re(called) in photographs of times and places, of our mothers before us—before they become our mothers.

The collaboration between myself and Ria has been slow, and incredibly fulfilling; to have taken our mothers as starting points from which to examine otherness, language, and absence (to list only a few of the themes floating up to the surface) was as much an ambitious as well as a loving endeavour. In between ambition (our creative drives) and love (for our mothers) lies the big challenge: how to ensure, via our chosen mediums, we meet the goals we have set out, both with respect to engaging across our disciplines (the process of collaboration), and the project itself, as a stand-alone art piece (the product of collaboration).

For me, the challenge manifested itself in two ways. Firstly, I discovered I could not “write” Ria’s mother (I don’t know her, will never know her). This not-knowing is a constraint I had not anticipated I would need to learn to work within; it has forced me to write differently. Poems which reference Ria’s mother are built from details Ria has told me about her; fragments of memories of when Ria was a little girl. In the beginning, I thought my writing for the project would be a root (act like one), something to keep me steady – a root to root me in time and in place.  A foundation. A narrative. In some way, and because of this rootedness, I thought my poetic acts of re(membering) would pull the fragments to whole, again—for both her mother, and mine. Instead, I find myself writing poems that mirror the prints Ria is producing; this was not my original intention, and while there is a narrative emerging, it is not the one I had anticipated, or imagined, or wanted (don’t ask me to describe what I wanted; I don’t remember anymore). But: I am working with, not against, the constraint because it is showing me something I have (always) felt to be true of collaboration: it is an act of translation. We are speaking to each other, across poetry and print, and coming to (new) terms. This has been good.

Secondly, I would be remiss if I did not highlight a challenge, which, if I am being honest, is due more to subject matter, than the collaboration process itself (nevertheless, the latter has shed new light on the former): it was, in the beginning, difficult for me, to see my mother (as a little girl) re(membered) in Ria’s work. She seemed (mis)placed, not re(membered); (mis)represented, not re(invented); (mis)aligned, not re(inserted). I’ve since come around to it; I see now, my discomfort was due to having (mis)understood the medium of print: it is not reproduction or a copy. Print doesn’t work that way. Ria understands this, can trust the process. And so: I had to learn to see my mother through her eyes, her medium. I trust it too, now.

 

A group of people on bikes and motor scooters driving down a flooded street

What if Mobility Due to Climate Extremes Is a Crisis for Some but an Adaptation Measure for Others?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Whether it is crisis-ridden or adaptive climate mobilities, at whatever urban scale, mobility amidst climate extremes in cities can no longer be understood along the notions of global connectedness, the possibility of geographically spreading risk, or global solidarity at the time of response to disaster.

The United Nations Disaster Risk Agency holds that “displacement means situations where people are forced or obliged to leave their homes or places of habitual residence because of a disaster or to avoid the impact of an immediate and foreseeable natural hazard. Such displacement results from the fact that affected persons are (i) exposed to (ii) a natural hazard in a situation where (iii) they are too vulnerable and lack the resilience to withstand the impacts of that hazard. It is the effects of natural hazards, including the adverse impacts of climate change, that may overwhelm the resilience or adaptive capacity of an affected community or society, thus leading to a disaster that potentially results in displacement. Disaster displacement may take the form of spontaneous flight, an evacuation ordered or enforced by authorities or an involuntary planned relocation process. Such displacement can occur within a country (internal displacement), or across international borders (cross-border disaster displacement)”[i].

But what if mobility due to climate extremes is a crisis for some but an adaptation measure for other city residents? From the crisis point of, the extent of urban flood displacement risk is explained by how many of us live in urban settings, and how common floods are. Much of the world’s population lives in towns and cities. Estimates are that by 2050 66% of us will live in urban settings, many of us in informal settlements[ii]. Floods are the most common hazard to affect towns and cities around the world. More than 17 million people are at risk of being displaced by floods each year. Of these, more than 80 per cent live in towns and cities. Flood displacement risk is highest in South Asia, East Asia, and the Pacific, and is high and rapidly increasing in Sub-Saharan Africa[iii].

A group of people carrying a coffin through muddy water and rain
Pallbearers carry a coffin at the ceremony for some of the people who lost their lives following heavy rains caused by Cyclone Freddy in Blantyre, southern Malawi, March 2023. Credit: AP Photo/Thoko Chikondi

What has changed? Climate crisis events that used to happen once in a decade, now occur multiple times in a matter of months!

The year 2023 has provided bitter evidence that we are living in a world of perpetual crisis, with astounding flood-induced disasters in Derna-Libya to the wildfires in Hawaii that devastated Maui, fatal landslides in Cameroon’s capital of Yaoundé and south-eastern state São Paulo, overflows in the Indian state of Sikkim and hundreds of millions across the US, Europe, and Asia hit by severe Heat. With three months of 2023 still left and damages from several recent disasters still being calculated, the cost to cities as habitats for most of humanity could surpass previous years.

Based on the relentless media coverage and official inquiries, it would be natural to deduce that the tragic events on September 10 in the flood-ravished eastern Libyan city of Derna, with its destruction and heavy death toll of more than eleven thousand, was a catastrophe aggravated by the collapse of two dams that were decades old[iv]. The city of Derna was devastated by flash floods following the passage of storm Daniel which caused havoc across the Mediterranean Sea. A quarter of all buildings in Derna have been affected: almost 900 buildings destroyed, more than 200 partly damaged, and almost 400 completely submerged in mud[v].

A large group of piled up, crashed cars in muddy flood waters
Damaged vehicles are seen at the port city of Derna, eastern Libya, 14 September 2023, in the wake of Storm Daniel and the collapse of two dams that caused devastating floods and swept away entire neighborhoods. Credit: EPA/STRINGER

Therefore, there is a need for the creation of a human settlement resilience framework for early warning, foresight, risk reduction, crisis response, and post-crisis recovery and reconstruction[vi]. Also, urban planning and funding for urban development must take natural hazards and climate change-related risks, especially flooding, into consideration to prevent future disasters[vii].

However, the complex pattern of urban climate mobilities calls on us to shine a light on both the crisis challenges and adaptation opportunities[viii][ix]. If adaptation refers to any human response taken to cope with changes in the external environment to survive the impacts with minimal damage and improve living conditions in a given habitat, then when urban residents decide or are forced to move due to climate extremes ― whether sudden or slow ― their mobility is an adaptation strategy that allows them to minimize harm for themselves and/or improve their overall lives. We also need to remember that the decision, as well as the ability to migrate, are intrinsically linked to the question of pre-existing vulnerabilities ― many individuals do not have the financial and social means to plan for and act upon their migration aspirations. In some cases, people may be unwilling to leave because of uncertain prospects elsewhere, or because leaving would result in losses in terms of land and assets; they may thus choose to stay in areas at risk, exposing themselves to even greater danger.

On trans-local adaptive mobilities in Kampala city

In Kampala city, Uganda, though floods do not generally have a very long duration ― normally lasting from several hours to at most two days ― they do on one hand cause major disruptions in transport and can lead to the spread of malaria and cholera, while on the other hand, the urban poor, whose choice of where to live is driven by a series of trade-offs between what is affordable, proximity to income earning opportunities, social networks, and kinship ties, may not move out of hazard-prone areas. Due to the overlapping nature of challenges and opportunities associated with residency in flood-prone areas, low-income Kampalans can choose two adaptation measures: i) temporary relocation (this is largely voluntary, within and outside the settlements); and ii) permanent relocation (both voluntary and involuntary, within and outside the settlement). Temporary relocation can be seen as a coping response to the emergency since people often return to their homes immediately after the waters recede. Since floods occur frequently, populations have become used to tackling the consequences by seeking temporary shelter in various places. Residents relocate temporarily during flood events within their settlements, either to a friend or relative whose place is less prone to flooding or where the water doesn’t enter the house.

A group of people on bikes and motor scooters driving down a flooded street
Motorists maneuver through the flooded roads in Kampala city following a heavy down pour on October 10, 2018. Photo: Edgar Batte

Permanent relocation is considered by the affected people to be a normal or near-normal adaptation strategy for flooding. Populations that have relocated permanently also view it as a coping mechanism and survival strategy. However, permanent relocation is a choice not available to everyone as it depends on resources, information, and other social and personal factors. Most of the permanent relocations were from areas that are highly prone to flooding to areas that are less prone or not prone at all.

The tipping points, conditions, or thresholds at which a series of flood events or incidents become significant enough to cause households or individuals to relocate permanently are: when the floodwaters inundate the houses frequently during rainy seasons; constant loss and damage of property; frequent health risk during rainy seasons (with diseases such as cholera, foot diseases, and diarrhea); destruction of livelihoods; the high cost of managing floods, which in the long run puts a strain on their income; children at risk of drowning and illness; children skipping school for fear of drowning; general frustration with the situation. When flooding events coincide with economic or social stressors, the potential for relocation becomes more and more significant[x].

To be “trapped”, individuals must not only lack the ability to move but also either want or need to move. The people living and continuing to stay in flood-prone areas can use flood risk as an opportunity whereby living with the risk provides an opportunity to establish or maintain an income flow that would otherwise not be possible.

Conclusion:

Climate mobilities can be a crisis or an adaptation measure, but what happens if geographically distant places face risks simultaneously due to the global and systemic character or multiplicity of crises?

This concluding question implies that whether it is crisis-ridden or adaptive climate mobilities, at whatever urban scale, mobility amidst climate extremes in cities can no longer be understood along the notions of global connectedness, the possibility of geographically spreading risk, or global solidarity at the time of response to disasters. On the one hand, adaptive climate mobility can be a sign of plummeting global solidarity, like in the case of the Libyan city of Derna where it is mostly wealthy emigrants investing a portion of their monetary savings into the homeland. At a trans-local level, adaptation failure could be when the risk-mitigation strategies of the urban poor fail to match the scale, severity, and frequency of disasters. But even in this case, the last option that urban residents could take, especially in countries where government and global responses are inadequate, could be still mobility as adaption at the expense of their own well-being and risk of mortality. Therefore, there is a need for more research that is at the intersection of crisis-ridden and adaptive climate mobilities in cities.

Buyana Kareem
Kampala

On The Nature of Cities

[i] UNDRR. 2019. Words into Action guidelines – Disaster displacement: How to reduce risk, address impacts, and strengthen resilience

[ii] https://floodresilience.net/resources/item/assessing-urban-disaster-displacement-risk/

[iii] https://floodresilience.net/blogs/climate-adaptation-remains-woefully-underfunded-wealthy-nations-must-pay-their-fair-share/

[iv] https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/derna-libya-dams-international-community/

[v] https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/09/1141242

[vi] https://unhabitat.org/news/15-sep-2023/flash-appeal-urban-crisis-response-to-the-catastrophic-floods-in-derna-libya

[vii] https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1748-9326/abc586

[viii] https://www.nature.com/articles/478477a

[ix] https://comparativemigrationstudies.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s40878-019-0163-1

[x] Kisembo, T., 2018. Flood risk-induced relocation in urban areas. Case studies of Bwaise and Natete, Kampala (Master of Science dissertation, Makerere University).

A woman standing in front of a brightly colored mural of a woman's head

What if Women Designed the City? A Voyage from Brutalism to Biophilia

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Biophilic design as informed by women can foster healthier and more beautiful places and holds the potential to rectify the negative impacts that brutalist architecture descending from modernist planning has codified in sterile and unsociable housing schemes.

Nestled within the lively and restless Leith neighbourhood stands the iconic curved structure of Cables Wynd House, immortalised in Irvine Welsh’s novel “Trainspotting” and referred to by locals as the Banana Flats. Constructed in the 1960s, Cables Wynd is considered one of Britain’s greatest post-war buildings designed in the Brutalist concrete style, widely deployed within the ambitious urban redevelopment initiatives of the time. As one of Scotland’s premier examples of ‘Brutalist’ architecture, the building received an “A” listing in 2017 from Historic Environment Scotland. This designation signifies the highest level of historic recognition a building can attain in Scotland. How is it to live in such a building from a woman’s perspective?

A woman standing in front of a brightly colored mural of a woman's head
A voyage from brutalism to biophilia. Credit: May East

In my recent research conducted through walking interviews with 274 women in Perth, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, which culminated in the book What if Women Designed the City?, several participants referred to how they learned to live but not love modernist social estates.

A large multi-level building with balconies
Cables Wynd a striking piece of modern architecture. Credit: May East

There are multiple ways to describe the capacity of a system to change and reinvent itself. What follows is an exploration of how biophilia could bring more vitality and viability to the bio-cultural-spatial uniqueness of brutalist-inspired social housing of the past through the eyes of women, seen as experts in their housing estates.

Why is Brutalist architecture so uncanny?

Brutalism is an architectural style that emerged during the 1950s in Europe and the United Kingdom before spreading to other places of the world. In the UK, it informed the reconstruction projects of the post-war era intended to replenish the battered housing stocks while raising the living conditions of the inner-city population residing in Victorian tenements throughout the country.

Brutalism emerged at a time of urgent need for large-scale, affordable residential architecture (van Huyssteen, 2022). Modernist planning was a popular idea and used as a solution to subdue, rescue, and transform the crowded, dirty, lively experience of street life, replacing them with the sterilised functionalism and alienating environments of new peripheral social housing estates. This process in the United Kingdom became known as “slum clearance”.

The overarching philosophy behind Brutalism focused on developing functional buildings with no ornamentation. Its distinctive architectural language is characterized by exposed raw concrete surfaces, heavy geometric forms, small windows with a minimum amount of solar exposure, rough and unfinished surfaces (Calder, 2012). Despite its blocky appearance, the term “brutalism” does not directly refer to the harsh or brutal appearance of the buildings. In fact, it’s a word play on the French term for raw concrete ― “béton brut”. Concrete is the second most utilised material globally, following water.

Regardless, the perceived indestructibility of béton brut was unfounded and the materials posed recurrent challenges for residents. Indeed, it did not take long for walls and structures to begin to deteriorate from the inside due to damp penetration, leaking balconies, and localised flooding. The outside realm was no less challenging, characterised by often badly lit streets and walkways, and windy, pointless, lonely, and dangerous open spaces empty of receptacle-like properties of the khôra (Derrida,1993) for the community to gather.

“What the planners gave us was houses, they gave us car parks and roads and nothing else” (Mary Queen, The Huts, Channel 4 documentary on Wester Hailes housing estate, 1985).

Over time, Brutalism became associated with urban decay and decline, due to the architectural style, flimsiness of materials, and an absence of meaningful public spaces between the buildings. It was suggested that the modernist style was to blame for a series of social problems such as segregation, drug trafficking, and crime. Before becoming a historic expression of architecture, Brutalism began to fade away in the 1980s, where it increasingly came to be regarded as cold, alienating, and detrimental to residents’ well-being.

A multi-level apartment building with small windows and benches outside
Design and construction materials affect people, their sense of place, and stimulate health or illness. Credit: May East

The Functional City

Brutalism was deeply rooted in the concept of the “functional city”, which had shaped earlier modernist architectural principles. These principles were formed during recurrent conferences of architects in the Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM), founded in 1928, and exemplified in Le Corbusier’s famous Unité d’Habitation in Marseille, France ― a post-war social housing project for 1,600 people.

The Athens Charter, supposedly produced by CIAM IV in 1933 (Gold, 1998) advocated for a functional and methodical land policy, with a rational separation of living, working, mobility, and leisure activities. Large-scale, tall, and widely spaced apartment blocks spread through rigid functional arteries and rational plans (Giedion, 1951) began to dominate over pre-existing aestheticism and the chaotic mesh of streets, shops, and residences.

The short narrow street of the slum succeeds where spacious redevelopment frequently fails.”  British architects Alison and Peter Smithson, who led a breakaway from CIAM in 1956.

The Athens Charter remains one of the most controversial trends in urban planning and still informs the core planning techniques adopted in zoning approaches, even if applied more flexibly at times. The urban form and spatial planning it promoted have had a lasting effect on the lives of contemporary women, particularly those residents of modernist housing schemes such as Cables Wind and Wester Hailes in Edinburgh and Drumchapel in Glasgow.

Infusing Biophilia into Brutalism

The word biophilia originates from the Greek, “philia” meaning “love of” and bio signifying “life”.  It refers to the inherent bonds humans can form with the other species and living systems they rely on. Biophilic urban design attempts to address the disconnect between people and the natural world brought about by the built environment and urban lifestyles.

Embedded in their everyday experience of the city, the participating women of my recent research were invited to reveal existing and potential opportunities for bringing more vitality and viability into the heart of their urban worlds. Based on these rich exchanges, women identified several biophilic leverage points that may infuse liveliness into their Brutal housing estates while supporting them and others who live in the areas to enhance their sense of belonging.

A group of women walking on a path through a vegetated area
Awakening biophilia as a collective urban exercise. Credit: May East

Reconnecting Broken Links

A participant of Wester Hailes in Edinburgh argued that “there is a broken link between inside and outside, with most of the community buildings such as the churches, social hubs very closed in, meaning you sit inside and cannot see outside”. In this context, and in particular with those members of the community who have ill health, “all they do is they go to these hubs, and they go back home’, and consequently they go ‘from one inside to the next inside”.

To open people up and lift their senses, women proposed bridging indoors with outdoors, spreading colour, natural materials, and paving the way to enlivening pockets of green.

A Drumchapel participant suggested the need to “start from inside and look out”. This means carefully observing the outside spaces you see and can access from communal spaces and consider widening windows, relocating doors, providing reassuring and uplifting pathways, and installing covered outdoor structures of varying sizes to facilitate informal play, gatherings, and local cultural events in natural spaces. Together, such changes can reconnect the broken links between indoors and outdoors.

Gardening for health and community

Healthy communities can only flourish in healthy environments. Sedentary lifestyles within social housing have created problems, especially a lack of outdoor stimulation, a rise in obesity, and Vitamin D deficiencies. The UK’s tradition of allotments has its roots in the industrialisation period of the 19th century when land was allocated by local authorities to the poor for the provision of food growing (NSALG, 2021). Allotment culture grew and consolidated during the World War years. Currently, in the cities of Edinburgh, Perth, and London, there is typically a seven to ten-year wait before a plot is allocated. Women I interviewed in these cities expressed their desire to expand existing food growing activities to improve health, social connectivity, as well as reduce food miles and the cost of living.

A few people sitting on benches in a green park
Murrayburn and Hailes Neighbourhood Garden attracts residents weekly to work in the gardens and socialise. Credit: May East

The initiative Growchapel Community Allotment Garden was originally developed as a way to tackle mental health and anti-social behaviour in a specific area of Drumchapel in Glasgow. Raised beds have been set up in an area of approximately 6.000m2 motivating and teaching community groups on how to grow food. The level of community engagement has been such that plans are in place to extend the allotments with additional growing plots, an outdoor learning area, an orchard, wildflower meadow, and foraging hedgerows.

Creating conditions for wildness returning

In general, women shared the view that they liked to spend time in green spaces that feel natural. How to make the existing green spaces less tidy while restoring the area to a wilder, less cultivated state was a recurrent topic in the walking interviews. For instance, a participant shared her experience of creating willow tunnels and planting wildflowers with kids ‘who experienced that they could co-create with nature’.

Another suggestion was linking pocket parks to burns, allotments to parks, urban woodlands to regional landscapes, providing a continuous experience for residents of all ages ― from childhood to adulthood ― to nurture love for living things; and for other living beings to move through urban landscapes more freely. By fostering connections between human and more-than-human nature we can support social and ecological systems to co-evolve and thrive, weaving more vitality into modernist un-settlements.

A colorful building with geometric murals painted all over the walls
Toilet block at Rocinha slum- women referred to how colour can lift the senses and engender a feeling that the world has been taken care. Credit: May East

Concrete-built Brutalism has left its mark in our urban environments. Biophilic design as informed by women can foster healthier and more beautiful places and holds the potential to rectify the negative impacts that brutalist architecture descending from modernist planning has codified in sterile and unsociable housing schemes. By reweaving broken links, fostering local food systems, and coevolving lively green arteries coursing through brutalist settlements, women may place biophilia at the heart of 21st-century urbanism.

To learn more about the 33 leverage points for making your city work better for women and girls, TNOC readers can pre-order the book What if Women Designed the City, by Triarchy Press using the promotional code TNOC2023.

May East
Edinburgh

On The Nature of Cities

References:

Calder, B. (2016). Raw Concrete: The Beauty of Brutalism. Random House.

Derrida, J. (1993). Khôra. Editions Galilée.

Giedion, S. (1951). A Decade of New Architecture – Les Congres Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM).  Zürich: Editions Girsberger.

Gold. J.R. (1998) Creating the Charter of Athens: CIAM and the Functional City. The Town Planning Review. Vol. 69, No. 3, pp. 225-247. Liverpool University Press.

The National Society of Allotment and Leisure Gardens (2021). Brief History of Allotments. [online] Available at: https://www.nsalg.org.uk/allotment-info/brief- history-of-allotments/

van Huyssteen, J. (2022). Brutalist Architecture – A Look at the Development of Brutalist Design. Art in Context.